ORIGINAL   NARRATIVES 
OF   EARLY  AMERICAN   HISTORY 


REPRODUCED  UNDER  THE  AUSPICES  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION 


GENERAL  EDITOR,  J.   FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  PH.D.,  LL.D. 

DIRECTOR    OF   THE    DEPARTMENT    OF    HISTORICAL   RESEARCH    IN   THE 
CARNEGIE   INSTITUTION   OF   WASHINGTON 


NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 
1650 — 1708 


*•-  It**'*      $     ,^o 

SSs 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES 
OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


NARRATIVES 
OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

165O— 1708 


EDITED    BY 


ALEXANDER  S.   SALLEY,  JR. 

SECRETARY  OF  THE  HISTORICAL  COMMISSION  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA 


WITH  TWO  MAPS  AND  A   FACSIMILE 


CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 
NEW   YORK 


COPYRIGHT,  1911,  BY 
CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


All  rights  reserved.  No  part  of  this  book 
may  be  reproduced  in  any  form  without 
the  permission  of  Charles  Scribner's  Sons 


NOTE 

WITH  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Salley,  the  general  editor  makes 
the  following  comments  upon  the  maps  reproduced  in  this  volume: 

The  "  Generall  Mapp  of  Carolina,"  used  as  frontispiece,  is  re 
produced  from  the  somewhat  larger  map  (8J  by  6  inches)  which 
appeared  in  the  first  volume  of  Richard  Blome's  Description  of  the 
Island  of  Jamaica,  with  the  Other  Islands  and  Territories  in  America, 
to  which  the  English  are  Related  (London,  1672).  It  will  be  ob 
served  that  it  is  adorned  with  the  eight  coats  of  arms  of  the  propri 
etors.  Of  these  Mr.  Salley  says  that  they  "are  almost  heraldically 
correct,  but  several  of  the  proprietors  quartered  their  family  arms 
with  those  of  other  sides  of  the  respective  houses,  and  their  seal  of 
the  province,  containing  their  eight  coats  of  arms,  displays  these 
quarterings."  The  map  extends  from  Cape  Henry  in  Virginia  to 
some  distance  down  the  coast  of  Georgia,  perhaps  as  far  as  the 
Altamaha.  The  portion  of  it  relating  to  North  Carolina  may  be 
compared  with  the  John  White  map  of  1585  or  1586,  printed  in 
the  volume  of  this  series  entitled  Early  English  and  French  Voyages, 
page  248. 

The  map  as  a  whole  reflects  the  imperfect  knowledge  available 
in  London  at  the  time  when  it  was  made.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
compiler  has  fallen  into  marked  confusion  of  mind  respecting  the 
position  of  Charles  Town.  The  first  settlement  of  that  name  had 
been  located  some  twenty  or  thirty  miles  up  the  Cape  Fear  River. 
The  Charles  Town  founded  in  1670  was  placed  on  the  west  side  of 
Ashley  River  and  before  long  transferred  to  the  present  position 
between  the  Ashley  and. Cooper  Rivers.  Blome's  map  indicates 
"Ashly  Riv."  near  his  Charles  Town  but  gives  the  latter  a  position 
near  Cape  Fear  and  not  far  from  the  old  site  on  the  Cape  Fear 
River.  The  proper  position  of  the  name  Ashley  would  be  against 
the  river  lying  between  "C.  Romano  "  and  "R.  Grandy"  (the 
North  Edisto).  Another  point  deserving  attention  is  that  Charles 

MS08908 


vi  NOTE 

Fort,  the  short-lived  Huguenot  establishment,  is  set  on  a  large  island 
east  of  "S.  Hellen's,"  the  two  islands  being  of  about  the  same  size; 
whereas,  as  has  been  explained  in  one  of  Mr.  Salley's  foot-notes, 
St.  Helena  is  a  large  island  east  of  Broad  River,  while  Charles  Fort 
was  on  a  small  island  formed  by  Broad  River,  Port  Royal  River, 
and  Pilot  Creek,  lying  southwesterly  from  St.  Helena. 

The  plan  of  Charles  Town  is  reproduced,  in  the  same  size  as 
the  original,  from  an  engraving  by  James  Akin,  in  the  second 
volume  of  Ramsay's  History  of  South  Carolina  (Charleston,  1809). 
The  plan  is  indicated  by  Dr.  Ramsay  as  taken  "  from  a  survey  of 
Edward  Crisp  in  1704."  The  original  cannot  now  be  found.  It 
is  perhaps  identical  with  a  map  which  Dr.  Ramsay  describes  in  his 
History  (II.  262)  as  having  been  preserved  among  the  papers  of 
the  distinguished  family  of  Prioleau.  Some  doubt  surrounds  the 
origin  of  the  map.  Mr.  Salley  finds  a  record  in  South  Carolina, 
of  date  1716,  reciting  a  grant  that  had  previously  been  made  to 
Edward  Crisp  of  London,  but  finds  nothing  further  to  identify 
him  with  South  Carolina.  He  signalizes  two  errors  of  fact  in  the 
"References"  which  are  placed  beneath  the  map.  N  is  marked 
as  Keating  L.  Smith's  Bridge  (wharf).  There  was  no  Keating  L. 
Smith  at  that  time;  the  owner  was  Keating  Lewis.  W  is  indicated 
as  the  scene  of  the  first  rice  patch  in  Carolina;  but  Mr.  Salley  con 
siders  this  to  have  no  historical  foundation.  In  general,  however, 
the  plan  is  correct.  It  may  be  compared  with  one  by  Herman 
Moll  which  constitutes  a  side  map  to  his  Map  of  the  Dominions  of 
the  King  of  Great  Britain  in  America,  1715. 

In  Dr.  J.  L.  E.  W.  Shecut's  Medical  and  Philosophical  Essays 
(Charleston,  1819),  there  is  a  chapter  (pp.  1-14)  "  Of  the  original 
Topography  of  Charleston,"  which  follows  the  lines  of  this  Ramsay 
map,  with  explanations,  and  identifications  of  its  landmarks  with 
those  of  the  author's  time. 

J.  F.  J. 


CONTENTS 

NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 
EDITED  BY  ALEXANDER  S.  SALLEY,  JR. 


PAGE 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE,  1650 1 

INTRODUCTION 3 

PREFACES    5 

Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  Observation 7 

Departure  of  Expedition      .........  8 

Arrival  at  the  Meherrin  Town 10 

Passage  of  the  Meherrin  River 12 

Tale  of  Powhatan's  Treachery 14 

Journey  down  the  Roanoke  River .        .15 

Return  Journey 17 

FRANCIS  YEARDLEY'S  NARRATIVE  OF  EXCURSIONS  INTO  CAROLINA,  1654  21 

INTRODUCTION 23 

The  Young  Fur-trader's  Expedition 25 

The  Indians  visit  Yeardley's  House 26 

Tales  of  the  Tuscaroras 27 

A  RELATION  OF  A  DISCOVERY,  BY  WILLIAM  HILTON,  1664     ...  31 

INTRODUCTION 33 

Landfall  of  the  Adventure 37 

Exploration  of  the  Combahee  River 38 

Recovery  of  the  English  Prisoners 39 

Correspondence  with  the  Spaniards 42 

Exploration  of  Port  Royal  and  its  Neighborhood        ....  43 

Of  Cape  Fear  River 45 

Of  Hilton's  River 48 

Reprisals  on  the  Indians 50 

New  England  Men  disparage  the  Country  .        .        .        •'•','•        .53 

Correspondence  with  the  Spaniards 53 

Proposals  to  the  First  Settlers 57  w 

A  BRIEF  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  CAROLINA,   BY  ROBERT 

HORNE  (?),  1666 63 

INTRODUCTION 65 

General  Description  of  Carolina .66 

vi/ 


viii  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Particular  Description  of  Cape  Fear  Region 67 

Productions  of  Earth,  Water,  and  Air 68 

Privileges  to  Settlers 71 

A  RELATION   OF  A  VOYAGE  ON  THE  COAST  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  CAR 
OLINA,  1666,  BY  ROBERT  SANDFORD    .  .        .        .        .75 

INTRODUCTION 77 

Address  to  the  Proprietors  .     —        .        .        .        .        .        .        .82 

The  Port  Royal  Discovery 83 

Sandford  takes  Command;  sets  out  to  Explore 85 

Explores  the  North  Edisto  River 87 

Visits  the  Indian  Town 90 

Explores  the  South  Edisto .        .        .        .92 

Stands  out  to  Sea  and  incurs  great  Danger 94 

Explores  St.  Helena  Sound 96 

Explores  Port  Royal  Sound 100 

Explores  Calibogue  Sound 103 

Leaves  Dr.  Woodward  with  the  Indians 105 

Lies  outside  Charleston  Harbor 106 

Returns  to  Charles  Town  (on  Cape  Fear) 107 

Testimonial  of  the  Principal  Gentlemen 107 

LETTERS  OF  EARLY  COLONISTS,  1670 109 

INTRODUCTION Ill 

Mr.  Mathew/s  Relation  of  St.  Katherina 114 

Mr.  Carteret's  Relation  of  the  Planting  at  Ashley  River      .         .         .116 

Letter  of  Joseph  West 120 

Letter  of  Governor  Sayle  and  Council 122 

A  FAITHFULL  RELATION  OF  MY  WESTOE  VOYAGE,  BY  HENRY  WOODWARD    125 

INTRODUCTION 127 

Sets  forth  from  Charles  Town 130 

Crosses  the  Edisto  and  the  Head  of  Port  Royal  River         .         .         .131 

Visits  the  Westo  Town         . 132 

Returns        .        '. ,      '„        .        ......        .        .        .        .134 

CAROLINA,  OR  A  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  THAT  COUNTRY, 

BY  THOMAS  ASHE,  1682 135 

INTRODUCTION     .        .        .        .   ,  \ 137 

Preface         .         .         .        ".        .        , 138 

The  Origin  of  Carolina        .........  140 

The  Soil,  Trees,  and  Vines 141 

Gardens  and  Vegetables       .         . 145 

Ambergris    ............  148 

Animals  and  Birds 149 

Fish,  Turtles,  and  Alligators 152 


CONTENTS  ix 

PAOB 

Minerals  and  Metals 155 

The  Natives,  their  Arts  and  Government 156 

The  Proprietors,  Towns,  and  Trade 157 

AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OP  CAROLINA,  BY  SAMUEL  WILSON,  1682  161 

INTRODUCTION 163 

Address  to  the  Proprietors 164 

The  Situation  and  Granting  of  Carolina 165 

The  Beginnings  of  Settlement 166 

The  Climate 167 

The  Soil  and  Natural  Productions 169 

The  Increase  of  Live  Stock 171 

The  Indians  and  Relations  with  them 172 

The  Privileges  granted  by  the  Proprietors 173 

Possibilities  of  Profitable  Agriculture 174 

LETTERS  OF  THOMAS  NEWE,  1682 177 

INTRODUCTION           < 179 

Arrival  in  Carolina;   Charles  Town;   Prices 181 

The  Fur-trade 183 

The  Increase  of  Live  Stock 184 

Inquiries  as  to  Books 184 

Hostilities  with  the  Spaniards 185 

Possibilities  of  Trade 187 

JOURNAL  OF  ELDER  WILLIAM  PRATT,  1695-1701 189 

INTRODUCTION 191 

The  Voyage  from  Boston 194 

Arrival  in  Charles  Town;  Search  for  a  Location        ....  195 

Elder  Pratt's  Second  Voyage 198 

Jottings  of  Subsequent  Events 199 

LETTER  OF  EDWARD  RANDOLPH  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE,  1699     .        .201 

INTRODUCTION 203 

Description  of  the  Province 204 

Attack  by  the  Spaniards 205 

Alarm  over  Settlement  of  Louisiana 206 

The  Making  of  Tar,  Pitch,  and  Turpentine 207 

Various  Enclosures  and  Requests 209 

REVEREND  JOHN  BLAIR'S  MISSION  TO  NORTH  CAROLINA,  1704       .        .211 

INTRODUCTION 213 

Arrival  in  Virginia;   Difficult  Journey  thence 214 

Ecclesiastical  Condition  of  North  Carolina          .      '  .        .        .        .215 

Discouragements  to  Missionary  Labors 217 


x  CONTENTS 

PAOB 

PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE,  1705      .        .        .        .        .       .219 

INTRODUCTION     .        .        .        *.^--vv       .        . '      «        .        .        .  221 

Considerations  on  Invasions  of  Liberty        .        .        .                 .        .  224 

The  Powers  of  the  Carolina  Proprietors 225 

The  Settlement  and  Charter  of  Carolina 227 

The  Legislative  Power  in  the  Province       V      V      .        .        .        .  229 

The  Fundamental  Constitutions 231 

The  Conduct  of  the  Proprietors  in  Governing     .        ...        .  232 

The  Representation  of  Colleton  County       ......  236 

Its  Complaints  as  to  Elections 238 

As  to  Relations  with  Indians  and  Spaniards 240 

Tyranny  of  the  Governor  and  Council;  Riots 242 

Appeal  to  the  Proprietors 245 

The  Mission  and  Death  of  John  Ash 247 

The  Petition  brought  over  by  Joseph  Boone 248 

The  Letter  of  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Blake 250 

The  Church  Act  of  1704 .253 

Defoe's  Criticisms  of  it 256 

The  Proprietors'  Reception  of  the  Remonstrances       ....  258 

Evil  Consequences  of  Intolerance 260 

111  Treatment  of  Rev.  Edward  Marston 262 

The  Necessity  of  Redress    .        .        .        ...        .        .        .264 

THE  PRESENT  STATE  OP  AFFAIRS  IN  CAROLINA,  BY  JOHN  ASH,  1706        .  265 

INTRODUCTION .  267 

Governor  Moore's  111  Conduct 269 

The  St.  Augustine  Expedition 272 

Riotous  Attacks  upon  the  Governor's  Opponents        ....  273 

Violence  at  the  New  Election ,  274 

A  NEW  DESCRIPTION  OF  THAT  FERTILE  AND  PLEASANT  PROVINCE  OF 

CAROLINA,  BY  JOHN  ARCHDALE,  1707 277 

INTRODUCTION     . 279 

Preface 282 

The  Course  of  Providence 284 

The  Discovery  of  America;  the  Carolina  Patent        ....  287 

General  Description  of  Carolina          .        •     .  • »        •        •        •        •  288 

The  Indians  and  their  Quarrels        .  ,,f,  :  .,.  j      .        .        .        .        .  289 

The  Soil  and  Climate 290 

The  Scottish  Settlement;   the  Possibilities  of  Trade     .        .        .         .292 

The  Propagation  of  the  Gospel 293 

The  Form  of  Government;   its  Early  Conduct 294 

Governor  Archdale's  Arrival;  his  Address 296 

The  Address  of  the  Commons  Assembly 298 

Letter  from  a  New  England  Man 299 

The  Governor's  Relations  with  the  Indians 300 

Governor  Moore  and  the  St.  Augustine  Expedition     ....  303 


CONTENTS  » 

fMttl 

Intolerance  of  the  High  Church  Party;  its  Unwisdom        .        .        .  305 

List  of  Proprietors 307 

Governor  Archdale's  Advice  for  the  Colony 308 

Recent  Signs  of  Prosperity          ........  310 

FROM  THE  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  IN  AMERICA,  BY  JOHN 

OLDMIXON,  1708 313 

INTRODUCTION            315 

Discovery  of  Carolina;  Spanish  Expeditions 317 

Settlements  of  the  French  in  Florida 318 

Castell's  Description  of  Carolina  in  1644 321 

The  Grant  by  King  Charles  II 322 

The  Fundamental  Constitutions;  Government  under  them         .        .  324 

The  Beginnings  of  Settlement;  Sayle's  Arrival 326 

The  Form  of  Government 327 

Governors  Yeamans  and  West 328 

The  Blake  Family;   Governor  Blake 330 

Governor  Morton  and  his  Parliament;  Governors  Kyrle  and  West    .  332 

Lord  Cardross's  Settlement 333 

Governor  Colleton  and  his  Successors 333 

Governor  Archdale;  the  Spaniards  and  the  Indians    ....  335 

Governor  Blake;   the  Election  of  Governor  Moore      ....  338 

The  St.  Augustine  Expedition 341 

Dissensions  and  Riots 345 

The  Church  Act  of  1704 348 

The  Remonstrance  brought  over  by  John  Ash 349 

Rev.  Edward  Marston's  Censures 351 

The  Proprietors'  Reception  of  the  Remonstrances       ....  353 

The  Appeal  to  the  House  of  Lords 354 

Its  Declaration  against  the  Church  Act 355 

Queen  Anne  annuls  the  Act 356 

New  Elections  for  the  Assembly 357 

Geographical  Description  of  Carolina,   its  Climate      ....  360 

The  Northern  Counties 361 

Charles  Town 362 

The  Southern  Counties 366 

The  Products  and  Commodities  of  the  Province         ....  368 

Recent  Signs  of  Progress 371 

List  of  the  Proprietors  and  Chief  Officers  .        .        .        .        .        .  373 

INDEX ,  375 


MAPS  AND  FACSIMILE  REPRODUCTION 

MAP  OP  CAROLINA,  FROM  RICHARD  BLOME'S  "DESCRIPTION  OF  THE 
ISLAND  OF  JAMAICA,"  etc.,  1672.  From  a  copy  of  the  original  in 
the  New  York  Public  Library Frontispiece 

PAGE 

TITLE-PAGE  OF  DANIEL  DEFOE'S  "PARTY-TYRANNY,"  1705.     From  a 

copy  of  the  original  in  the  Library  of  Congress 224 

PLAN  OF  CHARLES  TOWN,  BY  EDWARD  CRISP,  1704.  From  a  copy  of 
Ramsay's  "History  of  South  Carolina,"  in  the  New  York  Public 
Library 364 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE,  1650 


INTRODUCTION 

PRESUMING  on  the  claim  that  the  explorations  of  Sebas 
tian  Cabot  gave  the  British  government  sovereignty  over  that 
portion  of  North  America  lying  between  the  31st  and  36th 
degrees  of  north  latitude,  Charles  I.,  on  October  30,  1629, 
granted  it  to  his  attorney-general,  Sir  Robert  Heath,  for 
the  founding  of  a  province.  Sir  Robert  did  nothing  in  the 
way  of  settling  his  territory,  and  for  thirty  years  after  the 
grant  was  made  to  him  very  few  explorations  were  made  in 
that  country  and  very  little  was  written  about  it.  One  con 
tribution  to  the  subject,  however,  was  a  pamphlet  published 
in  London  in  1651,  containing  an  account  by  Edward  Bland, 
Abraham  Woode,  Sackford  Brewster,  and  Elias  Pennant  of 
an  expedition  made  by  them  in  August  and  September,  1650, 
into  that  part  of  the  domain  of  Carolina  next  to  Virginia,  to 
which  they  gave  the  name  New  Britain. 

Bland  was  a  merchant  of  Virginia  and  in  this  trading 
expedition  among  the  Indians  he  realized  that  the  Christian 
izing  of  the  Indians  and  settling  of  the  country  would  sooner 
advance  the  interests  of  the  province  of  Virginia  and  the 
merchants  and  traders  thereof.  Upon  his  return  he  and 
his  companions  petitioned  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  to  be 
allowed  to  make  discoveries  to  the  southward  and  to  estab 
lish  settlements  and  have  intercourse  with  the  Indians  there. 
The  petition  was  granted  on  condition  that  Bland  and  his 
associates,  in  effecting  the  settlement,  should  secure  them 
selves  with  a  hundred  able  men  sufficiently  supplied  with 
arms  and  ammunition. 

To  advance  their  undertaking  they  resorted  to  the  cus 
tomary  plan  of  publishing  a  pamphlet  designed  to  attract 


4        NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

and  interest  prospective  settlers.  They  gave  an  account  of 
each  day's  movements,  with  their  observations  of  the  topog 
raphy,  condition,  and  advantages  of  the  country  which  they 
had  journeyed  over  and  to  which  they  were  now  inviting 
settlers  to  come.  This  pamphlet,  first  printed  in  1651,  was 
reprinted  at  New  York  by  Joseph  Sabin  in  1873. 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE,  1650 

The  Discovery  of  New  Brittaine,  Began  August  27,  Anno  Dom. 
1650,  by  Edward  Bland j  Merchant,  Abraham  Woode,  Cap- 
taine,  Sackford  Brewster,  Ellas  Pennant,  Gentlemen. 

From  Fort  Henry,  at  the  Head  of  Appamattuck  River  in  Virginia, 
to  the  Fats  of  Blandina,  first  River  in  New  Brittaine,  which 
runneth  West,  being  120.  Mile  South-west,  between  35.  and 
37.  degrees,  (a  pleasant  Country),  of  temperate  Ayre,  and 
fertile  Soyle. 

London,  Printed  by  Thomas  Harper  for  John  Stephenson,  at 
the  Sun  below  Ludgate.  M.  DC.  LI.1 

To  the  Honorable,  Sir  John  Danvers,  Knight:2  Great  Favourer  of 
the  Westerne  Plantations,  and  a  Member  of  the  Parliament 
of  England. 
Noble  Sir: 

THE  great  Incouragement  that  I  have  found  from  your 
Worthy  selfe  to  propogate  the  Publique  Affaires,  as  well 
Forraigne  as  Domestique,  hath  imbolned3  mee  to  presume 
humbly  to  present  this  small  Piece  of  the  Discovery  of  the 
Westerne  Part  of  Virginia,  wherein  you  shall  finde  by  the 
Industry  of  the  Surveyors  of  that  Part,  the  great  Benefit 
that  may  accrew  to  the  English  Plantation;  in  regard  of 
the  many  and  severall  Commodities  that  may  thence  arise, 
by  reason  of  the  fertility  of  the  Soyle,  Nature  having  pro 
vided  so  plentifully  for  all  things,  that  with  no  extraordinary 
great  Charge  it  may  be  effected,  to  the  great  Profit,  and  more 
Glory  of  this  English  Nation:  And  whereas  your  selfe  hath 
beene,  and  still  are  a  Chiefe  Agent  in  that,  and  other  Plan- 

1  Text  of  the  title-page  of  the  original. 

•Sir  John  Danvers  (1588-1655)  had  been  a  prominent  member  of  the  Vir 
ginia  Company  and  in  1649  one  of  the  regicide  judges  of  Charles  I. 
3  Emboldened. 

5 


6  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1650 

tations,  so  (under  God)  you  may  be  a  meanes  for  converting 
divers  of  those  poor  Indians  to  the  Christian  Faith.  For 
the  World  doth  take  notice  you  observe  the  Orators  saying; 
That  you  were  not  borne  for  your  selfe,  but  for  your  Country: 
Which  that  you  may  ever  doe,  shall  be  the  Prayer, 
Sir, 

Of  your  most  humble  servant, 

J.  S. 


•  To  the  Reader. 

WHO  ever  thou  art  that  desirest  the  Advancement  of  Gods 
glory  by  conversion  of  the  Indians,  the  Augmentation  of 
the  English  Common- wealth,  in  extending  its  liberties;  I 
would  advise  thee  to  consider  the  present  benefit  and  future 
profits  that  will  arise  in  the  wel  set  ling  Virginia's  Confines, 
especially  that  happy  Country  of  New  Brittaine,  in  the  Lati 
tude  of  35.  and  37.  degrees,  of  more  temperate  Clymate  then l 
that  the  English  now  inhabite,  abounding  with  great  Rivers 
of  long  extent,  and  encompassing  a  great  part,  or  most  of 
Virginia's  Continent;  a  place  so  easie  to  be  settled  in,  in 
regard  that  Horse  and  Cattle  in  foure  or  five  dayes  may  be 
conveyed  for  the  benefit  of  Undertakers,  and  all  inconven- 
iencies  avoyded  which  commonly  attend  New  Plantations, 
being  supplied  with  necessaries  from  the  Neighbourhood  of 
Virginia. 

That  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  (as  may  be  seene  by  their 
Order  since  my  returne  hereto  procured)  have  conceived  a 
hundred  to  be  a  sufficient  force  and  competence  for  the  estab 
lishment  of  that  Country  in  which  Tobacco  will  grow  larger 
and  more  in  quantity.  Sugar  Canes  are  supposed  naturally 
to  be  there,  or  at  least  if  implanted  will  undoubtedly  flourish: 
For  we  brought  with  us  thence  extraordinary  Canes  of  twenty- 
five  foot  long  and  six  inches  round ;  there  is  also  great  store  of 
fish,  and  the  Inhabitants  relate  that  there  is  plenty  of  Salt  made 
to  the  sunne  without  art;  Tobacco  Pipes  have  beene  seene 
among  these  Indians  tipt  with  Silver,  and  they  weare  Copper 
Plates  about  their  necks:  They  have  two  Crops  of  Indian 
Corne  yearely,  whereas  Virginia  hath  but  one.  What  I 

1  Than. 


1650]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE  7 

write,  is  what  I  have  proved;  I  cordially  wish  some  more 
then  private  Spirits  would  take  it  into  their  consideration,  so 
may  it  prove  most  advantagious  to  particular  and  publick 
ends;  for  which  so  prayeth, 

Your  faithfull  servant, 

EDWARD  BLAND. 

October  20.  1650.    By  the  Assembly.1 

It  is  Ordered  by  the  Grand  Assembly,  that  according 
to  the  Petition  of  Mr.  Edward  Bland,  Merchant,  that  he 
the  sayd  Bland,  or  any  other  be  permitted  to  discover  and 
seate  to  the  Southward  in  any  convenient  place  where  they 
discover;  and  that  according  to  his  Petition  for  furthering  his 
Designes  hee  bee  permitted  to  have  correspondence  with 
the  Indians,  and  also  receive  the  benevolence  of  the  well- 
affected,  and  use  all  lawfull  meanes  for  effecting  thereof, 
provided  that  they  secure  themselves  in  effecting  the  sayd 
Designe  with  a  hundred  able  men  sufficiently  furnished  with 
Armes  and  Munition. 

JOHN  CoRKES,2  Cler.  Dom.  Com. 

Sir  Walter  Rawleighs  Observation  on  35.  degrees  Latitude. 

Paradise  was  created  a  part  of  this  Earth,  and  seated  in 
the  lower  part  of  Eden  or  Mesopotamia,  containing  also  a 
part  of  Shinar  and  Armenia;  it  stands  35  degrees  from  the 
Equinoctiall,  and  55  from  the  North-pole,  in  a  temperate 
Climate,  full  of  excellent  fruits,  chiefely  of  Palme-trees  with 
out  labour;  for  whereinsoever  the  Earth,  Nature,  and  the 
Sun  can  most  vaunt  that  they  have  excelled,  yet  shall  the 
Palme-tree  be  the  greatest  wonder  of  all  their  workes:  This 
tree  alone  giveth  unto  man  whatsoever  his  life  beggeth  at 
Natures  hand.  The  like  are  also  found  both  in  the  East 
and  West-Indies  as  well  as  in  Paradise,  which  Countries  are 
also  blessed  with  a  perpetuall  Spring  and  Summer,  etc.  Raw 
leighs  Marrow  of  History,  Page  42. 

1  Of  Virginia. 

8  Properly,  Corker.    "Clericus  Domus  Communis  "  =  Clerk  of  the  House  of 
Commons. 


8  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1650 

By  how  much  Adam  exceeded  all  living  men  in  perfection 
by  being  the  immediate  workmanship  of  God,  by  so  much 
did  that  chosen,  and  particular  Garden  exceed  all  the  parts 
of  the  Universall  World  in  which  God  had  planted  the  Trees 
of  Life,  and  Knowledge,  Plants  onely  proper,  and  belonging 
to  the  Paradise,  and  Garden,  of  so  great  a  Lord.  Ibid.,  p.  43. 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITAINE 

August  27.  1650.  The  Right  Honorable  Sir  W.  Berkly,1 
Kt.  being  Governour  and  Captaine  Generall  of  Virginia,  Edw. 
Bland  Merch.  Abraham  Wood  Capt.  Elias  Ponnant 2  and 
Sackford  Brewster  Gent,  foure  Men,  and  one  Indian  named 
Pyancha,  an  Appamattuck  for  our  Guide,  with  two  servants, 
foure  Horses  and  Provision,  advanced  from  Fort  Henry,  lying 
on  Appamattuck  River  at  the  fals,3  being  a  branch  of  James 
River,  intending  a  South  westerne  Discovery. 

This  day  wee  passed  over  a  branch 4  belonging  to  Black- 
water  lake,  running  South  east  into  Chawan  River;  at  that 
place  wee  were  forced  to  unlade  our  Carriages  by  reason  of 
the  great  raines  lately  fallen,  which  otherwise  is  very  pass 
able  for  foot,  being  firm  gravelly  ground  in  the  bottome,  and 
lieth  from  Fort  Henry  20.  miles,  and  some  12.  miles  from 
this  place  we  travelled  unto  a  deepe  River  called  the  Nottaway 
Creeke  some  100.  paces  over  sandy  bottomes  (and  with  a 
little  labour  may  be  made  passeable)  unto  a  Nottaway  Town 
lying  some  two  miles  from  the  River.  Hither  we  came  within 
night,  and  by  reason  of  our  suddaine  approach  and  hallowing 
of  Robert  Farmer  servant  to  Mr.  Bland,  the  Inhabitants  ran 
all  away  into  the  Woods,  with  their  Women  and  Children; 
therefore  by  us  it  was  named  Farmers  Chase.  After  our 
arrivall  there  within  a  small  space  of  time  one  Indian  man 
appeared,  and  finding  of  us  peaceable,  and  the  white  flag 
bore  before  us  by  our  Guide  whom  they  knew,  he  made  a 
hallow,  and  the  rest  came  in  from  their  sculking  holes  like 

1  This  is  not  the  proper  spelling,  Berkeley  being  the  way  that  Sir  William 
himself  and  his  brother,  John,  Lord  Berkeley,  spelled  the  name. 
9  Pennant.  *  Now  Petersburg,  Virginia. 

*  Presumably  Stony  Creek. 


1650]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE  9 

so  many  timerous  Hares,  and  shewed  us  what  curtesie  they 
could.  About  two  houres  after  came  to  us  Oyeocker  elder 
brother  to  Chounterounte  of  the  Nottaway  Kings,  who  told 
us  that  his  brother  Chounterounte,  and  other  of  the  Nottaway 
Kings  would  come  to  us  next  day  by  Noone,  and  that  the 
day  before  Chounterounte  and  all  his  men  had  been  a  hunting, 
and  it  hapned  that  Chounterounte  had  shot  one  of  his  brothers 
in  the  leg,  and  that  thereupon  he  was  gone  downewards.  We 
stayed  untill  next  day  at  Noone  but  he  came  not,  and  then 
we  journyed  unto  the  Towne  belonging  unto  Oyeocker,  who 
kindly  invited  us  thither,  and  told  us  he  thought  that  Choun 
terounte  would  meet  us  there,  and  also  of  his  owne  accord 
proffered  us  to  be  our  guide  withersoever  we  went.  The  Land 
generally  to  this  Towne  is  Champion,  very  rich,  and  the 
Towne  scituate  in  a  rich  levell,  well  timbered,  watered,  and 
very  convenient  for  Hogs  and  Cattle. 

August  28.  We  journied  with  our  new  entertained  Guide 
Oyeocker,  lying  betweene  South,  and  South  and  by  West, 
from  the  first  Towne  upon  a  very  rich  levell  of  Land :  sixteen 
miles  from  this  place  we  came  unto  the  River  Penna  Mount, 
being  another  branch  of  Chawan  River  eight  miles  on  the 
South  side  it  hath  very  rich  Land  and  Corn-fields  on  both 
sides  the  River,  and  is  about  200.  paces  wide,  and  runs  out 
with  elbowes:  at  the  place  of  our  passage  over  this  River  to 
this  second  Towne  is  shallow  upon  a  Sandy  Point,  and  with 
a  very  little  labour  may  be  made  passeable  both  for  foot  and 
horse,  or  any  Carriage  by  Land,  or  pentater  with  small  Boats, 
and  some  two  miles  higher  there  is  a  sound  passage  no  deeper 
then  a  mans  anckle:  Within  night  came  Chounterounte  unto 
our  Quarters  frowning,  and  with  a  countenance  noting  much 
discontent,  downe  he  sets,  and  lookes  about  him,  salutes  the 
English  with  a  scornefull  posture,  and  then  our  Appamattack 
Guide,  and  tels  him,  I  am  sorry  for  thee  friend,  thou  wilt 
be  knockt  on  the  head;  after  this  some  pause  was  made 
before  any  discourse,  expecting  the  English  would  begin,  but 
finding  us  slow,  he  thus  spake:  There  was  a  Wainoake  Indian 
told  him  that  there  was  an  Englishman  a  Cockarous  *  hard 
by  Captaine  Floods,  gave  this  Indian  Bells,  and  other  petty 
truck  to  lay  downe  to  the  Tuskarood 2  King,  and  would 

1  Ind.  cawcawaassough,  adviser.  •  Tuscarora. 


10  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1650 

have  hired  him  to  have  gone  with  him,  but  the  Wainoakes 
being  doubtfull  what  to  doe,  went  to  Captaine  Flood  for 
advice,  who  advised  them  not  to  go,  for  that  the  Governour 
would  give  no  licence  to  go  thither;  heere  upon  Chounter- 
ounte  was  by  us  questioned,  when  and  who  it  was  that  had 
told  him  so,  and  if  he  did  know  that  Wainoake  Indian,  to 
which  he  answered  doubtfully,  and  demanded  of  us  whither 
we  did  intend  to  go;  we  told  him  the  Tuskarood  King  had 
envited  us  to  trade,  and  our  Governour  had  ordered  us  to 
go,  and  speake  with  an  Englishman  amongst  them,  and  to 
enquire  for  an  English  woman  cast  away  long  since,  and  was 
amongst  those  Nations.  Chounterounte  perswaded  us  to  go 
no  further,  alleadging  there  was  no  English  there,  that  the 
way  was  long,  for  passage  very  bad  by  reason  of  much  raine 
that  had  lately  fallen,  and  many  rotten  Marrishes  and  Swampps 
there  was  to  passe  over,  in  fine  we  found  him,  and  all  his 
men  very  unwilling  we  should  go  any  further;  but  we  told 
them,  that  let  the  waies  and  passages  be  never  so  bad,  we 
were  resolved  to  go  through,  and  that  we  were  not  afraid 
of  him  nor  his  Nation,  nor  any  other,  for  we  intended  no 
injury,  and  that  we  must  go,  for  we  were  commanded  by  our 
King;  these  words  caused  Chounterounte  to  assimulate  a 
feare  in  his  countenance,  and  after  delivery  of  himselfe,  at 
our  going  away  next  day,  when  we  had  mounted  our  Horses, 
Chounterounte  came  privately  unto  us,  and  in  a  most  serious 
manner  intimating  unto  us,  that  he  loved  us,  and  our  Nation, 
and  that  he  lively  apprehended  our  danger,  and  that  our 
safety  concerned  him,  for  if  any  accident  hapned  otherwise 
then  good  to  us,  he  should  be  suspected  to  have  a  hand  in  it, 
and  withall  wished  us  to  go  no  further,  for  that  he  certainly 
knew  that  the  Nations  we  were  to  go  through  would  make 
us  away  by  treachery;  we  answered  him,  that  we  were  not 
afraid  to  be  killed,  for  that  any  one  of  us  were  able  to  deale 
with  forty  through  the  protection  of  our  great  God,  for  we 
were  commanded  by  our  King. 

August  29.  We  travelled  from  this  second  Town  to 
Maharineck,1  eight  miles  upon  barren  Champion  Lands, 
and  six  miles  further  is  a  branch  that  runnes  South  west, 

1  The  town  of  the  Meherrin  Indians,  an  Iroquoian  tribe  living  on  Meherrin 
River. 


1650]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE  11 

with  rich  Lands  upon  it;  and  from  thence  some  six  miles 
further,  is  a  Brooke  some  hundred  paces  over,  and  runnes 
South  and  a  little  to  the  West,  on  both  sides  of  the  Creek: 
for  fowre  miles  or  thereabouts,  is  very  rich  Lands,  well  Tim 
bered  and  Watered,  and  large  dry  Meadowes,  South  and  by 
West:  From  this  Creeke  is  another,  some  eight  miles  off, 
that  opens  it  selfe  into  divers  small  Guts,  made  by  the  inun 
dation  of  Freshes  of  Waters;  and  the  passage  lies  some  two 
hundred  paces  from  the  Path,  and  this  Creek  is  some  ten 
miles  from  Maharinecke  Towne,  and  was  by  us  named  New- 
combs  Forrest.  It  was  night  when  we  entred  into  Mahar- 
ineck,  where  we  found  a  House  ready  made  for  us  of  Matts; 
and  Corne  stalkes  layd  in  severall  places  for  our  Horses,  the 
Inhabitants  standing,  according  to  their  custome,  to  greet 
us:  and  after  some  discourse  with  their  Werrowance,1  a  Youth, 
to  whom  wee  presented  severall  gifts,  we  certified  them  the 
cause  of  our  comming  was  to  Trade  in  way  of  friendship,  and 
desired  the  great  men  that  what  Wares  or  Skins  the  Town 
did  afford,  might  be  brought  to  our  Quarters  next  morning; 
and  also  a  measure  for  Roanoak,2  which  they  promised  should 
be  done,  and  so  left  us  to  our  selves  a  while,  untill  wee  had 
refreshed  our  selves  with  such  provisions  as  they  had  set 
before  us,  in  most  plentifull  maner;  and  afterwards  the 
great  men  and  Inhabitants  came,  and  performed  divers  Cere 
monies,  and  Dancings  before  us,  as  they  used  to  doe  to  their 
great  Emperour  Apachancano,3  when  they  entertain  him 
in  most  solemne  maner  and  friendship. 

August  30.  Being  wearied  with  our  last  dayes  travell, 
we  continued  at  Maharineck,  and  this  day  spake  with  a 
Tuskarood  Indian,  who  told  us  that  the  Englishman  was  a 
great  way  off  at  the  further  Tuskarood  Towne,  and  wee 
hired  this  Tuskarood  Indian  to  run  before,  and  tell  his  Wer 
rowance  wee  intended  to  lay  him  downe  a  present  at  Hoco- 
mowananck,  and  desired  to  have  him  meete  us  there,  and  also 
wrote  to  that  effect  to  the  Englishman  in  English,  Latine, 
Spanish,  French  and  Dutch,  the  Tuskarood  promised  in  three 
dayes  to  meete  us  at  Hocomawananck.  In  the  afternoone 
came  two  Indians  to  our  Quarters,  one  of  whom  the  Mahar- 

1  Chieftain.  a  Wampum. 

3  Opechancanough,  Powhatan's  brother  and  successor. 


12  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1650 

inecks  told  us  was  the  Werrowance  of  Hocomawnanck  River, 
seemed  very  joyfull  that  wee  could  goe  thither,  and  told  us 
the  Tuskarood  would  have  come  to  us  to  trade,  but  that 
the  Wainoakes  had  spoken  much  to  dishearten  them  from 
having  any  trade  with  the  English,  and  that  they  intended 
divers  times  to  have  come  in,  but  were  afraid,  for  the  Wain 
oakes  had  told  them  that  the  English  would  kill  them,  or 
detaine  them,  and  would  not  let  them  goe  without  a  great 
heape  of  Roanoake  middle  high,  to  which  we  answered  that 
the  Wainoakes  durst  not  affirme  any  such  thing  to  our  faces, 
and  that  they  had  likewise  spoken  much  against  the  Tuska 
rood  to  the  English,  it  being  a  common  thing  amongst  them 
to  villefie  one  another,  and  tell  nothing  but  lies  to  the  Eng 
lish. 

This  day  in  the  morning  the  Maharineck  great  men  spake 
to  heare  some  of  our  guns  go  off:  Whereupon  we  shot  two 
guns  at  a  small  marke,  both  hitting  it,  and  at  so  great  a  dis 
tance  of  a  hundred  paces,  or  more,  that  the  Indians  admired 
at  it:  And  a  little  before  night  the  old  King  Maharineck 
came  to  us,  and  told  us,  that  the  people  in  the  Towne  were 
afraid  when  the  guns  went  off,  and  ran  all  away  into  the 
Woods.  This  night  also  we  had  much  Dancing. 

August  31.  Wee  went  away  from  Maharineck  South  East 
two  miles  to  goe  over  Maharineck  River,  which  hath  a  bottome 
betweene  two  high  land  sides  through  which  you  must  passe 
to  get  over,  which  River  is  about  two  hundred  paces  broad, 
and  hath  a  high  water  marke  after  a  fresh  of  at  least  twenty 
foot  perpendicular  by  the  trees  in  the  breaches  betweene  the 
River,  and  the  high  land  of  the  old  fields.  This  River  is  the 
Southerly  last  and  maine  branch  of  Chawan  River,  and  was 
by  us  named  Woodford  River,1  and  runs  to  the  Eastward 
of  the  South.  On  both  sides  of  Woodford  River  is  very 
much  exceeding  rich  Land,  but  especially  on  the  further 
side  towards  Hocomawananck.  /Imediately  after  the  passage 
over  this  River,  are  old  Indian  fields  of  exceeding  rich  Land, 
that  beare  two  Crops  of  Indian  Corne  a  yeare,  and  hath  timber 
trees  above  five  foot  over,  whose  truncks  are  a  hundred  foot 
in  cleare  timber,  which  will  make  twenty  Cuts  of  Board 
timber  a  piece,  and  of  these  there  is  abundance. 

1  Now  called  the  Mehemn. 


1650]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE  13 

As  also  exceeding  rich  Land,  full  of  great  Reeds  thrice  as 
big  as  the  largest  Arrow  Reeds  we  have  about  our  Plantations; 
this  good  Land  continues  for  some  six  miles  together  unto  a 
great  Swampp,  and  then  begins  a  pyny  barren  Champion 
Land  with  divers  Branches  and  Pecosans,  yet  very  passeable, 
running  South  and  by  West  unto  a  deepe  River  some  a  hun 
dred  paces  over,  running  South,  and  a  little  to  the  East, 
which  River  incloses  a  small  Island  which  wee  named  Brew- 
sters  Island,  some  eighteene  miles  from  Woodford  River  due 
South,  and  by  West,  with  very  exceeding  rich  Land  on  both 
side  of  it  for  some  sixe  miles  together,  and  this  River  we 
also  named  Brewsters  River,  it  being  the  first  branch  of 
Hocomawananck  River:1  and  a  little  lower  downe  as  the  River 
runs,  is  such  another  River  as  Chickahamine  River  (which 
is  a  mile  broad.) 

After  we  had  passed  over  this  River  we  travelled  some 
twenty  miles  further  upon  a  pyny  barren  Champion  Land 
to  Hocomawananck  River,  South,  and  by  West:  some  twelve 
miles-  from  Brewsters  River  we  came  unto  a  path  running 
crosse  some  twenty  yards  on  each  side  unto  two  remarkeable 
Trees;  at  this  path  our  Appamattuck  Guide  made  a  stop, 
and  cleared  the  Westerly  end  of  the  path  with  his  foote, 
being  demanded  the  meaning  of  it,  he  shewed  an  unwillingnesse 
to  relate  it,  sighing  very  much:  Whereupon  we  made  a  stop 
untill  Oyeocker  our  other  Guide  came  up,  and  then  our  Ap 
pamattuck  Guide  journied  on;  but  Oyeocker  at  his  comming 
up  cleared  the  other  end  of  the  path,  and  prepared  himselfe 
in  a  most  serious  manner  to  require  our  attentions,  and  told 
us  that  many  yeares  since  their  late  great  Emperour  Appa- 
chancano  came  thither  to  make  a  War  upon  the  Tuskarood, 
in  revenge  of  three  of  his  men  killed,  and  one  wounded,  who 
escaped,  and  brought  him  word  of  the  other  three  murthered 
by  the  Hocomawananck  Indians  for  lucre  of  the  Roanoake 
they  brought  with  them  to  trade  for  Otter  skins.  There 
accompanyed  Appachancano  severall  petty  Kings  that  were 
under  him,  amongst  which  there  was  one  King  of  a  Towne 
called  Pawhatan,  which  had  long  time  harboured  a  grudge 
against  the  King  of  Chawan,  about  a  yong  woman  that  the 

Roanoke  River.    The  explorers  apparently  went  to  its  mouth  and  then 
returned. 


14  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1650 

King  of  Chawan  had  detayned  of  the  King  of  Pawhatan: 
Now  it  hapned  that  the  King  of  Chawan  was  invited  by  the 
King  of  Pawhatan  to  this  place  under  pretence  to  present 
him  with  a  Guift  of  some  great  vallew,  and  there  they  met 
accordingly,  and  the  King  of  Pawhatan  went  to  salute  and 
embrace  the  King  of  Chawan,  and  stroaking  of  him  after 
their  usuall  manner,  he  whipt  a  bow  string  about  the  King 
of  Chawans  neck,  and  strangled  him;  and  how  that  in  me- 
moriall  of  this,  the  path  is  continued  unto  this  day,  and  the 
friends  of  the  Pawhatans  when  they  passe  that  way,  cleanse 
the  Westerly  end  of  the  path,  and  the  friends  of  the  Chawans 
the  other.  And  some  two  miles  from  this  path  we  came 
unto  an  Indian  Grave  upon  the  East  side  of  the  path:  Upon 
this  Grave  there  lay  a  great  heape  of  sticks  covered  with 
greene  boughs,  we  demanded  the  reason  of  it,  Oyeocker  told 
us,  that  there  lay  a  great  man  of  the  Chawans  that  dyed 
in  the  same  quarrell,  and  in  honour  of  his  memory  they  con 
tinue  greene  boughs  over  his  Grave  to  this  day;  and  ever 
when  they  goe  forth  to  Warre  they  relate  his,  and  other 
valorous,  loyall  Acts,  to  their  yong  men,  to  annimate  them  to 
doe  the  like  when  occasion  requires.  Some  foure  miles  from 
Hocomawananck  is  very  rich  Champian  Land:  It  was  night 
when  we  came  to  Hocomawananck  River  and  the  Indian 
that  came  with  us  from  Woodford  River,  and  belonged  to 
Hocomawananck,  would  have  had  us  quartered  upon  the 
side  of  a  great  Swampp  that  had  the  advantage  of  severall 
bottomes  of  the  Swampp  on  both  sides  of  us,  but  we  removed 
to  take  our  advantage  for  safety,  and  retreate,  in  case  any 
accident  should  happen,  which  at  that  time  promised  noth 
ing  but  danger,  for  our  Guides  began  to  be  doubtfull,  and 
told  us,  that  the  Hocomawananck  Indians  were  very  treacher 
ous,  and  that  they  did  not  like  the  countenances,  and  shape 
well;  this  place  we  named  Pyanchas  Parke:  about  three 
houres  after  we  had  taken  up  our  Quarters,  some  of  the  In 
habitants  came,  and  brought  us  roasting  ears,  and  Sturgeon, 
and  the  Hocomawananck  Indian  that  came  with  us  from, 
Woodford  River,  came  not  unto  us  untill  next  day,  but  his 
Warrowance  told  us  before  wee  came  from  Woodford,  hee 
could  not  come  untill  that  day  at  night.  The  next  day 
morning  after  our  comming  to  Hocomawananck  the  Inhabi- 


1650]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE  15 

tants  seemed  to  prepare  us  a  house:  But  we  about  eight  of 
the  clock  set  forward  to  goe  view  the  place  where  they  killed 
Sturgeon,  which  was  some  six  miles  from  the  place  where  we 
quartered  by  Pyanchas  Parke,  where  there  is  a  River  running 
very  deep  South,  exceeding  deepe,  and  foure  hundred  paces 
broad.  The  high  water  marke  of  this  River  between  both 
sides  of  the  River  perpendicular,  from  the  top  of  the  Banck  to 
the  River,  is  forty  five  foot  upon  a  fresh;  this  River  was 
by  us  named  Blandina  River:  from  Pyanchas  Parke  to  the 
place  where  they  kill  Sturgeon  is  six  miles  up  the  River  run 
ning  Northerly,  and  all  exceeding  rich  Land:  Both  upwards 
and  downewards  upon  the  River,  at  this  place  where  they 
kill  Sturgeon  are  also  the  Falls,  and  at  the  foot  of  these  Falls 
also  lies  two  Islands  in  a  great  Bay,  the  uppermost  whereof 
Mr.  Blande  named  Charles  Island,  and  the  lowermost  Cap- 
taine  Wood  named  Berkeley  Island:  on  the  further  side  of 
these  Islands  the  Bay  runs  navigable  by  the  two  Islands  sides : 
Charles  Island  is  three  miles  broad,  and  foure  miles  long, 
and  Berkeley  Island  almost  as  big,  both  in  a  manner  impreg 
nable  by  nature,  being  fortified  with  high  Clefts  of  Rocky 
Stone,  and  hardly  passeable,  without  a  way  cut  through 
them,  and  consists  all  of  exceeding  rich  Land,  and  cleare 
fields,  wherein  growes  Canes  of  a  foot  about,  and  of  one  yeares 
growth  Canes  that  a  reasonable  hand  can  hardly  span;  and 
the  Indians  told  us  they  were  very  sweet,  and  that  at  some 
time  of  the  yeare  they  did  suck  them,  and  eate  them,  and 
of  those  we  brought  some  away  with  us.  The  Land  over 
against  Charles  Island  we  named  Blands  Discovery,  and  the 
Land  over  against  Berkeley  Island  we  named  Woods  journy, 
and  at  the  lower  end  of  Charles  Island  lies  a  Bay  due  South 
from  the  said  Island,  so  spatious  that  we  could  not  see  the 
other  side  of  it:  this  bay  we  called  Pennants  Bay  and  in 
the  River  between  Charles  Island,  and  the  maine  Land  lies 
a  Rocky  Point  in  the  River,  which  Point  comes  out  of  Charles 
Island,  and  runs  into  the  middle  of  the  River:  this  Point 
we  named  Brewsters  Point,  and  at  this  Point  only,  and  no 
other  is  there  any  place  passeable  into  Charles  Island,  and 
this  Brewsters  Point  runs  not  quite  from  Charles  Island 
to  the  maine  Land,  but  when  you  come  off  the  maine  Land 
to  the  Rivers  side,  you  must  wade  about  fifty  paces  to  come 


16  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1650 

upon  the  Point,  and  if  you  misse  the  Point  on  either  side, 
up  or  downe  the  River,  you  must  swim,  and  the  River  runs 
very  swift.  Some  three  miles  from  the  River  side  over 
against  Charles  Island  is  a  place  of  severall  great  heapes  of 
bones,  and  heere  the  Indian  belonging  to  Blandina  River 
that  went  along  with  us  at  the  Fals,  sat  downe,  and  seemed 
to  be  much  discontented,  insomuch  that  he  shed  teares;  we 
demanded  why  those  bones  were  piled  up  so  curiously?  Oye- 
ocker  told  us,  that  at  this  place  Appachancano  one  morning 
with  400.  men  treacherously  slew  240.  of  the  Blandina  River 
Indians  in  revenge  of  three  great  men  slaine  by  them,  and 
the  place  we  named  Golgotha;  as  we  were  going  to  Blandina 
river  we  spake  to  Oyeocker  our  Guide  to  lead  us  the  way, 
and  he  would  not;  but  asked  our  Appamattuck  Guide  why 
we  did  not  get  us  gone,  for  the  Inhabitants  were  jealous  of 
us,  and  angry  with  us,  and  that  the  Runner  we  sent  to  the 
Tuskarood  would  not  come  at  the  day  appointed,  nor  his 
King,  but  ran  another  way,  and  told  the  Indians  that  we 
came  to  cut  them  off;  whereupon  our  Appamattuck  Guide 
stepped  forth,  and  frowning  said,  come  along,  we  will  go 
to  see  the  Falls,  and  so  led  the  way,  and  also  told  us  that 
the  Woodford  Indians  lied,  and  that  Indian  that  came  to  us, 
which  the  Woodford  Indian  said  was  the  King  of  Blandina 
River,  was  not  the  Werrowance  of  Blandina  River;  where 
upon  we  resolved  to  return  (having  named  the  whole  Con 
tinent  New  Brittaine)  another  way  into  our  old  path  that 
led  to  Brewsters  River,  and  shot  off  no  guns  because  of  making 
a  commotion,  adding  to  the  Natives  feares.  At  Blandina 
River  we  had  some  discourse  with  our  Appamattuck  Guide 
concerning  that  River,  who  told  us  that  that  branch  of  Blan 
dina  River  ran  a  great  way  up  into  the  Country;  and  that 
about  three  dayes  journy  further  to  the  South- West,  there 
was  a  far  greater  Branch  so  broad  that  a  man  could  hardly 
see  over  it,  and  bended  it  selfe  to  the  Northward  above  the 
head  of  James  River  unto  the  foot  of  the  great  Mountaines, 
on  which  River  there  lived  many  people  upwards,  being  the 
Occonacheans  and  the  Nessoneicks,  and  that  where  some  of 
the  Occonacheans  lived,  there  is  an  Island  within  the  River 
three  dayes  journy  about,  which  is  of  a  very  rich  and  fertile 
soile,  and  that  the  upper  end  of  the  Island  is  fordable,  not 


1650]  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE  17 

above  knee  deepe,  of  a  stony  bottome,  running  very  swift, 
and  the  other  side  very  deepe  and  navigable:  Also  we  found 
many  of  the  people  of  Blandina  River  to  have  beards,  and 
both  there,  and  at  Woodford  River  we  saw  many  very  old 
men,  and  that  the  Climate  according  to  our  opinions  was 
far  more  temperate  then  ours  of  Virginia,  and  the  Inhabi 
tants  full  of  Children;  they  also  told  us  that  at  the  bottome 
of  the  River  was  great  heapes  of  Salt;  and  we  saw  among 
them  Copper,  and  were  informed  that  they  tip  their  pipes 
with  silver,  of  which  some  have  been  brought  into  this  Coun 
try,  and  'tis  very  probable  that  there  may  be  Gold,  and  other 
Mettals  amongst  the  hils. 

September  1.  About  noone  from  Woods  Journey  wee 
travelled  some  sixe  miles  North  East,  unto  the  old  Path  that 
leads  to  Brewsters  River:  within  night  we  quartered  on  the 
other  side  of  it,  and  kept  good  watch:  this  Path  runnes  from 
Woods  Journey  north  and  by  East,  and  due  North. 

September  2.  In  the  morning  about  eight  of  the  clocke, 
as  every  one  was  mounted,  came  to  our  quarters  Occonnos- 
quay,  sonne  to  the  Tuskarood  King,  and  another  Indian 
whom  he  told  was  a  Werrowance,  and  his  Kinseman,  with 
the  Runner  which  wee  had  sent  to  the  Tuskarood  King,  who 
was  to  meet  us  at  Blandina  that  night;  the  Kings  sonne  told 
us  that  the  English  man  would  be  at  his  house  that  night, 
a  great  way  off;  and  would  have  had  us  gone  backe  with 
him,  but  we  would  not,  and  appointed  him  to  meete  us  at 
Woodford  River  where  hee  came  not,  wee  having  some  sus- 
pition  that  hee  came  from  Woodford  River  that  night,  and 
that  our  Runner  had  not  beene  where  we  had  sent  him, 
through  some  information  of  our  Nottaway  guide,  which 
afterwards  proved  true,  by  the  Relation  of  the  Werrowance 
of  Blandina  River,  whom  about  fowre  howres  after  wee  had 
parted  with  the  Kings  son,  wee  met  on  the  way  comming  from 
Woodford  River  with  a  company  of  men,  thinking  he  should 
have  found  us  at  Blandina  River  that  night,  according  to  his 
order  and  promise;  with  whom  falling  into  discourse,  he 
told  us  that  the  King  of  the  Tuskaroods  son,  and  our  Runner 
were  the  night  before  at  Woodford  River;  but  the  Kings 
son  told  us  he  came  from  Blandina  River,  and  beyond,  and 
hearing  wee  were  gone  before  he  came,  he  had  travelled  all 


18  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1650 

night  from  Blandina  River  to  overtake  us.  This  day  about 
Noone  we  came  to  Woodford  River  Towne,  and  tarried  there 
that  night,  we  found  the  old  Werrowance,  and  all  his  great 
men  gone,  yet  had  courteous  quarter;  but  not  without  great 
grounds  of  suspition,  and  signes  that  they  were  angry  at  us: 
at  our  coming  back  to  Woodford  River  we  had  information 
that  some  Spies  of  Wainoake  had  been  there  a  little  before 
we  came,  and  that  the  King  of  Wainoake  and  Chounterounte 
had  sent  Runners  to  all  the  Nations  thereabouts,  informing 
them  that  the  English  were  come  to  cut  them  off,  which  we 
supposed  to  be  some  greater  Politicians  then  Indian  Con 
sultations,  who  had  some  private  ends  to  themselves,  and 
minded  nothing  lesse  then  a  publick  good;  for  we  found  that 
the  Runner  whom  we  imployed  to  carry  our  message  to  the 
Tuskarood  King,  ran  to  the  Waynoakes,  and  he  whom  the 
Woodford  Indians  told  us  was  the  Werrowance  of  Blandina 
River,  was  a  Woodford  Indian,  and  no  Werrowance,  but 
done  of  purpose  to  get  something  out  of  us,  and  we  had  infor 
mation  that  at  that  time  there  were  other  English  amongst 
the  Indians. 

September  3.  By  breake  of  day  we  journied  from  Wood- 
ford  River  to  a  path  some  eight  miles  above  Pennants  Mount 
running  North,  and  by  East  and  North,  North,  East,  which 
was  done  by  the  advice  of  our  Appamattuck  Guide,  who 
told  us  that  he  was  informed  that  some  plots  might  be  acted 
against  us,  if  we  returned  the  way  that  we  came,  for  we  told 
Chounterounte  we  would  returne  the  same  way  againe: 
And  this  information  our  Guide  told  us  he  had  from  a  woman 
that  was  his  Sweet-heart  belonging  to  Woodford  River. 
This  day  we  passed  over  very  much  rich,  red,  fat,  marie 
Land,  betweene  Woodford  River  Towne,  and  the  head  of 
Pennants  Mount,  with  divers  Indian  fields;  the  head  of 
which  River  abounds  much  with  great  Rocks  of  Stone,  and 
is  two  hundred  paces  over,  and  hath  a  small  Island  in  it 
named  Sackfords  Island.  Betweene  Pennants  Mount  River 
head,  and  the  head  of  Farmers  Chase  River  is  very  much 
exceeding  rich,  red,  fat,  marie  land,  and  Nottaway  and  Schock- 
oores  old  fields,  for  a  matter  of  sixe  miles  together  all  the 
trees  are  blowne  up  or  dead:  Heere  it  began  to  raine,  and 
some  six  miles  further  we  tooke  up  our  quarters,  and  it  proved 


1650]      .       THE  DISCOVERY  OF  NEW  BRITTAINE  19 

a  very  wet  night.  At  the  first  other  Nottaway  old  fields, 
we  found  the  Inhabitants  much  perplexed  about  a  gun  that 
went  off  to  the  Westward  of  them,  the  night  before  wee  came 
thither,  which  our  Appamattuck  Guide  conceived  were  the 
Wainoake  Spies,  set  out  there  to  prevent  our  Journyings,  and 
we  found  severall  Agers  about  the  place  where  the  Indians  told 
us  the  gun  went  off. 

Septemb.  4.  About  8  of  the  Clock  we  travelled  North 
North-East  some  six  miles,  unto  the  head  of  Farmers  Chase 
River,  where  we  were  forced  to  swimm  our  horses  over,  by 
reason  of  the  great  rain  that  fell  that  night,  which  other 
wise  with  a  little  labour  may  be  made  very  passable.  At 
this  place  is  very  great  Rocky  stones,  fit  to  make  Mill-stones, 
with  very  rich  tracts  of  Land,  and  in  some  places  between 
the  head  of  Farmers  Chase  River  and  Black  water  Lake, 
is  ground  that  gives  very  probable  proofe  of  an  Iron,  or  some 
other  rich  Mine.  Some  sixteen  miles  from  Farmers  Chase, 
North,  and  by  East,  and  North,  North-East,  lies  Black  water 
Lake,  which  hath  very  much  rich  land  about  it,  and  with 
little  labour  will  be  made  very  passable.  From  Black  Water 
Lake  we  did  travell  to  the  old  fields  of  Manks  Nessoneicks, 
and  from  thence  some  12  miles  N.  N.  East  we  came  unto 
Fort  Henry  about  the  close  of  the  Evening,  all  well  and  in 
good  health,  notwithstanding  from  the  time  we  had  spoken 
with  Chounterounte  at  Pennants  Mount,  we  every  night 
kept  a  strickt  watch,  having  our  Swords  girt,  and  our  Guns 
and  Pistols  by  us,  for  the  Indians  every  night  where  we  lay, 
kept  a  strict  guard  upon  us. 

The  Discoverers,  viz. 

Mr.  Edward  Blande,  Merchant. 

Abraham  Wood,  Captaine. 
Mr.  Elias  Pennant. 
Mr.  Sackford  Brewster. 

Robert  Farmer,  Servant  to  Mr.  Blande. 

Henry  Newcombe,  Servant  to  Captaine  Wood. 
G  'des  \  Oyeocker,  a  Nottaway  Werrowance. 

*  ( Pyancha,  an  Appamattuck  War  Captaine. 


FRANCIS  YEARDLEY'S  NARRATIVE  OF 
EXCURSIONS  INTO  CAROLINA,  1654 


INTRODUCTION 

BEGINNING  with  the  second  half  of  the  seventeenth  cen 
tury,  information  about  the  province  of  Carolina,  which 
Charles  I.  had  founded  in  October,  1629,  when  he  granted 
all  of  the  territory  between  the  31st  and  36th  degrees  of 
north  latitude  to  Sir  Robert  Heath  for  a  province  to  be  known 
as  Carolina,  was  acquired  and  distributed  by  voyagers  and 
explorers  with  more  frequency  than  had  been  the  case  in 
the  preceding  years.  Following  the  appearance  of  Edward 
Eland's  Discovery  of  New  Brittaine  in  1651,  came  a  letter 
from  Francis  Yeardley,  of  Virginia,  to  John  Ferrar,  Esq.,  of 
Little  Gidding  in  Huntingdonshire,  England,  who  had  been  a 
prominent  member,  and  for  a  time  deputy  treasurer,  of  the 
Virginia  Company.  The  letter,  dated  May  8,  1654,  gives  a 
narrative  of  several  excursions  into  that  part  of  Carolina 
adjacent  to  Virginia  by  some  of  his  employees  and  neighbors. 

Francis  Yeardley,  the  author  of  this  narrative,  was  the 
son  of  Sir  George  Yeardley,  who  had  been  thrice  (161 6-1 61 7, 
1618-1621,  and  1626-1627)  governor  of  Virginia.  He  was 
born  in  Virginia  about  1622,  being  one  of  three  children, 
the  other  two  being  a  brother,  Argall,  born  about  1620,  and 
a  sister,  Elizabeth,  born  about  1618.1  Upon  reaching  man 
hood  he  became  quite  prominent  in  the  affairs  of  Virginia, 
being  for  some  time  a  colonel  of  militia  and  in  1653  a  member 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses  for  Lower  Norfolk.2  About  this 
time  chance  brought  him  into  possession  of  the  information 
contained  in  his  letter,  and  his  philanthropic  nature  induced 

1  J.  C.  Hotten,  Original  Lists  of  Persons  .  .  .  who  went  from  Great  Britain 
to  the  American  Plantations,  1600-1700,  p.  222. 

a  W.  G.  Stanard,  Virginia  Colonial  Register  (Boston,  1900),  p.  70. 

23 


24        NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

him  to  transmit  it  to  Mr.  Ferrar  in  the  hope  that  it  might 
be  a  means  of  advancing  interest  in  the  territory  known 
as  Carolina  and  at  the  same  time  bringing  about  a  better 
ment  of  the  Indians  in  that  quarter.  The  letter  was  printed 
in  1742  in  the  State  Papers  of  John  Thurloe,  II.  273-274. 


FRANCIS  YEARDLEY'S  NARRATIVE  OF 
EXCURSIONS  INTO  CAROLINA,  1654 

VIRGINIA,  LINNE-HAVEN,  this  8th  May,  1654. 
Sir, 

MY  brother  Argol  Yardley  hath  received  many  letters 
from  you,  with  animadversions  and  instructions  to  encourage 
him  in  the  prosecution  of  better  designs  than  that  of  tobacco, 
but  myself  never  any:  yet  the  honour  I  bear  you,  for  your 
fervent  affections  to  this  my  native  country,  commands  me 
in  some  measure  to  give  you  an  account  of  what  the  Lord 
hath  in  short  time  brought  to  light,  by  the  means  of  so  weak 
a  minister  as  myself;  namely,  an  ample  discovery  of  South 
Virginia  or  Carolina,  the  which  we  find  a  most  fertile,  gallant, 
rich  soil,  flourishing  in  all  the  abundance  of  nature,  especially 
in  the  rich  mulberry  and  vine,  a  serene  air,  and  temperate 
clime,  and  experimentally  rich  in  precious  minerals;  and 
lastly,  I  may  say,  parallel  with  any  place  for  rich  land,  and 
stately  timber  of  all  sorts;  a  place  indeed  unacquainted  with 
our  Virginia's  nipping  frosts,  no  winter,  or  very  little  cold 
to  be  found  there.  Thus  much  for  the  country;  the  manner 
and  means  in  the  discovery  follows:  In  September  last,  a 
young  man,  a  trader  for  beavers,  being  bound  out  to  the 
adjacent  parts  to  trade,  by  accident  his  sloop  left  him;  and 
he,  supposing  she  had  been  gone  to  Rhoanoke,  hired  a 
small  boat,  and  with  one  of  his  company  left  with  him  came 
to  crave  my  licence  to  go  to  look  after  his  sloop,  and  sought 
some  relief  of  provisions  of  me;  the  which  granting,  he  set 
forth  with  three  more  in  company,  one  being  of  my  family, 
the  others  were  my  neighbours.  They  entered  in  at  Cara- 
toke/  ten  leagues  to  the  southward  of  Cape  Henry,  and  so 
went  to  Rhoanoke  island;  where,  or  near  thereabouts,  they 
found  the  great  commander  of  those  parts  with  his  Indians  a 

1  Currituck  Inlet. 
25 


26  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1653 

hunting,  who  received  them  civilly,  and  shewed  them  the 
ruins  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  fort,  from  whence  I  received  a 
sure  token  of  their  being  there.  After  some  days  spent  to 
and  fro  in  the  country,  the  young  man  the  interpreter  pre 
vailed  with  the  great  man,  and  his  war-captains,  and  a  great 
man  of  another  province,  and  some  other  Indians,  to  come 
in  and  make  their  peace  with  the  English,  which  they  will 
ingly  condescended1  unto;  and  for  the  favour  and  relief  I 
extended  to  the  interpreter  in  his  necessity,  in  gratitude  he 
brought  them  to  me  at  my  house,  where  they  abode  a  week, 
and  shewed  much  civility  of  behaviour.  In  the  interim  of 
which  time,  hearing  and  seeing  the  children  read  and  write, 
of  his  own  free  voluntary  motion  he  asked  me,  (after  a  most 
solid  pause,  we  two  being  alone),  whether  I  would  take  his 
only  son,  having  but  one,  and  teach  him  to  do  as  our  children, 
namely  in  his  terms,  to  speak  out  of  the  book,  and  to  make  a 
writing;  which  motion  I  most  heartily  embraced;  and  with 
expressions  of  love,  and  many  presents,  crediting  with  cloaths, 
dismissed  him.  At  his  departure  he  expressed  himself  desirous 
to  serve  that  God  the  Englishmen  served,  and  that  his  child 
might  be  so  brought  up;  promising  to  bring  him  in  to  me  in 
four  moons,  in  which  space  my  occasions  calling  me  to  Mary 
land,  he  came  once  himself,  and  sent  twice  to  know,  if  I  was 
returned,  that  he  might  bring  his  child;  but  in  my  absence, 
some  people,  supposing  I  had  great  gains  by  commerce  with 
him,  murmured,  and  carried  themselves  uncivilly  towards 
them,  forbidding  their  coming  in  any  more;  and  by  some 
over-busy  justices  of  the  place,  (my  wife  having  brought 
him  to  church  in  the  congregation),  after  sermon,  threatened 
to  whip  him,  and  send  him  away.  The  great  man  was  very 
much  afraid,  and  much  appalled;  but  my  wife  kept  him  in 
her  hand  by  her  side,  and  confidently  and  constantly  on  my 
behalf  resisted  their  threatenings,  till  they  publickly  protested 
against  me  for  bringing  them  in;  but  she  worthily  engaged 
my  whole  fortunes  for  any  damage  should  arise  by  or  from 
them,  till  my  return;  which  falling  out  presently  after,  I 
having  by  the  way  taken  my  brother  in  with  me  for  the 
better  prosecution  of  so  noble  a  design,  immediately  I  dis 
patched  away  a  boat  with  six  hands,  one  being  a  carpenter,  to 

1  In  the  sense  of  "agreed." 


1653]  FRANCIS  YEARDLEY'S  NARRATIVE  27 

build  the  king  an  English  house,  my  promise  at  his  coming 
first,  being  to  comply  in  that  matter.  I  sent  200  I.  sterling 
in  trust,  to  purchase  and  pay  for  what  land  they  should  like, 
the  which  in  little  time  they  effected,  and  purchased,  and 
paid  for  three  great  rivers,  and  also  all  such  others  as  they 
should  like  of  southerly;  and  in  solemn  manner  took  posses 
sion  of  the  country,  in  the  name,  and  on  the  behalf,  of  the 
commonwealth  of  England ;  and  actual  possession  was  solemnly 
given  them  by  the  great  commander,  and  all  the  great  men  of 
the  rest  of  the  provinces,  in  delivering  them  a  turf  of  the  earth 
with  an  arrow  shot  into  it;  and  so  the  Indians  totally  left 
the  lands  and  rivers  to  us,  retiring  to  a  new  habitation,  where 
our  people  built  the  great  commander  a  fair  house,  the  which 
I  am  to  furnish  with  English  utensils  and  chattels.  In  the 
interim,  whilst  the  house  was  building  for  the  great  em 
peror  of  Rhoanoke,  he  undertook  with  some  of  his  Indians, 
to  bring  some  of  our  men  to  the  emperor  of  the  Tuskarorawes, 
and  to  that  purpose  sent  embassadors  before,  and  with  two  of 
our  company  set  forth  and  travelled  within  two  days  journey 
of  the  place,  where  at  a  hunting  quarter  the  Tuskarorawes 
emperor,  with  250  of  his  men,  met  our  company,  and  received 
them  courteously;  and  after  some  days  spent,  desired  them 
to  go  to  his  chief  town,  where  he  told  them  was  one  Spaniard 
residing,  who  had  been  seven  years  with  them,  a  man  very 
rich,  having  about  thirty  in  family,  seven  whereof  are  negroes; 
and  he  had  one  more  negro,  leiger  *  with  a  great  nation  called 
the  Newxes.  He  is  sometimes,  they  say,  gone  from  thence  a 
pretty  while.  Our  people  had  gone,  but  that  the  interpreter 
with  overtra veiling  himself  fell  sick;  yet  the  Tuskarorawe 
proffered  him,  if  he  would  go,  he  would  in  three  days  journey 
bring  him  to  a  great  salt  sea,  and  to  places  where  they  had 
copper  out  of  the  ground,  the  art  of  refining  which  they  have 
perfectly;  for  our  people  saw  much  amongst  them,  and  some 
plates  of  a  foot  square.  There  was  one  Indian  had  two 
beads  of  gold  in  his  ears,  big  as  rounceval  peas;  and  they 
said,  there  was  much  of  that  not  far  off.  These  allurements 
had  drawn  them  thither,  but  for  the  interpreter's  weakness, 
and  the  war,  that  was  between  a  great  nation  called  the 
Cacores,  a  very  little  people  in  stature,  not  exceeding  youths 

1  Resident. 


28  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1654 

of  thirteen  or  fourteen  years,  but  extremely  valiant  and 
fierce  in  fight,  and  above  belief  swift  in  retirement  and  flight, 
whereby  they  resist  the  puissance  of  this  potent,  rich,  and 
numerous  people.  There  is  another  great  nation  by  these, 
called  the  Haynokes,  who  valiantly  resist  the  Spaniards  fur 
ther  northern  attempts.  The  Tuskarorawe  told  them,  the 
way  to  the  sea  was  a  plain  road,  much  travelled  for  salt  and 
copper;  the  salt  is  made  by  the  sea  itself,  and  some  of  it 
brought  in  to  me.  After  the  Tuskarorawe  could  not  prevail, 
but  our  people  would  return,  he  sent  his  only  son  with  a 
great  man  his  tutor,  and  another  great  man,  and  some  other 
attendance  with  them;  and  when  they  came  to  the  rest  of 
our  company,  the  house  being  done  and  finished,  the  Rowanoke 
with  the  Tuskororawe  prince,  and  sundry  other  kings  of  the 
provinces,  in  all  some  forty-five  in  company,  together  with 
our  six  men,  on  May-day  last  arrived  at  my  house.  The 
Rowanoke  brought  his  wife  with  him,  and  his  son,  to  be 
baptized.  It  fell  out  happily,  that  my  brother  and  many 
other  friends  were  met  at  my  house.  The  only  present  brought 
us  was  the  turf  of  earth  with  the  arrow  shot  into  it,  which 
was  again  solemnly  delivered  unto  me,  and  received  by  me, 
in  the  name,  and  on  the  behalf,  of  the  commonwealth  of 
England,  to  whom  we  really  tender  the  sure  possession  of 
this  rich  and  flourishing  place;  hoping  only,  that  our  own 
properties  and  our  pains  will  not  be  forgotten.  There  is  no 
man  hath  been  at  a  penny  charge  but  myself,  and  it  hath 
already  cost  me  300  I.  and  upwards;  and  were  my  estate 
able,  I  should  hope  to  give  a  better  account  of  my  well-wishes 
to  a  general  good.  My  hopes  are,  I  shall  not  want  assistance 
from  good  patriots,  either  by  their  good  words  or  purses. 
Tuesday  the  third  of  May,  the  Rowanoke  presented  his  child 
to  the  minister  before  the  congregation  to  be  baptized,  which 
was  solemnly  performed  in  presence  of  all  the  Indians,  and 
the  child  left  with  me  to  be  bred  up  a  Christian,  which  God 
grant  him  grace  to  become !  At  their  departure,  we  appointed 
a  further  discovery  by  sea  and  land,  to  begin  the  first  of 
July  next.  God  guide  us  to  his  glory,  and  England's  and 
Virginia's  honour! 

Sir,  if  you  think  good  to  acquaint  the  states  with  what 
is  done  by  two  Virginians  born,  you  will  honour  our  country. 


1654]  FRANCIS  YEARDLEY'S  NARRATIVE  29 

I  have  at  this  instant  no  present  worthy  your  acceptance, 
but  an  arrow  that  came  from  the  Indians  inhabiting  on 
the  South-sea,  the  which  we  purpose,  God  willing,  to  see  this 
summer,  non  obstante  periculo.  I  am  lastly,  Sir,  a  suitor  to 
you,  for  some  silk-worms  eggs,  and  materials  for  the  making 
of  silk,  and  what  other  good  fruits,  or  roots,  or  plants,  may 
be  proper  for  such  a  country.  Above  all,  my  desire  is  to 
the  olive,  some  trees  of  which  could  we  procure,  would  rejoice 
me;  for  wine  we  cannot  want  with  industry.  Thus  desiring 
to  kiss  your  hands,  with  the  fair  hands  of  my  virtuous  coun 
try-woman,  the  worthily  to  be  honoured  Mrs.  Virginia  Farrar,1 
I  humbly  take  leave,  and  ever  remain,  Sir, 

Your  true  honourer,  and  affectionate 
servant  to  be  commanded, 

FRANCIS  YARDLEY. 

For  the  worshipfull  John  Farrar,  Esq;  at  his  mannor  of  Little 
Gidding  in  Huntingdonshire. 

1  Daughter  of  John  Ferrar.  "Mrs."  was  in  the  seventeenth  century  used  of 
unmarried  ladies.  A  map  of  Virginia  by  her  is  reproduced  in  Winsor's  Narra 
tive  and  Critical  History  of  America,  III.  465. 


A  RELATION  OF  A  DISCOVERY,  BY 
WILLIAM  HILTON,  1664 


INTRODUCTION 

ON  March  20,  1662/3,  King  Charles  by  letters  patent 
granted  to  eight  Proprietors — the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  the 
Duke  of  Albemarle,  Lord  Craven,  Lord  Berkeley,  Lord  Ashley 
(afterward  Earl  of  Shaftesbury),  Sir  George  Carteret,  Sir  Will 
iam  Berkeley,  and  Sir  John  Colleton — a  province  to  be  called 
Carolina,  extending  from  latitude  31°  to  36°  N.  and  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  In  this  province  the  Proprietors 
were  to  have  the  right  to  institute  government,  to  appoint 
officers,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  the  freemen,  to  make 
laws.  By  a  new  charter  of  June  30,  1665,  the  bounds  of  the 
province  were  extended  to  run  from  29°  to  36°  30'  N. 

About  the  time  when  the  first  charter  was  granted,  Captain 
William  Hilton,  of  the  island  of  Barbados,  already  a  populous 
and  important  colony,  made  a  voyage  to  the  coast  of  what 
is  now  North  Carolina  and,  upon  his  return,  gave  a  favorable 
account  of  the  country  about  the  Charles  (Cape  Fear)  River, 
Some  New  Englanders  who  had  previously  been  sent  to  settle 
at  Cape  Fear  to  raise  cattle  departed  about  this  time  and  made 
contrary  reports  as  to  the  condition  of  the  country.  In  con 
sequence  of  these  reports  many  citizens  of  Barbados  united 
and  sent  out  a  second  expedition  under  Captain  Hilton,  as 
commander  and  commissioner,  Captain  Anthony  Long,  and 
Peter  Fabian,  to  explore  the  coast  of  Carolina  southward 
from  Cape  Fear  to  latitude  31°  north.  The  expedition  sailed 
from  Spikes  (Speights)  Bay  August  10,  1663,  in  the  ship 
Adventure.  On  August  12  the  "  Ad  venturers,"  as  the  pro 
moters  of  the  expedition  were  called,  addressed  to  the  Lords 

Proprietors  a  petition  requesting  that  these  Barbadian  advent- 

23 


34  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

urers,  some  two  hundred  in  number,  might  be  permitted  to 
purchase  from  the  Indians  and  hold  under  the  Proprietors  a 
tract  of  a  thousand  square  miles  in  Carolina,  to  be  called  the 
Corporation  of  the  Barbados  Adventurers,  and  that  they  might 
have  certain  powers  of  self-government.1  Their  agents,  Thomas 
Modyford  and  Peter  Colleton,  suggested  that  these  powers 
might  be  like  those  of  a  municipal  corporation  in  England, 
e.  g.,  Exeter. 

To  the  petition  of  the  adventurers  the  Proprietors  an 
swered  on  September  9,  stating  that  they  had  "  given  direc 
tions  to  Col.  Modyford  and  Peter  Colleton,  to  treat  with  them 
concerning  the  premises,  not  receding  from  the  substance  of 
their  declaration."2 

In  the  meantime  Hilton's  expedition  reached  the  coast  of 
Carolina  August  26,  1663,  and  explored  the  coast  of  what 
is  now  South  Carolina  from  the  Combahee  River  southward 
to  Port  Royal,  sailing  up  the  Combahee  about  six  leagues 
and  also  entering  the  great  harbor  of  Port  Royal. 

While  in  that  quarter  they  rescued  several  Englishmen 
who  had  been  shipwrecked  near  there  some  time  previously, 
had  reached  land  at  that  point,  and  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Indians.  The  Spaniards  at  St.  Augustine  had  heard  of 
the  peril  these  shipwrecked  Englishmen  were  in  and  had  sent 
a  party  to  aid  them,  but  Hilton  arriving  at  a  propitious  moment 
they  readily  relinquished  their  undertaking  to  the  Englishman. 

Hilton  next  sailed  to  the  coast  of  what  is  now  North 
Carolina  and  explored  the  country  in  and  about  the  Cape 
Fear  River.  He  and  his  associates  then  returned  to  Bar 
bados  and  wrote  an  account  of  their  explorations.  Shortly 

1  Colonial  Entry  Book  no.  20  (MS.),  Public  Record  Office,  London,  10-11; 
Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial,  1661-1668,  p.  153;  Colonial  Records  of  North 
Carolina,  I.  39-42;  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  10-11. 

a  Colonial  Entry  Book  no.  20,  12-13;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial, 
1661-1668,  pp.  161-162;  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society, 
V.  16-18. 


INTRODUCTION  35 

thereafter  Modyford  and  Colleton,  representing  the  Lords 
Proprietors,  presented  a  set  of  proposals  for  the  encourage 
ment  of  settlers  for  the  territory  "  Southwards  or  Westwards 
of  Cape  Romana  in  the  Province  of  Carolina."  The  narrative 
of  the  explorers  and  the  proposals  of  the  agents  of  the  Lords 
Proprietors  were  printed  in  London  in  1664.  The  favorable 
account  given  by  Hilton  and  his  associates,  and  the  liberal 
inducements  offered  to  settlers  by  the  agents  of  the  Proprietors 
in  their  proposals,  induced  many  settlers  to  go  to  South  Caro 
lina  a  few  years  later,  and  the  early  records  of  the  province 
show  that  the  terms  of  the  proposals  were  faithfully  kept 
toward  those  who  settled  in  the  territory  prescribed  during 
the  time  specified. 

Under  the  terms  of  the  proposals  every  subscriber  to  the 
expedition  fund  who  had  paid,  or  should  pay  within  two 
months  after  the  date  of  the  proposals,  and  every  subscriber 
to  the  public  stock,  was  entitled  to  five  hundred  acres  of 
land  for  every  thousand  pounds  of  sugar  subscribed. 

The  adventurers  elected  treasurers  for  their  fund,  and  a 
certificate  from  one  of  the  treasurers  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  a  contribution  was  subsequently  recognized  as 
sufficient  basis  for  the  granting  of  the  prescribed  amount  of 
land  to  the  contributor  presenting  such  certificate. 

Hilton's  expedition  was  of  great  assistance  to  the  Lords 
Proprietors  of  Carolina  in  their  work  of  settling  their  province. 
Not  only  did  it  interest  the  "  adventurers "  who  sent  it  out, 
but  the  publication  of  the  narrative  concerning  it  and  the 
accompanying  proposals  induced  hundreds  of  excellent  people 
to  settle  in  Carolina,  as  is  shown  by  the  extant  land  records 
of  South  Carolina. 

The  pamphlet  has  been  reprinted  several  times:  in  1884 
as  an  appendix  to  the  Year  Book  of  the  city  of  Charleston; 
in  1897  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina 
Historical  Society]  and  in  1907  in  The  Genesis  of  South  Caro 


36  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

Zma,  by  Hon.  William  A.  Courtenay.  The  pamphlet  of  1664 
is  described  in  Allibone's  Dictionary  of  American  Authors  as 
"  liber  rarissimus." 

Hilton's  name  has  been  preserved  in  the  nomenclature 
of  South  Carolina  by  a  promontory  extending  into  Port 
Royal  Sound  at  the  mouth  of  the  Port  Royal  River  known 
as  Hilton  Head,  and  by  an  island  from  which  this  head  juts 
out,  known  as  Hilton  Head  Island. 


A  RELATION  OF  A  DISCOVERY,  BY 
WILLIAM  HILTON,  1664 

A  Relation  of  a  Discovery  lately  made  on  the  Coast  of  Florida, 
(From  Lat.  31.  to  33  Deg.  45  Min.  North-Lot.)  * 

By  William  Hilton  Commander,  and  Commissioner  with  Capt. 
Anthony  Long,  and  Peter  Fabian,  in  the  Ship  Adventure, 
which  set  Sayl  from  Spikes  Bay,  Aug.  10.  1663.  and  was 
set  forth  by  several  Gentlemen  and  Merchants  of  the  Island 
of  Barbadoes. 

Giving  an  account  of  the  nature  and  temperature  of  the  Soyl, 
the  manners  and  disposition  of  the  Natives,  and  whatsoever 
else  is  remarkable  therein,  together  with  Proposals  made 
by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Lords  Proprietors,  to  all  such 
persons  as  shall  become  the  first  Setters  on  the  Rivers,  Har 
bors,  and  Creeks  there. 

London,  Printed  by  J.  C.  for  Simon  Miller  at  the  Star  neer  the 
West-end  of  St.  Pauls,  1664.1 

A  true  Relation  of  a  Voyage,  upon  discovery  of  part  of  the  Coast 
of  Florida,  from  the  Lat.  of  31  Deg.  to  33  Deg.  45  m.  North 
Lat.  in  the  Ship  Adventure,  William  Hilton  Commander,  and 
Commissioner  with  Captain  Anthony  Long  and  Peter  Fabian; 
set  forth  by  several  Gentlemen  and  Merchants  of  the  Island 
of  Barbadoes;  sailed  from  Spikes  Bay,  Aug.  10.  1663.2 

AFTER  Sixteen  days  of  fair  weather,  and  prosperous  winds, 
Wednesday  the  26  instant,  four  of  the  clock  in  the  Afternoon, 
God  be  thanked,  we  espied  Land  on  the  Coast  of  Florida, 
in  the  lat.  of  32  deg.  30  min.  being  four  Leagues  or  there 
abouts  to  the  Northwards  of  Saint  Ellens,3  having  run  five  hun- 

1  Title-page  of  original.  2  Heading  of  original,  p.  1. 

"The  name  by  which  the  Spaniards  then  designated  Port  Royal.  Port 
Royal  was  the  name  given  by  Jean  Ribault,  the  French  explorer,  when  he  reached 
it  on  his  voyage  of  exploration  in  1562. 

37 


38  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

dred  and  fifty  Leagues;  and  to  the  Westward  of  the  Meridian 
of  Barbadoes,  three  hundred  thirty  and  one  Leagues.  This 
Evening  and  the  Night  following  we  lay  off  and  on :  Thursday 
the  27th  instant,  in  the  morning,  we  stood  in  with  the  Land, 
and  coasted  the  Shoar  to  the  Southward,  Ankering  at  Nights, 
and  sending  our  Boat  out  a  Mornings,  till  we  came  into  the 
lat.  of  31  deg.  but  found  no  good  harbour  that  way.  On 
Sunday  the  30th  instant,  we  tacked,  and  stood  Northward: 
and  on  Wednesday  the  second  of  September,  we  came  to  an 
Anchor  in  five  fathoms  at  the  mouth  of  a  very  large  opening 
of  three  Leagues  wide,  or  thereabouts,  in  the  lat.  of  32  deg. 
30  min.  and  sent  our  Boat  to  sound  the  Channel.  On  Thurs 
day  the  third,  we  entered  the  Harbour,  and  found  that  it 
was  the  River  Jordan,1  and  was  but  four  Leagues  or  there 
abouts  N.  E.  from  Port  Royal,  which  by  the  Spanyards  is 
called  St.  Ellens:2  within  Land,  both  Rivers  meet  in  one. 
We  spent  some  time  to  sound  the  Chanels  both  without  and 
within,  and  to  search  the  Rivers  in  several  branches,  and  to 

1  The  harbor  was  doubtless  St.  Helena  Sound  and  the  river  the  Combahee. 
Professor  William  J.  Rivers,  one  of  the  most  accurate  of  our  historians,  says  (A 
Sketch  of  the  History  of  South  Carolina,  foot-note,  pp.  16-17),  "The  reiterated 
statement  in  our  authors,  that  the  '  Jordan '  is  the  Combahee,  I  am  not  prepared 
to  adopt,  after  a  close  examination  of  the  accounts  of  early  voyages,  old  maps  and 
charts,  and  a  comparison  of  Indian  names  that  have  been  handed  down  to  us. 
If,  however,  we  believe  that  Cutisi-chiqui  was  the  old  name  of  Silver  Bluff,  the 
Jordan  could  not  have  been  far  from  the  Savannah  river."    At  the  time  Professor 
Rivers  wrote  (1856)  Sandford's  narrative  was  inaccessible  to  him,  and  he  probably 
did  not  examine  Hilton's,  for  their  location  of  the  Jordan  certainly  identifies  it  as 
the  Combahee. 

2  Professor  Rivers  (ibid.,  p.  15),  speaking  of  the  Spanish  expedition  from 
Hispaniola  to  the  coast  of  what  is  now  South  Carolina  in  1520,  also  says:  "They 
entered  a  bay,  a  cape  of  which  they  named  St.  Helena,  and  a  river  in  its  vicinity 
they  called  the  Jordan."    The  name  St.  Helena  has  been  preserved  in  that  vicinity 
to  the  present  time,  and  St.  Ellen's  was  probably  another  form  of  writing  the 
same  name.     Formed  by  Port  Royal  River,  Morgan  River,  and  several  creeks 
and  inlets  is  St.  Helena  Island,  a  large  and  fertile  island  that  has  played  no  in 
conspicuous  part  in  the  history  of  South  Carolina.    In  1712  a  parish  (an  eccle 
siastical  and  legislative  sub-division  of  the  province  of  South  Carolina)  was  laid 
o(T  contiguous  thereto  and  inclusive  thereof  and  named  St.  Helena's  Parish.    By 
the  constitution  of  1865  the  parishes  were  abolished  as  political  sub-divisions  of 
South  Carolina  and  St.  Helena's  passed  out  of  existence.    A  large  sound  extend 
ing  from  the  mouth  of  the  Coosaw  to  the  mouth  of  the  Combahee  also  bears  the 
name  St.  Helena. 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  39 

view  the  Land.  On  Saturday  the  fifth  of  September,  two 
Indians  came  on  Board  us  from  the  N.  E.  shoar,  whom  we 
entertained  courteously,  and  afterwards  set  them  on  shoar. 
On  Sunday  the  sixth,  several  Indians  came  on  Board  us,  and 
said  they  were  of  St.  Ellens;  being  very  bold  and  familiar; 
speaking  many  Spanish  words,  as,  Cappitan,  Commarado,  and 
Adeus.1  They  know  the  use  of  Guns,  and  are  as  little  startled 
at  the  firing  of  a  Peece  of  Ordnance,  as  he  that  hath  been 
used  to  them  many  years:  they  told  us  the  nearest  Spanyards 
were  at  St.  Augustins,  and  several  of  them  had  been  there, 
which  as  they  said  was  but  ten  days  journey;  and  that  the 
Spanyards  used  to  come  to  them  at  Saint  Ellens,  sometimes 
in  Canoa's  within  Land,  at  other  times  in  small  Vessels  by  Sea, 
which  the  Indians  describe  to  have  but  two  Masts.  They 
invited  us  to  come  to  St.  Ellens  with  our  Ship,  which  they 
told  us  we  might  do  within  Land.  Munday  the  14  September, 
our  Long-Boat  went  with  twelve  hands  within  Land  to  St. 
Ellens.  On  Wednesday  the  16th,  came  five  Indians  on 
board  us;  one  of  them  pointing  to  another,  said,  he  was  the 
Grandy  Captain  of  Edistow2:  whereupon  we  took  especial 
notice  of  him,  and  entertained  him  accordingly,  giving  him 
several  Beads,  and  other  trade  that  pleased  him  well:  He 
invited  us  to  bring  up  our  Ship  into  a  branch  on  the  N.  E. 
side,  and  told  us  of  one  Captain  Francisco,  and  four  more 
English  that  were  in  his  custody  on  shoar;  whereupon  we 
shewed  him  store  of  all  Trade,  as  Beads,  Hoes,  Hatchets 
and  Bills,  etc.,  and  said,  he  should  have  all  those  things  if 
he  would  bring  the  English  on  board  us;  wch  he  promised 

1  Capitan,  camarado,  adios,= captain,  comrade,  adieu. 

8  Edisto  was  the  name  applied  by  the  Indians  to  the  country  adjacent  to  the 
lower  part  of  the  river  that  now  bears  that  name.  The  Indian  name  for  the  river 
itself  was  Ponpon.  The  Edisto  is  formed  by  two  branches,  North  Edisto  and 
South  Edisto,  which  have  their  sources  in  the  sand  hills  of  the  middle  section  of 
South  Carolina.  These  rivers  unite  about  seventy-five  miles  above  the  sea. 
About  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  from  the  sea  the  river  forks  again,  the  south  fork 
being  known  as  South  Edisto  and  the  north  fork  as  Dawhoo  River.  Dawhoo 
unites  with  Wadmalaw  River  and  forms  the  North  Edisto.  The  island  formed  by 
these  forks  and  the  sea  is  known  as  Edisto  Island,  and  is  noted  for  producing  the 
finest  grade  of  long  staple  cotton  known  to  the  cotton  trade.  The  main  river  for 
fifteen  or  twenty  miles  of  its  course  through  Colleton  County  is  still  called  Pon 
pon.  The  North  Edisto  of  the  sea  forks  was  called  Grandy  in  Hilton's  time. 


40  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

should  be  done  the  next  day.  Hereupon  we  wrote  a  few 
lines  to  the  said  English,  fearing  it  to  be  a  Spanish  delusion 
to  entrap  us.  In  the  dark  of  the  same  Evening  came  a  Canoa 
with  nine  or  ten  Indians  in  her  with  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes, 
and  were  close  on  board  before  we  did  discern  them:  We 
haled  them,  but  they  made  us  no  answer,  which  increased 
our  jealousie:  So  we  commanded  them  on  board,  and  dis 
armed  them,  detaining  two  of  them  prisoners,  and  sending 
away  the  rest  to  fetch  the  English;  which  if  they  brought, 
they  should  have  theirs  again.  At  length  they  delivered  us 
a  Note  written  with  a  coal,  which  seemed  the  more  to  continue 
our  jealousie,  because  in  all  this  time  we  had  no  news  of  our 
long-boat  from  St.  Ellens,  which  we  feared  was  surprized  by 
the  Indians  and  Spanyards.  But  to  satisfie  us  that  there 
were  English  on  shoar,  they  sent  us  one  man  on  board  about 
twelve  of  the  clock  in  the  Night  who  related  to  us  the  truth 
of  the  matter,  and  told  us  they  were  cast  away  some  four  or 
five  leagues  to  the  Northward  of  the  place  we  then  rode,  on 
the  24th  of  July  past,  being  thirteen  persons  that  came  on 
shoar,  whereof  three  of  them  were  kilFd  by  the  Indians. 
On  Thursday  the  17th  of  September  the  Long-boat  returned 
from  St.  Ellens,  which  presently  we  sent  on  shoar  to  fetch 
the  other  English,  the  Indians  delivering  us  three  more;  and 
coming  aboard  themselves,  we  delivered  them  their  two  men. 
Then  we  demanded  of  the  chief  Commander  where  the  rest 
of  our  English  were:  he  answered,  Five  were  carried  to  St. 
Ellens,  three  were  killed  by  the  Stonohs,1  and  the  other  man 
we  should  have  within  two  dayes.  We  replyed  to  him  again, 
That  we  would  keep  him  and  two  more  of  his  chief  men,2 
till  we  had  our  English  that  were  yet  living;  and  promised 
them  their  liberty,  with  satisfaction  for  bringing  us  the  Eng 
lish.  Now  to  return  to  the  businesse  of  our  Design;  the  enter 
tainment  we  had  at  S.  Ellens  put  us  in  great  fear  of  the  Indians 
treachery;  for  we  observed  their  continual  gathering  together, 

1  The  name  of  the  Stono  tribe  has  also  been  preserved  in  the  name  of  a  river, 
which  separates  James  Island  and  John's  Island,  two  of  the  coastal  islands  near 
Charleston. 

a  These  were  Shadoo,  Alush,  and  one  who  escaped.  Hilton  took  the  first 
two  to  Barbados  with  him,  but  they  subsequently  returned  to  their  homes. 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  41 

and  at  last  began  with  stern-look'd  countenances  to  speak 
roughly  to  us,  and  came  to  search  our  mens  Bandileers  * 
and  pockets;  yet  inviting  us  to  stay  that  night  with  them: 
but  we  made  a  sudden  retreat  to  our  Boat,  which  caused 
the  Indian  King  to  be  in  a  great  rage,  speaking  loud  and 
angry  to  his  men;  the  drift  of  which  discourse  we  understood 
not.  That  which  we  noted  there,  was  a  fair  house  builded 
in  the  shape  of  a  Dove-house,  round,  two  hundred  foot  at 
least,  compleatly  covered  with  Palmeta-leaves,  the  wal-plate 
being  twelve  foot  high,  or  thereabouts,  and  within  lodging 
Rooms  and  forms;  two  pillars  at  the  entrance  of  a  high  Seat 
above  all  the  rest:  Also  another  house  like  a  Sentinel-house, 
floored  ten  foot  high  with  planks,  fastned  with  Spikes  and 
Nayls,  standing  upon  substantial  Posts,  with  several  other 
small  houses  round  about.  Also  we  saw  many  planks,  to  the 
quantity  of  three  thousand  foot  or  thereabouts,  with  other 
Timber  squared,  and  a  Cross  before  the  great  house.  Like 
wise  we  saw  the  Ruines  of  an  old  Fort,  compassing  more  than 
half  an  acre  of  land  within  the  Trenches,  which  we  supposed 
to  be  Charls's  Fort,  built,  and  so  called  by  the  French  in  1562, 
etc.2  On  Monday,  September  21.  one  English  youth  was 
brought  from  St.  Ellens  aboard  us  by  an  Indian,  who  informed 
us  that  there  were  four  more  of  their  company  at  St.  Ellens, 
but  he  could  not  tell  whether  the  Indians  would  let  them  come 
to  us:  For  saith  he,  Our  Men  told  me,  that  they  had  lately 
seen  a  Frier  and  two  Spanyards  more  at  St.  Ellens,  who  told 
them  they  would  send  Soldiers  suddenly  to  fetch  them  away. 
This  day  we  sayled  up  the  River  with  our  Ship  to  go  through 
to  St.  Ellens.  On  Tuesday  the  22  instant,  three  Indians 
came  on  board;  one  of  them  we  sent  with  a  Letter  to  the 
English  Prisoners  there.  On  Wednesday  the  23d,  we  sent 
out  Boat  and  Men  to  sound  the  Chanel,  and  finde  out  the  most 

1  A  bandoleer  was  a  broad  belt  or  baldric  slung  over  the  shoulder. 

1  Charles  Fort  was  located  on  the  eastern  side  of  an  island  between  the 
Broad  and  Port  Royal  rivers  which  was  subsequently  named  Parris  Island  in  honor 
of  Alexander  Parris,  for  many  years  public  treasurer  of  the  province  of  South  Caro 
lina.  Its  ruins  are  still  to  be  seen  there  at  the  point  where  Pilot's  Creek  enters 
Port  Royal  River.  The  ruins  here  described  were  probably  the  remains  of  some 
structure  used  by  Spanish  priests  from  St.  Augustine  who  had  been  trying  to  con 
vert  the  Indians  in  this  quarter  some  years  before. 


42  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

likely  way  to  St.  Ellens  with  our  Ship  by  Combeheh.1  In 
the  mean  time  came  many  Canoa's  aboard  us  with  Corn, 
Pumpions,  and  Venison,  Deer-skins,  and  a  sort  of  sweet-wood. 
One  of  our  men  looking  into  an  Indian  basket,  found  a  piece 
of  Spanish  Rusk:  it  being  new,  we  demanded  of  the  Indian 
where  he  had  it;  who  said,  of  the  Spaniards.  In  the  interim, 
while  we  were  talking,  came  a  Canoa  with  four  Indians  from 
St.  Ellens,  one  standing  up,  and  holding  a  paper  in  a  cleft 
stick;  they  told  us  they  had  brought  it  from  the  Spanish 
Captain  at  St.  Ellens.  We  demanded  how  many  Spaniards 
were  come  thither;  who  said,  Seven,  and  one  English-man: 
We  received  their  Letter  writ  in  Spanish,  but  none  of  us  could 
read  it:  We  detained  two  of  the  chiefest  Indians,  one  of 
them  being  the  Kings  Son  of  S.  Ellens,2  and  that  kept  one  of 
the  English  prisoners;  the  other  two  we  sent  away  with  a 
Letter  to  the  Spaniard,  wherein  we  gave  him  to  understand, 
that  we  understood  not  his  letter;  and  told  the  Indians,  when 
they  brought  the  English,  they  should  have  their  men  again, 
with  satisfaction  for  their  pains.  On  Thursday,  24  instant, 
we  sayling  further  up  the  River  to  go  through,  at  last  came 
to  a  place  of  fresh  water,  and  Anchored  there,  sending  our 
Boat  ashoar  with  a  Guard  to  get  water.  Towards  night 
came  the  first  Indian  that  we  sent  to  St.  Ellens  with  a  letter 
to  the  English,  who  brought  us  another  letter  from  the  Span 
iards,  and  an  Answer  of  ours  from  the  English,  writ  in  the 
Spaniards  letter.  The  Spaniard  sent  us  a  quarter  of  Venison, 
and  a  quarter  of  Pork,  with  a  Complement,  That  he  was  sorry 
he  had  no  more  for  us  at  that  time.  We  returned  him  thanks, 
and  sent  him  a  Jug  of  Brandy;  and  withal,  that  we  were 
sorry  we  understood  not  his  letter.  This  night  about  twelve 
of  the  Clock  we  had  a  most  violent  gust  of  winde,  but  of  no 
long  continuance.  On  Friday  25  September,  we  weighed,  and 
returned  down  the  River  six  leagues,  or  thereabouts,  because 
we  perceived  the  Indians  had  gathered  themselves  in  a  Body 
from  all  parts  thereabouts,  and  moved  as  the  Ship  did:  and 
being  informed  by  an  Indian  that  the  Spaniards  would  be 
there  the  next  day;  we  took  in  Fire- wood,  and  continued  there 

1  Combahee  (pronounced  Cumbee)  is  the  name  by  which  the  river  called 
Jordan  by  the  Spaniards  is  now  known. 

3  Wommony.    He  was  also  taken  to  Barbados,  but  returned  to  his  home. 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  43 

that  night,  at  which  time  one  of  our  Indian  Prisoners  made 
his  escape  by  leaping  over-board  in  the  dark.  On  Saturday 
the  26.  we  weighed,  and  stood  down  to  the  Harbours  mouth, 
and  stayed  there  till  Monday  the  28.  In  all  which  time  came 
no  one  to  us,  though  we  stay'd  in  expectation  of  their  coming 
continually;  therefore  put  out  to  Sea,  concluding  their  inten 
tions  not  to  be  good.  Being  out  of  the  River  Jordan,  we 
directed  our  course  S.  W.  four  leagues  or  thereabouts  for 
Port-Royal,  to  sound  the  Chanel  without  from  the  poynts 
of  the  Harbour  outwards;  for  we  had  sounded  the  Harbour 
within  from  the  points  inward  when  our  Boat  was  at  St. 
Ellens:  And  now  being  athwart  the  Harbours  mouth,  we  sent 
our  Boat  with  the  Mate  and  others,  who  found  the  N.  E. 
and  E.  N.  E.  side  of  the  opening  of  Port-Royal  to  be  Sholes 
and  Breakers  to  the  middle  of  the  opening;  and  three  leagues 
or  thereabouts  into  the  Sea,  from  the  side  aforesaid,  is  unsafe 
to  meddle  with:  but  the  S.W.  and  W.  side  we  found  all  bold 
steering  in  N.  N.  W.  two  or  three  miles  from  the  S.  W.  shoar, 
sayling  directly  with  the  S.W.  head-land  of  the  entrance  of 
Port-Royal:  the  said  head-land  is  bluft,  and  seems  steep,  as 
though  the  trees  hung  over  the  water:  But  you  must  note, 
that  if  you  keep  so  far  from  the  S.W.  side,  that  you  stand  in 
N.  N.  W.  with  the  bluft  head  aforesaid,  you  shall  go  over  the 
Outskirt  of  the  E.  N.  E.  sholing,  and  shall  have  but  three  or 
four  fathom  for  the  space  of  one  league  or  thereabouts,  and 
then  you  shall  have  six  and  seven  fathoms  all  the  way  in: 
But  if  you  borrow  more  on  the  S.W.  side,  till  you  have  brought 
the  S.  W.  head  of  the  Entry  to  bear  N.  N.  E.  you  shall  have  a 
fair  large  Chanel  of  six,  seven,  and  eight  fathoms  all  the  way 
in,  and  then  five,  six,  seven  and  eight  fathoms  within  the 
Harbour,  keeping  the  Chanel,  and  standing  over  to  the  North 
ward:  we  supposed  that  it  flows  here  as  at  the  River  Jordan, 
because  they  are  but  four  leagues  asunder,  and  flows  S.  E. 
and  N.W.  seven  foot  and  half,  and  sometimes  eight  foot  per 
pendicular:  the  Mouth  of  Port-Royal  lyes  in  32  deg.  20  min. 
lat.  Now  as  concerning  the  entrance  of  the  River  Jordan, 
lat.  32  deg.  30  min.  or  thereabouts,  you  shall  see  a  range  of 
Breakers  right  against  the  opening,  two  or  three  leagues  off 
the  S.  W.  Point;  which  you  must  leave  to  the  Northward, 
and  steer  in  with  the  said  S.  W.  Point,  giving  a  range  of 


44  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

Breakers  that  runs  from  the  said  Point  a  small  birth,  and  you 
shall  have  two,  three,  and  four  fathoms  at  low  water;  and 
when  you  come  one  mile  from  the  Point  aforesaid,  steer  over 
directly  to  the  N.  E.  Point,  and  you  shall  have  six  or  seven 
fathom  all  the  way.  Within  the  N.W.  Point  is  good  Anchor 
ing:  you  shall  have  five  fathoms  fair  aboard  the  shoar:  and 
you  shall  have  five,  six,  seven,  and  eight  fathoms,  sayling  all 
along  upon  the  River,  ten  leagues,  and  a  large  turning  Chanel : 
It  flows  here  S.  E.  and  N.  W.  seven  foot  and  a  half,  and  eight 
foot  at  common  Tydes.  The  River  Grandy,  or  as  the  Indians 
call  it  Edistow,  lyes  six  leagues  or  thereabouts  from  the  River 
Jordan,  and  seems  to  be  a  very  fair  opening:  but  because 
the  chief  Indian  of  that  Place  was  on  board  us,  and  the  Coun- 
trey  all  in  Arms,  we  not  knowing  how  the  winde  might  crosse 
us,  it  was  not  thought  fit  to  stay  there:  But  some  of  those 
English  that  had  lived  there,  being  Prisoners,  say,  that  it  is 
a  very  fair  and  goodly  River,  branching  into  several  branches, 
and  deep,  and  is  fresh  water  at  low  Tide  within  two  leagues 
of  the  Mouth;  it  seeming  to  us  as  we  passed  by,  a  good  entrance 
large  and  wide,  lat.  32  deg.  40  min.  in  or  thereabouts.  Now 
our  understanding  of  the  Land  of  Port-Royal,  River  Jordan, 
River  Grandie,  or  Edistow,  is  as  followeth:  The  Lands  are 
laden  with  large  tall  Oaks,  Walnut  and  Bayes,  except  facing 
on  the  Sea,  it  is  most  Pines  tall  and  good:  The  Land  gen 
erally,  except  where  the  Pines  grow,  is  a  good  Soyl,  covered 
with  black  Mold,  in  some  places  a  foot,  in  some  places  half  a 
foot,  and  in  other  places  lesse,  with  Clay  underneath  mixed 
with  Sand;  and  we  think  may  produce  any  thing  as  well 
as  most  part  of  the  Indies  that  we  have  seen.  The  Indians 
plant  in  the  worst  Land,  because  they  cannot  cut  down  the 
Timber  in  the  best,  and  yet  have  plenty  of  Corn,  Pumpions, 
Water-Mellons,  Musk-mellons:  although  the  Land  be  over 
grown  with  weeds  through  their  lazinesse,  yet  they  have  two 
or  three  crops  of  Corn  a  year,  as  the  Indians  themselves  inform 
us.  The  Country  abounds  with  Grapes,  large  Figs,  and 
Peaches;  the  Woods  with  Deer,  Conies,  Turkeys,  Quails, 
Curlues,  Plovers,  Teile,  Herons;  and  as  the  Indians  say,  in 
Winter,  with  Swans,  Geese,  Cranes,  Duck  and  Mallard,  and 
innumerable  of  other  water-Fowls,  whose  names  we  know 
not,  which  lie  in  the  Rivers,  Marshes,  and  on  the  Sands: 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  45 

Oysters  in  abundance,  with  great  store  of  Muscles;  A  sort  of 
fair  Crabs,  and  a  round  Shel-fish  called  Horse-feet ';  The 
Rivers  stored  plentifully  with  Fish  that  we  saw  play  and 
leap.  There  are  great  Marshes,  but  most  as  far  as  we  saw 
little  worth,  except  for  a  Root  that  grows  in  them  the  Indians 
make  good  Bread  of.  The  Land  we  suppose  is  healthful; 
tor  the  English  that  were  cast  away  on  that  Coast  in  July  last, 
were  there  most  part  of  that  time  of  year  that  is  sickly  in 
Virginia;  and  notwithstanding  hard  usage,  and  lying  on  the 
ground  naked,  yet  had  their  perfect  healths  all  the  time. 
The  Natives  are  very  healthful;  we  saw  many  very  Aged 
amongst  them.  The  Ayr  is  clear  and  sweet,  the  Countrey 
very  pleasant  and  delightful:  And  we  could  wish,  that  all 
they  that  want  a  happy  settlement,  of  our  English  Nation, 
were  well  transported  thither,  etc. 

From  Tuesday  the  29th  of  September,  to  Friday  the 
second  of  October,  we  ranged  along  the  shoar  from  the  lat. 
32  deg.  20  min.  to  the  lat.  33  deg.  11  min.  but  could  discern 
no  Entrance  for  our  Ship,  after  we  had  passed  to  the  North 
wards  of  32  deg.  40  min.  On  Saturday  the  third  instant,  a 
violent  storm  came  up,  the  winde  between  the  North  and 
the  East;  which  Easterly  windes  and  fowl  weather  continued 
till  Monday  the  12th.  By  reason  of  which  storms  and  fowl 
weather,  we  were  forced  to  get  off  to  Sea  to  secure  our  selves 
and  ship,  and  were  horsed  by  reason  of  a  strong  Current, 
almost  to  Cape  Hatterasse  in  lat.  35  deg.  30  min.  On  Mon 
day  the  12th  aforesaid  we  came  to  an  Anchor  in  seven  fathom 
at  Cape  Fair-Road,  and  took  the  Meridian-Altitude  of  the 
Sun,  and  were  in  the  lat.  33  deg.  43  min.  the  winde  con 
tinuing  still  Easterly,  and  fowl  weather  till  Thursday  the 
15th  instant;  and  on  Friday  the  16th,  the  winde  being  at 
N.  W.  we  weighed,  and  sailed  up  Cape  Fair-River,  some  four 
or  five  leagues,  and  came  to  an  Anchor  in  six  or  seven  fathom; 
at  which  time  several  Indians  came  on  Board,  and  brought 
us  great  store  of  Fresh-fish,  large  Mullets,  young  Bass,  Shads, 
and  several  other  sorts  of  very  good  well-tasted  Fish.  On 
Saturday  the  17th,  we  went  down  to  the  Cape  to  see  the 
English  Cattle,  but  could  not  finde  them,  though  we  rounded 

1  Clams. 


46  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

the  Cape :  And  having  an  Indian  Guide  with  us,  here  we  rode 
till  the  24th  instant;  the  winde  being  against  us,  we  could 
not  go  up  the  River  with  our  Ship;  in  which  time  we  went 
on  shoar,  and  viewed  the  land  of  those  quarters.  On  Satur 
day  we  weighed,  and  sayled  up  the  River  some  four  leagues 
or  thereabouts.  Sunday  the  25th,  we  weighed  again,  and 
towed  up  the  River,  it  being  calm,  and  got  up  some  fourteen 
leagues  from  the  Harbours  mouth,  where  we  morecTour 
Ship.  On  Monday  the  26  October,  we  went  down  with  the 
Yoal 1  to  Necoes,  an  Indian  Plantation,  and  viewed  the  Land 
there.  On  Tuesday  the  27th,  we  rowed  up  the  main  River 
with  our  long-Boat  and  twelve  men,  some  ten  leagues  or 
thereabouts.  On  Wednesday  the  28th;  we  rowed  up  about 
eight  or  nine  leagues  more.  Thursday  the  29th  was  foul 
weather,  "$f~much  rain  and  winde,  which  forced  us  to  make 
Huts,  and  lye  still.  Friday  the  30th,  we  proceeded  up  the 
main  River,  seven  or  eight  leagues.  Saturday  the  31,  we  got 
up  three  or  four  leagues- more,  and  came  to  a  Tree  that  lay 
athwart  the  River:  but  because  our  Provisions  were  neer 
spent,  we  proceeded  no  further,  but  returned  downward  the 
remainder  of  that  day;  and  on  Monday  the  second  of  Novem 
ber,  we  came  aboard  our  Ship.  Tuesday  the  third,  we  lay 
still  to  refresh  ourselves.  On  Wednesday  the  4th,  we  went 
five  or  six  leagues  up  the  River  to  search  a  branch  that  ran 
out  of  the  main  River  towards  the  N.  W.  In  which  branch 
we  went  up  five  or  six  leagues:  not  liking  the  Land,  we  re 
turned  on  board  that  night  about  midnight,  and  called  that 
place  Swampy-branch.  Thursday  the  fifth  instant,  we  staid 
aboard;  on  Friday  the  6th  we  went  up  Greens  River,  the 
mouth  of  it  being  against  the  place  we  rode  with  our  Ship. 
On  Saturday  the  7th,  we  proceeded  up  the  said  River  some 
fourteen  or  fifteen  leagues  in  all,  and  found  that  it  ended  in 
several  small  branches;  the  Land  for  the  most  part  being 
marshy  and  swamps,  we  returned  towards  our  ship,  and  got 
aboard  in  the  night:  Sunday  the  8th  instant  we  lay  still,  and 
on  Monday  the  9th  we  went  again  up  the  main  River,  being 
well  provided  with  Provisions  and  all  things  necessary,  and 
proceeded  upwards  till  Thursday  noon  12th  instant,  at  which 
time  we  came  to  a  place  where  two  Islands  were  in  the  middle 

1  Yawl. 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  4} 

of  the  River,  and  by  reason  of  the  crookednesse  of  the  River 
at  that  place,  several  Trees  lay  athwart  both  branches,  which 
stopped  up  the  passage  of  each  branch,  that  we  could  proceed 
no  further  with  our  Boat;  but  we  went  up  the  River  side  by 
land  some  three  or  four  miles,  and  found  the  River  to  enlarge 
it  self:  So  we  returned,  leaving  it  as  far  as  we  could  see  up  a 
long  reach  running  N.  E.  we  judging  our  selves  from  the 
Rivers  mouth  North  near  tjfty  leagues];  we  returned,  viewing 
the  Land  on  both  sides  the  "River,  and  found  as  good  tracts 
of  land,  dry,  well  wooded,  pleasant  and  delightful  as  we  have 
seen  any  where  in  the  world,  with  great  burthen  of  Grasse 
on  it,  the  land  being  very  level,  with  steep  banks  on  both 
sides  the  River,  and  in  some  places  very  high,  the  woods 
stor'd  with  abundance  of  Deer  and  Turkies  every  where;  we 
never  going  on  shoar,  but  saw  of  each  also  Partridges  great 
store,  Cranes  abundance,  Conies,  which  we  saw  in  several 
places;  we  heard  several  Wolves  howling  in  the  woods,  and 
saw  where  they  had  torn  a  Deer  in  pieces.  Also  in  the  River 
we  saw  great  store  of  Ducks,  Teile,  Widgeon,  and  in  the 
woods  great  flocks  of  Parrakeeto's; l  the  Timber  that  the  woods 
afford  for  the  most  part  consisting  of  Oaks  of  four  or  five 
sorts,  all  differing  in  leaves,  but  all  bearing  Akorns  very  good : 
we  measured  many  of  the  Oaks  in  several  places,  which  we 
found  to  be  in  bignesse  some  two,  some  three,  and  others 
almost  four  fathoms;  in  height,  before  you  come  to  boughs 
or  limbs,  forty,  fifty,  sixty  foot,  and  some  more,  and  those 
Oaks  very  common  in  the  upper  parts  of  both  Rivers;  Also 
a  very  tall  large  Tree  of  great  bignesse,  which  some  do  call 
Cyprus,  the  right  name  we  know  not,  growing  in  Swamps. 
Likewise  Walnut,  Birch,  Beech,  Maple,  Ash,  Bay,  Willough, 
Alder  and  Holly;  and  in  the  lowermost  parts  innumerable 
of  Pines,  tall  and  good  for  boards  or  masts,  growing  for  the 
most  part  in  barren  sandy  ground,  but  in  some  places  up 
the  River  in  good  ground,  being  mixed  amongst  Oaks  and 
other  Timber.  We  saw  several  Mulberry-trees,  multitudes  of 
Grape-Vines,  and  some  Grapes  which  we  did  eat  of.  We 
found  a  very  large  and  good  tract  of  Land  on  the  N.  W.  side 
of  the  River,  thin  of  Timber,  except  here  and  there  a  very 
great  Oak,  and  full  of  Grasse,  commonly  as  high  as  a  mans 

1  The  Carolina  paroquet,  now  almost  extinct. 


48  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

middle,  and  in  many  places  to  his  shoulders,  where  we  saw 
many  Deer  and  Turkies;  also  one  Deer  with  very  large  horns, 
and  great  in  body,  therefore  called  it  Stag-Park:  it  being  a 
very  pleasant  and  delightful  place,  we  travelled  in  it  several 
miles,  but  saw  no  end  thereof.  So  we  returned  to  our  Boat, 
and  proceeded  down  the  River,  and  came  to  another  place 
some  twenty  five  leagues  from  the  Rivers  mouth  on  the 
same  side,  where  we  found  a  place  no  lesse  delightful  than 
the  former;  and  as  far  as  we  could  judge,  both  Tracts  came 
into  one.  This  lower  place  we  called  Rocky-point,  because 
we  found  many  Rocks  and  Stones  of  several  bignesse  upon 
the  Land,  which  is  not  common.  We  sent  our  Boat  down  the 
River  before  us;  our  selves  travelling  by  Land  many  miles, 
were  so  much  taken  with  the  pleasantnesse  of  the  Land,  that 
travelling  into  the  woods  so  far,  we  could  not  recover  our 
Boat  and  company  that  night.  On  Sunday  the  morrow  fol 
lowing  we  got  to  our  Boat,  and  on  Monday  the  16th  of  No 
vember,  we  proceeded  down  to  a  place  on  the  East-side  of 
the  River  some  twenty  three  leagues  from  the  Harbours 
mouth,  which  we  calPd  Turkie-Quarters,  because  we  killed 
several  Turkies  thereabouts.  We  viewed  the  Land  there,  and 
found  some  tracts  of  good  Land,  and  high,  facing  upon  the 
River  about  one  mile  inward,  but  backwards  some  two  miles 
all  Pine-land,  but  good  pasture-ground:  we  returned  to  our 
Boat,  and  proceeded  down  some  two  or  three  leagues,  where 
we  had  formerly  viewed,  and  found  it  a  tract  of  as  good  Land 
as  any  we  have  seen,  with  as  good  Timber  on  it.  The  banks 
of  the  River  being  high,  therefore  we  called  it  High-Land  Point. 
Having  viewed  that,  we  proceeded  down  the  River,  going  on 
shoar  in  several  places  on  both  sides,  it  being  generally  large 
Marshes,  and  many  of  them  dry,  that  they  may  more  fitly 
be  called  Medows:  the  wood-land  against  them  is  for  the 
most  part  Pine,  and  in  some  places  as  barren  as  ever  we  saw 
Land,  but  in  other  places  good  Pasture-ground:  And  on  Tues 
day  the  17th  instant,  we  got  aboard  our  Ship,  riding  against 
the  mouth  of  Green's  River,  where  our  men  are  providing 
wood,  and  fitting  the  Ship  for  the  Sea :  In  the  interim,  we  took 
some  view  of  the  Land  on  both  sides  of  the  River  there,  find 
ing  some  good  Land,  but  more  bad,  and  the  best  not  com 
parable  to  that  above.  Friday  the  20th  instant  was  foul 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  49 

weather,  yet  in  the  Afternoon  we  weighed,  and  went  down 
the  River  some  two  leagues,  and  came  to  Anchor  against  the 
mouth  of  Hilton's  River,  and  took  some  view  of  the  Land 
there  on  both  sides,  which  appeared  to  us  much  like  unto 
that  at  Green's  River.  Monday  23.  we  went  with  our  Long 
boat  well  victualled  and  manned  up  Hilton's  River;  and  when 
we  came  three  leagues  or  thereabouts  up  the  said  River,  we 
found  this  and  Green's  River  to  come  into  one,  and  so  con 
tinued  for  four  or  five  leagues,  which  causeth  a  great  Island 
betwixt  them.  We  proceeded  still  up  the  River,  till  they  parted 
again,  keeping  up  Hilton's  River  on  the  Lar-board  side,  and 
followed  the  said  River  five  or  six  leagues  further,  where  we 
found  another  large  branch  of  Green's  River  to  come  into 
Hilton's,  which  maketh  another  great  Island.  On  the  Star 
board  side  going  up,  we  proceeded  stil  up  the  River  some 
four  leagues,  and  returned,  taking  a  view  of  the  Land  on 
both  sides,  and  now  judge  our  selves  to  be  from  our  ship 
some  eighteen  leagues  W.  and  by  W.  One  league  below  this 
place  came  four  Indians  in  a  Canoa  to  us,  and  sold  us  several 
baskets  of  Akorns,  which  we  satisfied  for,  and  so  left  them; 
but  one  of  them  followed  us  on  the  shoar  some  two  or  three 
miles,  till  he  came  on  the  top  of  a  high  bank,  facing  on  the 
River,  we  rowing  underneath  it,  the  said  Indian  shot  an 
Arrow  at  us,  which  missed  one  of  our  men  very  narrowly, 
and  stuck  in  the  upper  edge  of  the  Boat,  which  broke  in  pieces, 
leaving  the  head  behind.  Hereupon  we  presently  made  for 
the  shoar,  and  went  all  up  the  bank  except  four  to  guide 
the  Boat;  we  searched  for  the  Indian,  but  could  not  finde. 
him:  At  last  we  heard  some  sing  further  in  the  Woods, 
which  we  thought  had  been  as  a  Chalenge  to  us  to  come  and 
fight  them.  We  went  towards  them  with  all  speed,  but 
before  we  came  in  sight  of  them,  we  heard  two  Guns  go  off 
from  our  Boat,  whereupon  we  retreated  with  all  speed  to 
secure  our  Boat  and  Men:  when  we  came  to  them,  we  found 
all  well,  and  demanded  the  reason  of  their  firing  the  Guns: 
they  told  us  that  an  Indian  came  creeping  on  the  Bank  as 
they  thought  to  shoot  at  them,  therefore  shot  at  him  a  great 
distance  with  Swan-shot,  but  thought  they  did  him  no  hurt, 
for  they  saw  him  run  away.  Presently  after  our  return  to 
the  Boat,  while  we  were  thus  talking,  came  two  Indians  to 


50  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

us  with  their  Bows  and  Arrows,  crying  Bonny,  Bonny:  we 
took  their  Bows  and  Arrows  from  them,  and  gave  them 
Beads,  to  their  content.  Then  we  led  them  by  the  hand 
to  the  Boat,  and  shewed  them  the  Arrow-head  sticking  in 
her  side,  and  related  to  them  the  businesse;  which  when 
they  understood,  both  of  them  manifested  much  sorrow,  and 
made  us  understand  by  signes,  that  they  knew  nothing  of  it: 
so  we  let  them  go,  and  marked  a  Tree  on  the  top  of  the  bank, 
calling  the  place  Mount-Skerry.  We  looked  up  the  River  as 
far  as  we  could  discern,  and  saw  that  it  widened  it  self,  and 
came  running  directly  down  the  Countrey:  So  we  returned, 
and  viewed  the  Land  on  both  sides  the  River,  finding  the 
banks  steep  in  some  places,  but  very  high  in  others.  The 
banks  sides  are  generally  Clay,  and  as  some  of  our  company 
doth  affirm,  some  Marie.  The  Land  and  Timber  up  this 
River  is  no  way  inferiour  to  the  best  in  the  other,  which 
we  call  the  main  River:  So  far  as  we  discovered,  this  seems 
as  fair,  if  not  fairer  than  the  former,  and  we  think  runs  further 
into  the  Countrey,  because  there  is  a  strong  Current  comes 
down,  and  a  great  deal  more  drift-wood.  But  to  return  to 
the  business  of  the  Land  and  Timber:  We  saw  several  plats 
of  Ground  cleared  by  the  Indians  after  their  weak  manner, 
compassed  round  with  great  Timber-Trees;  which  they  are 
no  ways  able  to  fall,  and  so  keep  the  Sun  from  their  Corn 
fields  very  much;  yet  nevertheless  we  saw  as  large  Corn 
stalks  or  bigger,  than  we  have  seen  any  where  else :  So  we  pro 
ceeded  down  the  River,  till  we  found  the  Canoa  the  Indian 
was  in  who  shot  at  us.  In  the  morning  we  went  on  shoar, 
and  cut  the  same  in  pieces:  the  Indians  perceiving  us  coming 
towards  them,  run  away.  We  went  to  his  Hut,  and  pulled  it 
down,  brake  his  pots,  platters,  and  spoons,  tore  his  Deer 
skins  and  mats  in  pieces,  and  took  away  a  basket  of  Akorns: 
So  we  proceeded  down  the  River  two  leagues,  or  thereabouts, 
and  came  to  another  place  of  Indians,  bought  Akorns  and 
some  Corn  of  them,  and  went  downwards  two  leagues  more: 
at  last  we  espied  an  Indian  peeping  over  a  high  bank:  we 
held  up  a  Gun  at  him ;  and  calling  to  him,  said,  Skerry :  pres 
ently  several  Indians  appeared  to  us,  making  great  signes  of 
friendship,  saying,  Bonny,  Bonny,  and  running  before  us, 
endeavouring  to  perswade  us  to  come  on  shoar;  but  we 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  51 

answered  them  with  stern  countenances,  and  said,  Skerry, 
taking  up  our  guns,  and  threatening  to  shoot  at  them;  but 
they  cryed  still  Bonny,  Bonny:  And  when  they  saw  they 
could  not  prevail,  nor  perswade  us  to  come  on  shoar,  two 
of  them  came  off  to  us  in  a  Canoa,  one  padling  with  a  great 
Cane,  the  other  with  his  hand;  they  came  to  us,  and  laid 
hold  of  our  Boat,  sweating  and  blowing,  and  told  us  it  was 
Bonny  on  shoar,  and  at  last  perswaded  us  to  go  ashoar  with 
them.  As  soon  as  we  landed,  several  Indians,  to  the  number 
of  near  forty  lusty  men,  came  to  us,  all  in  a  great  sweat,  and 
told  us  Bonny:  we  shewed  them  the  Arrow-head  in  the  Boats- 
side,  and  a  piece  of  the  Canoa  which  we  had  cut  in  pieces: 
the  chief  man  of  them  made  a  large  Speech,  and  threw  Beads 
into  our  Boat,  which  is  a  signe  of  great  love  and  friendship; 
and  made  us  to  understand,  when  he  heard  of  the  Affront 
which  we  had  received,  it  caused  him  to  cry:  and  now  he 
and  his  men  were  come  to  make  peace  with  us,  making  signes 
to  us  that  they  would  tye  his  Arms,  and  cut  off  his  head 
that  had  done  us  that  abuse;  and  for  a  further  testimony  of 
their  love  and  good  will  towards  us,  they  presented  to  us  two 
very  handsom  proper  young  Indian  women,  the  tallest  that 
we  have  seen  in  this  Countrey;  which  we  supposed  to  be  the 
Kings  Daughters,  or  persons  of  some  great  account  amongst 
them.  These  young  women  were  ready  to  come  into  our 
Boat;  one  of  them  crouding  in,  was  hardly  perswaded  to  go 
out  again.  We  presented  to  the  King  a  Hatchet  and  several 
Beads,  also  Beads  to  the  young  women  and  to  the  chief  men, 
and  to  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  as  far  as  our  Beads  would  go: 
they  promised  us  in  four  days  to  come  on  board  our  Ship, 
and  so  departed  from  us.  When  we  left  the  place,  which 
was  presently,  we  called  it  Mount-Bonny,  because  we  had 
there  concluded  a  firm  Peace.  Proceeding  down  the  River 
two  or  three  leagues  further,  we  came  to  a  place  where  were 
nine  or  ten  Canoa's  all  together;  we  went  ashoar  there,  and 
found  several  Indians,  but  most  of  them  were  the  same  which 
had  made  Peace  with  us  before:  We  made  little  stay  there, 
but  went  directly  down  the  River,  and  came  to  our  Ship  before 
day.  Thursday  the  26th  of  November,  the  winde  being  at 
South,  we  could  not  go  down  to  the  Rivers  mouth:  but  on 
Friday  the  27th,  we  weighed  at  the  mouth  of  Hilton's  River, 


52  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

and  got  down  one  league  towards  the  Harbours  mouth.  On 
Sunday  the  29th,  we  got  down  to  Crane-Island,  which  is  four 
leagues  or  thereabouts  above  the  Entrance  of  the  Harbours 
mouth.  Now  on  Tuesday  the  first  of  December,  we  made  a 
purchase  of  the  River  and  land  of  Cape-Fair,  of  Wattcoosa, 
and  such  other  Indians  as  appeared  to  us  to  be  the  chief  of 
those  parts:  they  brought  us  store  of  Fresh-fish  aboard,  as 
Mullets,  Shads,  and  other  very  good  Fish:  this  River  is  all 
Fresh- water  fit  to  drink.  Some  eight  leagues  within  the 
mouth,  the  Tide  runs  up  about  thirty-five  leagues,1  but  stops 
and  riseth  a  great  deal  farther  up;  it  flowes  at  the  Harbours 
mouth  S.E.  and  N.  W.  six  foot  at  Neap-Tides,  and  eight  foot 
at  Spring-Tides:  the  Chanel  on  the  Easter-side  by  the  Cape- 
shoar  is  the  best,  and  lyes  close  aboard  the  Cape-land,  being 
three  fathoms  at  High-water,  in  the  shallowest  place  in  the 
Chanel  just  at  the  Entrance;  but  as  soon  as  you  are  past  that 
place  half  a  Cables  length  inward,  you  shall  have  six  or  seven 
fathoms,  a  fair  turning  Chanel  into  the  River,  and  so  con 
tinuing  four  or  five  leagues  upwards;  afterwards  the  Chanel 
is  more  difficult  in  some  places  six  or  seven  fathoms,  four 
or  five,  and  in  other  places  but  nine  or  ten  foot,  especially 
where  the  River  is  broad.  When  the  River  comes  to  part, 
and  grows  narrow,  there  is  all  Chanel  from  side  to  side  in 
most  places;  in  some  places  you  shall  have  five,  six,  or  seven 
fathoms,  but  generally  two  or  three,  Sand  and  Oaze.  We 
viewed  the  Cape-land,  and  judged  it  to  be  little  worth,  the 
Woods  of  it  shrubby  and  low,  the  Land  sandy  and  barren; 
in  some  places  Grass  and  Rushes,  and  in  other  places  nothing 
but  clear  sand:  a  place  fitter  to  starve  Cattel  in  our  judge 
ment,  then  to  keep  them  alive;  yet  the  Indians,  as  we  under 
stand,  keep  the  English  Cattle  down  there,  and  suffer  them  not 
to  go  off  the  said  Cape,  as  we  suppose,  because  the  Countrey- 
Indians  shall  have  no  part  with  them,  and  as  we  think,  are 
fallen  out  about  them,  who  shall  have  the  greatest  share. 
They  brought  aboard  our  Ship  very  good  and  fat  Beef  several 
times,  which  they  could  afford  very  reasonable;  also  fat  and 
very  large  Swine,  good  cheap  penny-worths:  but  they  may 

1  The  punctuation  should  apparently  be,  "all  fresh  water  fit  to  drink,  some 
eight  leagues  within  the  mouth.  The  tide  runs  up  about  thirty-five  leagues,  but," 
etc.  The  author  is  still  speaking  of  the  Cape  Fear  River. 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  53 

thank  their  friends  of  New-England,  who  brought  their  Hogs 
to  so  fair  a  Market.  Some  of  the  Indians  brought  very  good 
Salt  aboard  us,  and  made  signes,  pointing  to  both  sides  of  the 
Rivers  mouth,  that  there  was  great  store  thereabouts.  We 
saw  up  the  River  several  good  places  for  the  setting  up  of 
Corn  or  Saw-mills.  In  that  time  as  our  businesse  called  us 
up  and  down  the  River  and  Branches,  we  kill'd  of  wild-fowl, 
four  Swans,  ten  Geese,  twenty  nine  Cranes,  ten  Turkies,  forty 
Duck  and  Mallard,  three  dozen  of  Parrakeeto's,  and  six  or 
seven  dozen  of  other  small  Fowls,  as  Curlues  and  Plovers,  etc. 

Whereas  there  was  a  Writing  left  in  a  Post  at  the  Point 
of  Cape  Fair  River,  by  those  New-England-men  that  left 
Cattel  with  the  Indians  there,  the  Contents  whereof  tended 
not  only  to  the  disparagement  of  the  Land  about  the  said 
River,  but  also  to  the  great  discouragement  of  all  those  that 
should  hereafter  come  into  those  parts  to  settle :  In  Answer  to 
that  scandalous  writing,  We  whose  names  are  under-written 
do  affirm,  That  we  have  seen  facing  on  both  sides  of  the 
River,  and  branches  of  Cape-Fair  aforesaid,  as  good  Land, 
and  as  well  Timbered,  as  any  we  have  seen  in  any  other  part 
of  the  world,  sufficient  to  accommodate  thousands  of  our 
English  Nation,  lying  commodiously  by  the  said  River. 

On  Friday  the  4th  of  December,  the  winde  being  fair,  we 
put  out  to  Sea,  bound  for  Barbadoes;  and  on  the  6th  day 
of  January,  166|,  we  came  to  Anchor  in  Carlisle-Bay;1  and 
after  several  known  apparent  dangers  both  by  Sea  and  Land, 
have  now  brought  us  all  in  safety  to  our  long-wish'd-for  and 
much  desired  Port,  to  render  an  Accompt  of  our  Discovery, 
the  verity  of  which  we  aver. 

ANTHONY  LONG. 

WILLIAM  HILTON. 

PETER  FABIAN. 

A  Copy  of  the  Spanyard's  first  Letter. 

I  am  come  to  this  Town  of  Infidel-Indians,  to  seek  some 
English,  which  my  Governour  and  Captain-General,  Don 

1  The  chief  roadstead  of  Barbados. 


54  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

Alonso  de  Arangows,  de  Colis,1  Cavallier,  and  Knight  of  the 
Order  of  St.  James,  for  his  Majesty,  had  notice  that  there 
was  a  Ship  lost  in  that  Port  in  which  you  are,  that  the  men 
might  not  run  any  hazard  of  their  lives,  as  those  with  me 
here  have.  Don  Adeleyers,  with  the  Governor  of  the  Garison 
of  S.  Augustine,  are  gone  to  ransome  and  free  the  Subjects 
of  the  King  your  Master,  Charles  the  Second:  Wherefore  I 
advise  you,  that  if  these  Indians  (although  Infidels  and 
Barbarians)  have  not  killed  any  of  the  Christians,  and  do 
require  as  a  gift  or  courtesie  for  those  four  men,  four  Spades, 
and  four  Axes,  some  Knives,  and  some  Beads,  and  the  four 
Indians  which  you  have  there,  you  deliver  them,  and  that  for 
their  sakes  that  shall  sayl  on  this  Coast:  you  may  send  a 
Boat,  who  when  she  comes  athwart  the  Port  of  St.  Ellens, 
may  hoist  an  Ancient 2  twice  or  thrice,  and  I  will  do  the 
same.  The  shortnesse  of  the  dispatch  I  desire,  for  I  want 
provision  for  my  Soldiers,  and  the  way  is  large.  Your  Servant 
desires  you  would  give  me  a  speedy  Answer;  and  what  may 
be  done  in  your  service,  I  shall  do  very  willingly:  And  if 
you  have  none  that  can  interpret  the  Spanish  Tongue,  you 
may  .write  in  your  own,  for  here  are  your  Countrey-men  that 
can  understand  it:  but  if  you  can,  let  it  be  in  Spanish. 

From  the  Capt.  ALANSO  ARGUELES.S 
From  St.  Ellens  the  22  of  Sep- 
temb.  1663. 


The  Copies  of  our  Letters  sent  to  the  English  and  Spaniards  at 
St.  Ellens,  with  the  Answer  of  Mr.  William  Davis,  and  the 
Spaniards  also,  here  inclosed. 

Loving  Friends  and  Country-men, 

Wee  are  come  up  the  River  with  our  Ship,  and  are  resolved 
to  come  through  by  Combiheh,  to  St.  Ellens,  and  to  get  you 
away  by  fair  means,  or  otherways.  If  that  will  not  do,  we 
have  five  of  your  company  already:  and  the  Captain  of  Edi- 
stow,  and  one  more  are  Prisoners  with  us,  whom  we  intend 
to  keep  till  we  have  rescued  all  the  English  Prisoners  out  of 

1  Don  Alonso  Aranjuez  y  Cotes,  governor  of  Florida. 

2  Ensign.  3  Alonso  de  Arguelles. 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  55 

the  hands  of  the  Indians.  Send  us  word  by  this  Bearer  what 
you  know  concerning  the  Spanyards;  for  the  youth  Morgan 
tells  us  that  the  Spanyards  are  come  with  Soldiers  to  fetch  you 
away.  Fail  not  to  inform  us  how  things  are.  Nothing  else 
at  present,  but  remain 

Your  friend  and  Servant 
WILL.  HILTON. 

From  on  Board  the  Adventure, 
Septemb.  21.  1663. 


An  Answer  to  the  Spanyards  Letter  not  understood. 

Honoured  Sir, 

Whereas  wee  received  a  Letter  from  you,  the  Contents 
whereof  we  understand  not,  because  none  of  us  could  read 
Spanish:  Our  businesse  is  to  demand  and  receive  the  English 
Prisoners  from  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  then  they  shall 
have  their  Indians  which  we  have  detained  on  Board,  with 
satisfaction  for  their  pains.  We  understand  not  at  present 
that  we  have  any  businesse  with  you.  Not  else  at  present, 
but  remain 

Your  Friend  and  Servant  in  what  I  may, 

WILL.  HILTON. 

From  on  Board  the  Adventure, 

Septemb.  23.  1663. 
To  his  honoured  Friend  the  Spanish 
Captain  at  St.  Ellens. 


An  Answer  to  Mr.  William  Davis  his  Lines  written  to  us  in 
the  Spanyard's  Letter,  Viz. 

Mr.  William  Davis, 

Wee  received  your  Lines  in  the  Spanish  Letter,  but  hear 
nothing  of  your  coming  to  us.  Let  your  Keepers  send  you, 
and  that  without  delay;  for  you  may  assure  them,  That  we 
will  be  gone,  and  carry  the  Indians  away  with  us,  except  they 
send  the  English  suddenly  on  Board,  and  then  they  shall  have 


56  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

their  Indians  upon  our  receipt  of  the  English.  Not  else  at 
present,  but  thank  the  Spanish  Captain  for  the  Pork  and 
Venison  he  sent  us.  Remain 

Your  loving  Friend 

WILL.  HILTON. 
From  on  Board  the  Adventure, 

September  24.  1663. 
To  Mr.  William  Davis  at  St.  Ellens. 

Sir, 

Wee  have  received  your  second  Letter,  and  give  you  no 
Answer,  for  the  Reason  mentioned  in  our  former  Letter  to 
you.  Please  to  inform  the  Indians,  That  if  they  bring  not  the 
English  Prisoners  on  Board  us  without  further  delay,  we  are 
resolved  to  carry  their  Indians  we  have  on  Board  away:  But 
if  they  will  bring  the  English,  they  shall  have  theirs,  with  satis 
faction.  Also  we  thank  you  for  your  Venison  and  Pork. 
Not  else  at  present,  but  remain 

Sir, 
Your  Friend  and  Servant  in  what  I  may 

WILL.  HILTON. 
From  on  Board  the  Adventure, 

Septemb.  24.  1663. 
To  his  Honoured  Friend,  the  Spanish 
Captain  at  St.  Ellens. 

A  Copy  of  the  Spanyard's  second  Letter. 

My  Governour  and  Capt.  General,  as  soon  as  he  had  News 
that  a  Ship,  by  Nation  English,  was  lost  in  that  Port  in  which 
you  now  are,  sent  me  with  Soldiers  of  the  Garison  of  St. 
Augustine  in  Florida,  as  they  have  at  other  times  done,  to 
free  them  from  death;  for  which  cause  I  came  to  this  Port  of 
St.  Ellens,  where  I  found  all  these  Indians  in  a  fright,  fearing 
that  you  will  do  them  some  mischief:  So  having  found  four 
men  of  those  that  were  lost,  I  thought  good  to  advise  you,  that 
you  might  carry  them  in  your  company,  giving  some  gifts  to 
those  Indians  which  they  desire;  which  is,  four  Spades,  four 
Axes,  some  Knives,  and  some  Beads.  This  they  desire,  not 
as  payment,  but  onely  as  an  acknowledgment  of  a  kindness 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  57 

for  having  saved  their  lives;  which  they  have  always  done  as 
Naturals  who  have  given  their  obedience  to  the  King  our 
Master.  And  they  do  also  desire  you  to  let  go  those  four 
Indians  which  are  there:  You  may  send  a  Boat  when  you 
discover  the  Points  of  St.  Ellens;  may  hoist  an  Ancient  two 
or  three  times,  and  I  will  do  the  same.  I  desire  your  Answer 
may  be  sodain;  for  I  am  scarce  of  Provisions,  and  the  way 
is  somewhat  long:  and  if  you  have  no  body  who  understands 
Spanish,  you  may  write  in  English,  for  here  are  your  Countrey- 
men  who  will  interpret  it. 

By  the  Captain  ALANSO  ARGUILES. 
From  St.  Ellens,  Septemb. 
23.  1663. 

Proposals  made  to  all  such  Persons  as  shall  undertake  to  become 
the  first  Setters  on  Rivers,  Harbours,  or  Creeks,  whose 
Mouth  or  Entrance  is  Southwards  or  Westwards  of  Cape 
St.  Romana  in  the  Province  of  Carolina,  and  execute  the 
same  at  their  own  hazard  and  charge  of  Transportation, 
Ammunition,  and  Provisions,  as  is  hereafter  expressed,  etc. 

I. 

Imprimis,  It  is  agreed  and  consented  to  by  us  Thomas 
Mudyford,  and  Peter  Colleton,  Esquires,  who  are  impowered 
by  the  Lords  Proprietors  to  treat  in  their  behalf;  That  in 
consideration  of  the  good  service  which  Captain  Anthony 
Long,  Captain  William  Hilton,  and  Mr.  Peter  Fabian  have 
done  in  making  so  clear  a  Discovery  on  that  Coast,  They  shall 
each  of  them  enjoy  to  them  and  their  Heirs  for  ever  one  thou 
sand  Acres  of  Land  apiece  upon  the  said  River,  Harbour,  or 
Creeks,  on  such  places  as  they  shall  desire,  not  taken  up  before. 

II. 

Item,  To  Master  Pyam  Blowers,  and  Master  John  Han 
cock,  five  hundred  Acres  apiece,  in  manner  as  aforesaid. 

III. 

Item,  To  all  the  Sea-men  and  Adventurers  in  the  said 
Ship,  one  hundred  Acres  apiece  in  manner  as  aforesaid. 


58  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

IV. 

Item,  To  every  person  that  hath  subscribed  and  paid,  or 
hath  subscribed  and  shall  pay  within  two  moneths  next  after 
the  Date  hereof,  unto  the  Treasurer  appointed  by  the  Com 
mittee  for  defraying  the  Charge  of  the  late  Discovery,1  and 
towards  the  publique  Stock,  five  hundred  Acres  of  Land,  be 
sides  what  they  are  otherwayes  to  receive  and  enjoy  each  for 
every  thousand  pounds  of  Sugar,  and  so  for  greater  or  lesser 
quantity  proportionally,  to  possesse  and  enjoy  the  same  in 
manner  as  aforesaid;  the  said  Adventurers  having  promised, 
That  the  severall  and  respective  Persons  above-intended, 
shall  within  five  years  next  ensuing,  have  one  Person  white  or 
black,  young  or  old,  transported  at  their  Charge  as  aforesaid, 
on  that  or  some  other  parcel  of  Land  in  the  Province,  for 
every  hundred  of  Acres  of  Land  that  is  or  shall  be  due  to 
them  for  their  adventures  as  aforesaid:  But  when  once  taken 
up,  to  settle  the  same  within  one  year  after  it  is  once  taken 
up,  or  lose  the  Land. 

V. 

Item,  To  every  Person  that  goes,  or  sends  an  Agent  at  his 
or  their  own  cost  with  the  first  Ship  or  Fleet,  or  within  six 
weeks  next  after  the  first  Ship  or  Fleet  that  shall  be  set  out 
from  this  Island  (none  to  be  accompted  as  first  Setlers  but 
such  as  do  send  in  the  first  Fleet)  Armed  with  a  good  Fire 
lock,  ten  pounds  of  Powder,  and  twenty  pounds  of  Bullet,  or 
Lead,  and  Victualled  for  six  moneths,  shall  have  one  hundred 
Acres  of  Land,  and  the  like  quantity  of  Acres  for  every  Man 
servant  that  he  carrieth  so  armed  and  provided,  to  the  per 
son  at  whose  charge  they  shall  be  transported  as  aforesaid. 

1  Between  April  16,  1672,  and  December  11,  1679  (see  Warrants  for  Lands 
in  South  Carolina,  1672-1679,  Columbia,  S.  C.,  1910),  warrants  for  five  hundred 
acres  of  land  each  were  issued  to  the  following  persons  for  their  "  disbursing  on 
the  discovery  of  this  Province  by  Cap1:  Hilton":  John  Godfrey  and  George 
Thompson,  May  11,  1672;  Thomas  Clutterbuck,  of  Barbados,  June  8,  1672; 
Thomas  Norvill  and  Bartholomew  Reese,  September  30,  1672.  John  Godfrey 
also  received  a  warrant,  September  5,  1674,  for  two  hundred  acres  of  land  for 
coming  himself  and  bringing  one  servant  under  the  terms  of  the  fifth  proposal. 
The  early  land  records  of  South  Carolina  show  many  people  settled  under  the 
terms  of  the  other  proposals. 


16631  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  59 

VI. 

Item,  To  every  person  that  shall  second  the  first  Under 
takers,  that  is  to  say,  shall  go  within  two  months  next  after 
those  that  are  accompted  as  first  Setlers,  armed  and  provided 
as  aforesaid,  seventy  Acres  of  Land,  and  seventy  Acres  for 
every  Man-servant  that  he  or  they  shall  carry  or  send  Armed 
and  provided  as  aforesaid. 

VII. 

Item,  To  every  person  provided  as  aforesaid,  that  shall  go 
within  two  years  after  the  first  undertakers,  fifty  Acres  of 
Land,  and  as  much  to  him  or  them  for  every  Man-servant  he 
or  they  shall  carry  or  send,  armed  and  provided  as  aforesaid. 

VIII. 

Item,  To  every  Free-woman  above  the  age  of  twelve  years, 
that  shall  go,  or  be  carried  thither  within  the  first  five  years, 
forty  Acres  of  Land. 

IX. 

Item,  To  all  Male-Children  above  the  age  of  fourteen  years, 
the  same  quantity  that  is  allowed  to  Free-men,  and  on  the 
same  Conditions. 

X. 

Item,  The  Lords  Proprietors  will  grant  unto  every  Parish 
one  hundred  Acres  of  Land  for  the  Church  and  other  publique 
uses. 

XI. 

Item,  To  every  person  that  hath  subscribed,  and  shall  pay 
to  the  above-mentioned  Discovery,  who  shall  go  or  send  an 
Agent  within  the  first  five  years  next  after  the  first  Setlers, 
forty  Acres  of  Land;  and  as  much  to  them  for  every  Man 
servant  they  shall  carry  or  send  within  that  time  armed  and 
provided  as  aforesaid,  and  the  like  quantity  for  all  others  so 
transporting  themselves  or  servants  within  the  first  three 
years,  who  are  not  Subscribers. 


60  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

XII. 

Item,  To  every  Man-servant  that  shall  go  with  the  first 
Undertakers,  fifty  Acres  of  Land;  and  to  such  as  go  with  the 
second  Adventurers  thirty  Acres,  and  for  all  other  servants 
that  shall  go  within  the  first  five  years,  twenty  Acres,  and  for 
every  Woman-servant  ten  Acres,  to  become  due  at  the  Expira 
tion  of  the  first  Term  of  their  servitude  in  that  Countrey. 

XIII. 

Item,  To  the  Owner  of  every  Negro-Man  or  Slave,  brought 
thither  to  settle  within  the  first  year,  twenty  acres;  and  for 
every  Woman-Negro  or  Slave,  ten  acres  of  Land ;  and  all 
Men-Negro's,  or  slaves  after  that  time,  and  within  the  first  five 
years,  ten  acres,  and  for  every  Woman-Negro  or  slave,  five 

acres. 

» 

XIV. 

Item,  That  all  the  before-mentioned  parcels  of  Land  given, 
or  to  be  given,  allotted  or  granted  to  any  person  or  persons 
whatsoever,  shall  be  held  and  enjoyed  to  them,  their  Heirs 
and  Assigns  for  ever,  in  free  and  common  Soccage,  according 
to  the  Tenure  of  East-Greenwich  within  the  County  of  Kent, 
within  the  Kingdom  of  England  (and  not  in  Capite,  or  by 
Knights-service)  paying  as  a  fine  once  for  all  to  the  Lords 
Proprietors,  or  their  Agents  impowered  to  receive  the  same, 
one  half-peny  per  acre  for  every  Acre  of  Land  that  is  or  shall 
be  taken  up  as  aforesaid,  or  the  value  of  the  said  half-peny 
per  Acre,  when  the  person  who  is  to  receive  it  shall  receive 
his  Deed  or  Copy  of  Record  for  his  Land  so  taken  up;  and  in 
lieu  of  all,  and  all  manner  of  Rents,  Services,  Fines,  Taxes 
and  Impositions  whatsoever,  one  ear  of  Indian  Corn  for  every 
hundred  acres  of  Land  so  taken  up,  at  a  certain  time  and 
place  prescribed,  if  lawfully  demanded. 

XV. 

Item,  It  is  further  agreed,  That  every  person  shall  or  may 
take  up  their  Land,  or  any  part  thereof,  where  they  please,  in 


1663]  WILLIAM  HILTON'S  RELATION  61 

any  place  not  before  taken  up:  Provided  they  do  therein  sub 
mit  to  such  Method  as  the  Governor  and  Council  for  the  time 
being  shall  judge  most  safe  and  convenient.1 

XVI. 

Item,  That  the  Lords  Proprietors  shall  grant  to  the  Free- 
Holders  the  Priviledge  of  choosing  an  annual  Assembly, 
wherein  by  the  consent  of  the  said  Lords,  or  their  Delegates, 
they  shall  be  impowered  to  make  Lawes,  and  them  confirm, 
publish,  and  abrogate,  as  in  the  great  Charter  is  expressed; 
and  that  the  Assembly  may  lawfully,  without  the  consent  of 
the  Governour,  complain  to  the  said  Lords  of  such  Grievances 
as  lye  upon  the  People. 

XVII. 

Item,  That  forasmuch  as  the  Lords  Proprietors  or  their 
Delegates  may  not  be  at  all  times  there  present,  to  consent  to 
such  Lawes  as  are  or  shall  be  thought  necessary;  In  such 
Case  all  Lawes  and  Orders  made  by  the  Governour,  Council 
and  Assembly,  shall  be  in  force  untill  the  Denyal  thereof  by 
the  Lords  Proprietors  shall  be  to  them  signified  under  their 
Hands  in  Writing. 

XVIII. 

Item,  That  the  said  Free-Holders  shall  have  the  freedome 
of  Trade,  Immunity  of  Customes,  and  Liberty  of  Conscience, 
and  all  other  Priviledges  made  good  unto  them  as  amply  and 
as  fully  as  is  at  large  expressed  in  the  great  Charter  granted 
to  the  said  Lords  Proprietors  from  His  Majesty. 

1  The  governor  and  council  of  South  Carolina  for  many  years  directed  the 
surveyor  general,  in  their  warrant  for  a  tract  of  land,  not  to  lay  it  off  "  within  the 
compass  of  any  lands  heretofore  layd  out  or  marked  to  be  layd  out  for  any  other 
person  or  Towne  nor  prejudiciall  to  any  such  lines  or  bounds  and  if  the  same 
happen  upon  any  navigable  River  or  any  River  capable  of  being  made  navigable  " 
to  "allow  only  the  fifth  part  of  the  depth  thereof  by  the  waterside." 


A  BRIEF  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF 
CAROLINA,  BY  ROBERT  HORNE  ( ?),  1666 


INTRODUCTION 

THIS  brief  description  of  Carolina  was  first  published  in 
London  in  1666  and  was  one  of  several  pamphlets  published 
with  the  view  of  increasing  the  value  of  the  Lords  Proprietors' 
real  estate.  It  was  printed  for  Robert  Home,  but  it  is  uncer 
tain  whether  he  wrote  it  or  not.  While  it  described  the  settle 
ments  in  North  Carolina  it  described  the  climate,  soil  and 
other  natural  conditions  of  the  entire  province  so  favorably 
that  it  materially  aided  the  Proprietors  in  securing  settlers 
for  the  lower  part  of  the  province  as  well  as  for  the  upper 
part.  It  was  reprinted  in  Historical  Collections  of  South 
Carolina,  by  B.  R.  Carroll  (New  York,  1836).  The  original 
pamphlet  contained  a  crude  and  incorrect  map  of  Carolina 
which  Carroll  did  not  reproduce  in  his  reprint,  but  which  is  in 
a  manner  reproduced  in  Hawks's  History  of  North  Carolina, 
Vol.  II. 


66 


A  BRIEF  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF 
CAROLINA,  BY  ROBERT  HORNE  (?),  1666 

A  Brief  Description  of  the  Province  of  Carolina,  on  the  Coasts 
of  Floreda,  and  more  particularly  of  a  New  Plantation 
begun  by  the  English  at  Cape  Feare,  on  that  River  now  by 
them  called  Charles-River,  the  29th  of  May,  1664. 

Wherein  is  set  forth  the  Healthfulness  of  the  Air;  the  Fertility 
of  the  Earth,  and  Waters;  and  the  great  Pleasure  and  Profit 
will  accrue  to  those  that  shall  go  thither  to  enjoy  the  same. 
Also,  Directions  and  advice  to  such  as  shall  go  thither  whether 
on  their  own  accompts  or  to  serve  under  another.  Together 
with  a  most  accurate  Map  of  the  whole  Province. 

London,  Printed  for  Robert  Home  in  the  first  Court  of  Gresham- 
Colledge  neer  Bishopsgate-street.  1666.1 

A  Brief  Description  of  the  Province  of  Carolina,  Etc. 

iT"""* 

CAROLINA  is  a  fair  and  spacious  Province  on  the  Con 
tinent  of  America:  so  called  in  honour  of  His  Sacred  Majesty 
that  now  is,  Charles  the  Second,2  whom  God  preserve;  and 
His  Majesty  hath  been  pleas'd  to  grant  the  same  to  certain 
Honourable  Persons,  who  in  order  to  the  speedy  planting 
of  the  same,  have  granted  divers  privileges  and  advantages 
to  such  as  shall  transport  themselves  and  Servants  in  con 
venient  time;  This  Province  lying  so  neer  Virginia,  and  yet 
more  Southward,  enjoys  the  fertility  and  advantages  thereof; 
and  yet  is  so  far  distant,  as  to  be  vf  reed  from  the  inconstancy 
of  the  Weather,  which  is  a  great  cause  of  the  unhealthful- 
ness  thereof;  also,  being  in  the  latitude  of  the  Barmoodoes* 
may  expect  the  like  healthfulness  which  it  hath  hitherto 
enjoy 'd,  and  doubtless  there  is  no  Plantation  that  ever  the 
English  went  upon,  in  all  respects  so  good  as  this :  for  though 

1  Title-page  of  original.  *  See  post,  p.  140,  note.  •  Bermudas. 

66 


1666]  A  BRIEF  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA  67 

Barmoodoes  be  wonderful  healthy  and  fruitful,  yet  is  it  but 
a  Prison  to  the  Inhabitants,  who  are  much  streightned  for 
want  of  room,  and  therefore  many  of  them  are  come  to  Caro 
lina,  and  more  intend  to  follow.1  There  is  seated  in  this 
Province  two  Colonies  already,  one  on  the  River  Roanoak 
(now  called  Albemarle  River)  and  borders  on  Virginia;  the 
Other  at  Cape  Feare,  two  Degrees  more  Southerly;  of  which 
follows  a  more  perticular  Description. 

This  Province  of  Carolina  is  situate  on  the  main  Conti 
nent  of  America,  between  the  degrees  of  30.  and  36.  and  hath 
on  the  North,  the  South  part  of  Virginia;  on  the  South  is 
bounded  by  the  30  degree  of  Latitude  not  yet  fully  discovered ; 
on  the  East  is  Mare  Atlanticum,  part  of  the  great  Ocean; 
and  on  the  West  the  wealthy  South  Sea  is  its  Confines. 

The  perticular  Description  of  Cape  Feare. 

In  the  midst  of  this  fertile  Province,  in  the  Latitude  of 
34  degrees,  there  is  a  Colony  of  English  seated,  who  Landed 
there  the  29  of  May,  Anno  1664.  and  are  in  all  about  800 
persons,  who  have  overcome  all  the  difficulties  that  attend 
the  first  attempts,  and  have  cleered  the  way  for  those  that 
come  after,  who  will  find  good  houses  to  be  in  whilst  their 
own  are  in  building;  good  forts  to  secure  them  from  their 
enemies;  and  many  things  brought  from  other  parts  there, 
increasing  to  their  no  small  advantage.  The  entrance  into 
the  River,  now  called  Cape-Feare  River,  the  situation  of  the 
Cape,  and  trending  of  the  Land,  is  plainly  laid  down  to  the 
eye  in  the  Map  annexed.  The  River  is  barred  at  the  en 
trance,  but  there  is  a  Channel  close  abord  the  Cape  that  will 
convey  in  safety  a  ship  of  300  Tons,  and  as  soon  as  a  ship  is 
over  the  Bar,  the  River  is  5  or  6  fathom  deep  for  a  100  miles 
from  the  Sea;  this  Bar  is  a  great  security  to  the  Colony 

1  The  same  reason  for  desiring  the  opening  up  of  Carolina  to  settlers  was 
given  by  the  Barbadian  "adventurers"  when  they  sent  out  the  second  Hilton 
expedition.  Believing  that  Barbados  was  overcrowded,  they  not  only  wanted 
Carolina  opened  up  to  settlers,  but  believed  that  settlers  of  Carolina  could  there 
produce  "wine,  oil,  currants,  raisind,  silks,  etc.,  the  planting  of  which  will  not 
injure  other  Plantations,  which  may  very  well  happen  if  there  were  a  very  great 
increase  of  sugar  works  or  more  tobacco,  ginger,  cotton,  and  indigo  made  than 
the  world  will  vent."  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial,  1661-1668,  p.  157. 


68  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

against  a  forreign  Invasion,  the  channel  being  hard  to  find 
by  those  that  have  not  experience  of  it,  and  yet  safe  enough 
to  those  that  know  it. 

The  Earth,  Water,  and  Air. 

The  Land  is  of  divers  sorts  as  in  all  Countryes  of  the 
world,  that  which  lyes  neer  the  Sea,  is  sandy  and  barren,  but 
beareth  many  tall  Trees,  which  make  good  timber  for  several 
uses;  and  this  sandy  gound  is  by  experienced  men  thought 
to  be  one  cause  of  the  healthfulness  of  the  place:  but  up 
the  River  about  20  or  30  mile,  where  they  have  made  a  Town, 
called  Charles-Town,1  there  is  plenty  of  as  rich  ground  as 
any  in  the  world.  It  is  a  blackish  mold  upon  a  red  sand,  and 
under  that  a  clay,  but  in  some  places  is  rich  ground  of  a  grayer 
colour,  they  have  made  Brick  of  the  Clay,  which  proves  very 
good;  and  Lime  they  have  also  for  building.  The  whole 
Country  consists  of  stately  Woods,  Groves,  Marshes  and 
Meadows;  it  abounds  with  variety  of  as  brave  Okes  as  Eye 
can  behold,  great  Bodies  tall  and  streight  from  60  to  80  foot, 
before  there  be  any  Boughs,  which  with  the  little  under-wood 
makes  the  Woods  very  commodious  to  travel  in,  either  on 
Horseback  or  a  foot.  In  the  barren  sandy  ground  grow 
most  stately  Pines,  white  and  red  Cedars,  Ash,  Birch,  Holly, 
Chesnut  and  Walnut-trees  of  great  growth  and  very  plenti 
ful:  There  are  many  sorts  of  fruit  Trees,  as  Vines,  Medlars, 
Peach,  Wild  Cherries,  Mulbury-Trees,  and  the  Silk-worm 
breeding  naturally  on  them,  with  many  other  Trees  for  Fruit 
and  for  Building,  for  Perfume  and  for  Medicine,  for  which 
the  English  have  no  name;  also  several  sorts  of  Dying  Stuff, 
which  may  prove  of  great  advantage;  The  Woods  are  stored 
with  Deer  and  Wild  Turkeys,  of  a  great  magnitude,  weighing 
many  times  above  50Z.  a  piece,2  and  of  a  more  pleasant  tast 
than  in  England,  being  in  their  proper  climate;  other  sorts 
of  Beasts  in  the  Woods  that  are  good  for  food;  and  also 

1  This  short-lived  Charles  Town  on  Cape  Fear  River  should  not  be  con 
founded  with  the  later  and  permanent  Charles  Town  on  Ashley  River. 

2  There  are  many  wild  turkeys  still  left  in  parts  of  both  North  Carolina  and 
South  Carolina,  but  none  that  will  approach  in  size  the  birds  here  described,  and 
the  oldest  hunters  in  either  state  cannot  recall  ever  having  seen  one  of  such  size. 
A  wild  turkey  of  twenty-five  pounds  would  now  be  considered  unusually  large. 


1666]  A  BRIEF  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA  69 

Fowls,  whose  names  are  not  known  to  them.  This  is  what 
they  found  naturally  upon  the  place;  but  they  have  brought 
with  them  most  sorts  of  seeds  and  roots  of  the  Barbadoes 
which  thrive  very  well,  and  they  have  Potatoes,  and  the 
other  Roots  and  Herbs  of  Barbadoes  growing  and  thriving 
with  them;  as  also  from  Virginia,  Barmoodoes,  and  New- 
England,  what  they  could  afford:  They  have  Indico,  Tobacco 
very  good,  and  Cotton- wool;  Lime-trees,  Orange,  Lemon, 
and  other  Fruit-Trees  they  brought,  thrive  exceedingly :  They 
have  two  Crops  of  Indian-Corn  in  one  year,  and  great  in 
crease  every  Crop;  Apples,  Pears,  and  other  English  fruit, 
grow  there  out  of  the  planted  Kernels:  The  Marshes  and 
Meadows  are  very  large  from  1500  to  3000  Acres,  and  up 
wards,  and  are  excellent  food  for  Cattle,  and  will  bear  any 
Grain  being  prepared;  some  Cattle  both  great  and  small, 
which  live  well  all  the  Winter,  and  keep  their  fat  without 
Fodder;  Hogs  find  so  much  Mast  and  other  Food  in  the 
Woods,  that  they  want  no  other  care  than  a  Swine-herd  to 
keep  them  from  running  wild.1  The  Meadows  are  very 
proper  for  Rice,2  Rape-seed,  Lin-seed,  etc.,  and  may  many  of 
them  be  made  to  overflow  at  pleasure  with  a  small  charge. 
Here  are  as  brave  Rivers  as  any  in  the  World,  stored  with 
great  abundance  of  Sturgeon,  Salmon,  Basse,  Plaice,  Trout, 
and  Spanish  Mackrill,  with  many  other  most  pleasant  sorts 

1  There  are  ranges  in  the  Low-Country  of  South  Carolina  where  the  same  con 
ditions,  both  as  to  cattle  and  hogs,  still  exist. 

2  Several  of  the  early  promoters  of  the  settlement  of  Carolina  suggested  or 
advised  the  cultivation  of  rice,  and  that  their  efforts  were  not  in  vain  is  attested 
by  the  fact  that  within  a  few  years  after  the  first  settlements  had  been  made  in 
the  province  a  considerable  quantity  of  rice  was  being  raised  annually.    By  1691 
it  had  become  such  an  industry  in  South  Carolina  that  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  province,  on  September  20,  passed  an  act  securing  patent  rights  in  his  inven 
tion  to  Peter  Jacob  Guerard,  who  had  "lately  invented  and  brought  to  per 
fection,  a  Pendulum  Engine,  which  doth  much  better,  and  in  lesse  time  and 
labour  huske  rice,  than  any  other  heretofore  hath  been  used  within  this  Province." 
The  statement  often  found  in  works  on  South  Carolina  that  Landgrave  Thomas 
Smith,  while  governor  of  South  Carolina  (1693-1694),  introduced  the  cultivation 
of  rice  into  the  province  by  obtaining  a  bag  of  seed  from  Madagascar  and  planting 
it  in  his  garden  and  distributing  the  seed  so  raised  is  shown  by  this  and  many 
other  records  to  be  more  or  less  fiction.    The  warrants  for  lands  show  that  Land 
grave  Smith  and  his  family  arrived  in  South  Carolina  July  10,  1684,  and  at  that 
time  rice  was  already  a  commodity  produced  in  the  province. 


70  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

of  Fish,  both  flat  and  round,  for  which  the  English  Tongue 
hath  no  name.  Also,  in  the  little  Winter  they  have,  abun 
dance  of  Wild  Geese,  Ducks,  Teals,  Widgeons,  and  many 
other  pleasant  Fowl;  and  (as  it  is  said  before)  the  Rivers 
are  very  deep  and  navigable  above  100  miles  up;  also  there 
are  wholsome  Springs  and  Rivulets.  Last  of  all,  the  Air 
comes  to  be  considered,  which  is  not  the  least  considerable 
to  the  well  being  of  a  Plantation,  for  without  a  wholsom  Air 
all  other  considerations  avail  nothing;  and  this  is  it  which 
makes  this  Place  so  desireable,  being  seated  in  the  most 
temperate  Clime,  where  the  neighbour-hood  of  the  glorious 
Light  of  Heaven  brings  many  advantages,  and  his  con 
venient  distance  secures  them  from  the  Inconvenience  of  his 
scortching  beams.  The  Summer  is  not  too  hot,  and  the 
Winter  is  very  short  and  moderate,  best  agreeing  with  Eng 
lish  Constitutions.  Cape  Feare  lyes  about  34  degrees  from 
the  Equator,  the  Nights  nor  Days  are  so  long,  when  at  longest 
as  in  England,  by  somewhat  above  two  hours.  A  remark 
able  Instance  of  the  Healthfulness  of  the  Place,  is,  That  at 
the  first  setting  down  of  the  Colony,  when  they  had  no  house 
nor  harbour,  but  wrought  hard  all  day,  in  preparing  Wood 
to  build,  and  lay  in  the  open  Air  all  night,  yet  not  one  of 
them  was  ill,  but  continued  well  all  the  time;  they  Sympa 
thize  most  with  the  Barmoodoes,  which  is  the  healthfullest 
spot  in  the  World,  and  yet  the  last  year  they  had  a  Feaver 
and  Ague  that  troubled  them  much,  which  also  was  at  Cape- 
Feare,  but  was  not  dangerous  to  any  that  took  care  of  them 
selves,  and  had  things  convenient.  This  place  had  been 
aimed  at  many  years  since.  Sir  Walter  Rawleigh  had  a  design 
to  have  planted  it.  Those  of  the  Barmoodoes,  whose  Habi 
tations  are  too  streight  for  them,  have  with  longing  desire 
waited  for  the  discovery  of  this  place  that  is  neer  their  own 
Latitude,  where  they  may  expect  the  same  healthfulness  they 
do  now  enjoy,  which  is  now  perfected  as  to  the  first  Settle 
ment,  and  wants  nothing  but  a  diligent  prosecution  of  so  noble 
an  Enterprize. 

If  therefore  any  industrious  and  ingenious  persons  shall 
be  willing  to  pertake  of  the  Felicites  of  this  Country,  let 
them  imbrace  the  first  opportunity,  that  they  may  obtain 
the  greater  advantages. 


1666J  A  BRIEF  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA  71 


The  chief  of  the  Privileges  are  as  follows. 

First,  There  is  full  and  free  Liberty  of  Conscience  granted 
to  all,  so  that  no  man  is  to  be  molested  or  called  in  question 
for  matters  of  Religious  Concern;  but  every  one  to  be  obedient 
to  the  Civil  Government,  worshipping  God  after  their  own 
way. 

Secondly,  There  is  freedom  from  Custom,  for  all  Wine, 
Silk,  Raisins,  Currance,  Oyl,  Olives,  and  Almonds,  that  shall 
be  raised  in  the  Province  for  7.  years,  after  4  Ton  of  any  of 
those  commodities  shall  be  imported  in  one  Bottom. 

Thirdly,  Every  Free-man  and  Free-woman  that  transport 
themselves  and  Servants  by  the  25  of  March  next,  being  1667. 
shall  have  for  Himself,  Wife,  Children,  and  Men-servants,  for 
each  100  Acres  of  Land  for  him  and  his  Heirs  for  ever,  and 
for  every  Woman-servant  and  Slave  50  Acres,  paying  at  most 
%d.  per  acre,  per  annum,  in  lieu  of  all  demands,  to  the  Lords 
Proprietors:  Provided  always,  That  every  Man  be  armed 
with  a  good  Musquet  full  bore,  101.  Powder,  and  20Z.  of  Bullet, 
and  six  Months  Provision  for  all,  to  serve  them  whilst  they 
raise  Provision  in  that  Countrey. 

Fourthly,  Every  Man-Servant  at  the  expiration  of  their 
time,  is  to  have  of  the  Country  a  100  Acres  of  Land  to  him 
and  his  heirs  for  ever,  paying  only  \d.  per  Acre,  per  annum, 
and  the  W^omen  50.  Acres  of  Land  on  the  same  conditions; 
their  Masters  also  are  to  allow  them  two  Suits  of  Apparrel  and 
Tools  such  as  he  is  best  able  to  work  with,  according  to  the 
Custom  of  the  Countrey. 

Fifthly,  They  are  to  have  a  Governour  and  Council  ap 
pointed  from  among  themselves,  to  see  the  Laws  of  the  As 
sembly  put  in  due  execution;  but  the  Governour  is  to  rule 
but  3  years,  and  then  learn  to  obey;  also  he  hath  no  power  to 
lay  any  Tax,  or  make  or  abrogate  any  Law,  without  the  Con 
sent  of  the  Colony  in  their  Assembly. 

Sixthly,  They  are  to  choose  annually  from  among  them 
selves,  a  certain  Number  of  Men,  according  to  their  divisions, 
which  constitute  the  General  Assembly  with  the  Governour 
and  his  Council,  and  have  the  sole  power  of  Making  Laws,  and 
Laying  Taxes  for  the  common  good  when  need  shall  require. 


72  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

These  are  the  chief  and  Fundamental  privileges,  but  the 
Right  Honourable  Lords  Proprietors  have  promised  (and  it 
is  their  Interest  so  to  do)  to  be  ready  to  grant  what  other 
Privileges  may  be  found  advantageous  for  the  good,  of  the 
Colony. 

Is  there  therefore  any  younger  Brother  who  is  born  of 
Gentile  blood,  and  whose  Spirit  is  elevated  above  the  common 
sort,  and  yet  the  hard  usage  of  our  Country  hath  not  allowed 
suitable  fortune;  he  will  not  surely  be  afraid  to  leave  his 
Native  Soil  to  advance  his  Fortunes  equal  to  his  Blood  and 
Spirit,  and  so  he  will  avoid  those  unlawful  ways  too  many  of 
our  young  Gentlemen  take  to  maintain  themselves  according 
to  their  high  education,  having  but  small  Estates;  here,  with 
a  few  Servants  and  a  small  Stock  a  great  Estate  may  be  raised, 
although  his  Birth  have  not  entituled  him  to  any  of  the  Land 
of  his  Ancestors,  yet  his  Industry  may  supply  him  so,  as  to 
make  him  the  head  of  as  famous  a  family. 

Such  as  are  here  tormented  with  much  care  how  to  get 
worth  to  gain  a  Livelyhood,  or  that  with  their  labour  can 
hardly  get  a  comfortable  subsistance,  shall  do  well  to  go  to 
this  place,  where  any  man  what-ever,  that  is  but  willing  to 
take  moderate  pains,  may  be  assured  of  a  most  comfortable 
subsistance,  and  be  in  a  way  to  raise  his  fortunes  far  beyond 
what  he  could  ever  hope  for  in  England.  Let  no  man  be 
troubled  at  the  thoughts  of  being  a  Servant  for  4  or  5  year, 
for  I  can  assure  you,  that  many  men  give  mony  with  their 
children  to  serve  7  years,1  to  take  more  pains  and  fare  nothing 
so  well  as  the  Servants  in  this  Plantation  will  do.  Then  it  is 
to  be  considered,  that  so  soon  as  he  is  out  of  his  time,  he  hath 
Land,  and  Tools,  and  Clothes  given  him,  and  is  in  a  way  of 
advancement.  Therefore  all  Artificers,  as  Carpenters,  Wheel- 
rights,  Joyners,  Coopers,  Bricklayers,  Smiths,  or  diligent 
Husbandmen  and  Labourers,  that  are  willing  to  advance  their 
fortunes,  and  live  in  a  most  pleasant  healthful  and  fruitful 
Country,  where  Artificers  are  of  high  esteem,  and  used  with 
all  Civility  and  Courtesie  imaginable,  may  take  notice,  that 

TJiere  is  an  opportunity  offers  now  by  the  Virginia  Fleet, 
from  whence  Cape  Feare  is  but  3  or  4  days  sail,  and  then  a 
small  Stock  carried  to  Virginia  will  purchase  provisions  at  a 

1  As  apprentices. 


1666]  A  BRIEF  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA  73 

far  easier  rate  than  to  carry  them  from  hence;  also  the  freight 
of  the  said  Provisions  will  be  saved,  and  be  more  fresh,  and 
there  wanteth  not  conveyance  from  Virginia  thither. 

If  any  Maid  or  single  Woman  have  a  desire  to  go  over, 
they  will  think  themselves  in  the  Golden  Age,  when  Men  paid 
a  Dowry  for  their  Wives;  for  if  they  be  but  Civil,  and  under 
50  years  of  Age,  some  honest  Man  or  other,  will  purchase  them 
for  their  Wives. 

Those  that  desire  further  advice,  or  Servants  that  would 
be  entertained,  let  them  repair  to  Mr.  Matthew  Wilkinson, 
Ironmonger,  at  the  Sign  of  the  Three  Feathers,  in  Bishopsgate- 
Street,  where  they  may  be  informed  when  the  Ships  will  be 
ready,  and  what  they  must  carry  with  them. 

Thus  much  was  convenient  to  be  written  at  present,  but  a 
more  ample  Relation  is  intended  to  be  published  in  due  time. 


A  RELATION  OF  A  VOYAGE  ON  THE  COAST 
OF   THE    PROVINCE    OF    CAROLINA,  1666, 


BY  ROBERT  SANDFORD 


INTRODUCTION 

FOLLOWING  up  their  activity  in  behalf  of  Carolina  in  send 
ing  out  an  expedition  to  the  coast  of  Carolina  under  Captain 
William  Hilton,  in  August,  1663,  and  in  obtaining,  soon 
thereafter,  liberal  concessions  for  settlers  from  the  Lords 
Proprietors,1  the  Barbadian  planters  next  took  up,  in  that 
same  year,  the  project  of  establishing  a  settlement  near  Cape 
Fear  on  the  coast  of  what  is  now  North  Carolina.  This  under 
taking  they  accomplished  the  next  year.  The  settlement  was 
made  pn  the  Charles  (Cape  Fear)  River  in  May,  1664,  and 
was  called  Charles  Town.2  Colonel  John  Yeamans,  an  influ 
ential  planter  of  Barbados,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Robert 
Sandford,  formerly  of  Surinam  and  later  of  Barbados,  were 
of  great  assistance  to  the  Proprietors  in  this  enterprise,3  and? 
when  the  settlement  was  organized  by  the  Proprietors  into  a 
government  under  the  name  of  Clarendon  County,  they  ap 
pointed  Sandford  secretary  and  register  of  Clarendon  County, 
November  14,  1664,4  and  on  January  11,  1664/5,  they  ap 
pointed  Colonel  John  Yeamans  lieutenant-general  and  gover 
nor  of  Carolina.5  On  account  of  the  previous  activities  of  the 
latter  in  behalf  of  Carolina  Sir  John  Colleton  had  given  the 

1  Ante,  pp.  35,  57-61. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial,  1661-1668,  pp.  154-155,  157,  160,  161- 
162;    Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  1,  13,  53;  W.  J. 
Rivers,  A  Sketch  of  the  History  of  South  Carolina,  pp.  335-337;  Colonial  Records 
of  North  Carolina,  I.  43-46. 

8  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial,  1661-1668,  pp.  267,  379;  Collections 
of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  56. 

4  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial,  1661-1668,  p.  254;  Colonial  Records  of 
North  Carolina,  I.  71-72. 

5  Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina,  I.  95-97. 

77 


78  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

other  Proprietors  "a  good  character  of  his  abilities  and 
loyalty  .  .  .  with  an  assurance  that  he  will  vigorously  attempt 
the  settling  of  a  Colony  to  the  southward  of  Cape  Romania/' 
and  the  Proprietors  induced  the  King  "to  confer  the  honor  of 
a  Knight  baronet  upon  him  and  his  heirs/'  which  was  done 
January  12,  1664/5.1 

The  Proprietors  having  instructed  Governor  Yeamans  to 
place  a  colony  in  that  part  of  the  province  of  Carolina  south 
ward  and  westward  of  Cape  Romania,  he  organized  an  expedi 
tion  in  Barbados  in  1665  to  explore  the  lower  coast  of  Carolina 
to  select  a  proper  site.  His  fleet,  consisting  of  a  fly  boat  of 
150  tons,  a  small  frigate  and  a  sloop,  sailed  from  Barbados  in 
October,  1665.  Early  in  November  the  fleet  reached  the 
mouth  of  Charles  (Cape  Fear)  River.  In  attempting  to  enter 
the  river  without  a  pilot,  during  a  gale,  the  fly  boat  was 
stranded  and  destroyed,  all  on  board,  of  whom  Sir  John  was 
one,  reaching  the  shore  in  safety,  but  the  greater  part  of  their 
provisions  and  clothes  and  of  the  arms,  powder,  and  other 
military  stores  sent  by  the  Proprietors  for  the  defence  of  the 
proposed  settlement  were  lost. 

Governor  Yeamans  found  the  settlers  at  Charles  River  in 
such  a  needy  condition  that  he  sent  the  sloop  to  Virginia  to 
secure  provisions  for  them,  and  himself  returned  to  Barbados 
in  the  frigate.  Before  leaving  he  directed  that  should  the 
sloop  miscarry  in  its  voyage  to  Virginia  the  vessel  of  Captain 
Edward  Stanyarne,  then  in  the  harbor,  but  bound  for  Bar 
bados,  should  be  hired  by  Sandford  for  his  use  in  making  the 

1  Sir  John  Yeamans  was  the  eldest  son  of  John  Yeamans  (died  in  1645),  a 
brewer,  of  Bristol,  England;  was  born  at  Bristol  and  was  baptized  at  St.  Mary 
Redcliffe,  February  28,  1611.  He  attained  the  rank  of  colonel  in  the  Royalist 
army.  About  1650  he  settled  in  Barbados  and  engaged  in  planting.  The  minutes 
of  the  council  of  Barbados  from  July,  1660,  to  March,  1664,  show  that  he  was  a 
member  of  that  body  during  that  period.  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 
biographies  of  Robert  Yeamans  and  Sir  John  Yeamans;  The  South  Carolina 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Magazine,  XI.  107-122;  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Colonial,  1574-1660,  pp.  484,  494;  1661-1668,  pp.  1,  46,  154,  169,  195. 


INTRODUCTION  79 

explorations,  in  case  Captain  Stanyarne  returned  before  the 
sloop.  On  its  return  voyage  from  Virginia  the  sloop  was 
wrecked  on  Cape  Lookout  and  two  of  its  men  were  lost.  While 
returning  from  Barbados  Captain  Stanyarne  went  deranged 
and  jumped  overboard  and  was  drowned.  His  vessel,  in 
charge  of  his  survivors,  reached  Charles  River  in  due  season 
and  Sandford  assumed  charge  thereof  and  started  out,  June 
14,  1666,  to  explore  the  lower  coast,  as  he  had  been  directed  to 
do  by  Governor  Yeamans.  Nearly  a  month  later,  July  12, 
1666,  he  returned  to  Charles  River  and  landed  at  Charles 
Town.  He  at  once  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Lords  Proprietors, 
enclosing  an  account  of  his  expedition.  Accompanying  his 
letter  and  narrative  was  a  corroborative  statement  by  the 
officers  who  accompanied  him,  dated  July  14,  1666.  These 
three  documents  were  among  the  papers  of  the  Lords  Propri 
etors  retained  by  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  (Lord  Ashley), 
which  passed  from  one  of  his  successors  to  the  next  until  the 
late  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  (the  ninth  earl,  who  died  in  1886) 
deposited  them  in  the  British  Public  Record  Office.  They 
constitute  "No.  7"  of  "Bundle  48"  of  "Section  IX."  of 
"Shaftesbury  Papers."  An  abstract  of  these  papers  was 
published  as  section  1243  of  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Colonial,  1661-1668  (by  W.  Noel  Sainsbury,  of  the  British 
Public  Record  Office),  in  1880.  Soon  thereafter  such  of  the 
"Shaftesbury  Papers"  as  related  to  South  Carolina  were 
transcribed  by  Mr.  Sainsbury  for  the  city  council  of  Charleston, 
at  the  instance  of  Hon.  William  A.  Courtenay,  the  then  mayor 
of  Charleston.  Mr.  Courtenay  used  these  transcripts  in  pre 
paring  his  address  for  the  centennial  celebration  in  1883  of 
the  one-hundredth  anniversary  of  the  incorporation  of  Charles 
ton,  and  subsequently  printed  some  of  them  as  appendices  to 
the  annual  Year  Book  of  Charleston.  Sandford's  narrative 
was  published  in  the  issue  for  1885.  Subsequently  the  city 
council  (at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Courtenay)  presented  the 


80  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

transcripts  of  the  Shaftesbury  papers  to  the  South  Carolina 
Historical  Society  and  they  were  published  in  volume  V.  of 
Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  Sandford's 
voyage  covering  pages  57-82  thereof.  In  1907  it  was  re 
printed  in  Mr.  Courtenay's  The  Genesis  of  South  Carolina. 

Robert  Sandford,  the  author  of  this  narrative,  was  an 
Englishman  who,  some  years  prior  to  August  17,  1662,  along 
with  other  Englishmen,  settled  on  the  river  Surinam,  where 
they  established  a  government  "subject  to  the  laws  of  Eng 
land,  elective  in  the  people,  who  yearly  were  to  appoint  all 
members  thereof."  One  Byam,  having  been  elected  to  the 
head  of  this  government  three  successive  years,  according  to 
the  constitution,  built  up  a  strong  party  about  him,  and,  over 
ruling  the  smaller  faction,  decreed  the  continuance  in  power 
of  his  party,  claiming  as  his  authority  for  so  doing,  a  proclama 
tion  by  the  King,  which,  however,  he  refused  to  show.  Dissat 
isfaction  with  Byam  for  exacting  a  heavy  imposition  upon  the 
people  and  for  calling  the  colony  into  arms,  and  a  quarrel  over 
a  Dutch  shallop  seized  as  a  prize,  precipitated  a  rebellion 
against  his  authority.  He  seized  all  who  had  disputed  his 
authority  and  brought  them  to  trial  by  court-martial.  The 
prisoners  who  pleaded  not  guilty,  without  being  heard,  were 
hurried  away  in  irons  and  then  fined  and  exiled.  Sandford 
was  one  of  those  so  fined  and  banished.  He  proceeded  to 
England,  where  his  complaints,  dated  August  17,  1662,  were 
laid  before  His  Majesty 's  Privy  Council,  September  12,  1662,1 

Sandford  next  settled  in  Barbados,  where  he  "  gained  a 
very  advantageous  employment  under  Sir  Jas.  Drax."  He 
was  a  member  of  the  Assembly  of  Barbados  in  1663  when  that 
body  became  engaged  in  a  quarrel  with  Lord  Willoughby,  the 
governor  of  Barbados.  With  Speaker  Farmer  and  two  other 
members  he  was  seized  under  a  warrant  from  the  governor 
and  imprisoned  for  high  treason.  Finding  no  witnesses 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial,  1661-1668,  pp.  104,  108. 


INTRODUCTION  81 

against  them  the  Council  ordered  them  discharged,  but, 
through  the  contrivance  of  Willoughby,  Farmer  and  Sandford 
were  sent  aboard  the  governor's  ship  and  taken  to  England, 
where  they  laid  their  grievances  before  the  King  and  Council.1 
Sandford  next  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Lords  Pro 
prietors  of  Carolina,  who  consulted  him  in  regard  to  the 
settlement  of  their  province.  He  and  Henry  Vassall  dined 
with  the  proprietors  August  22,  1664,  and  among  the  items 
entered  on  the  expense  account  of  the  Proprietors  is  one 
for  this  dinner  to  Sandford  and  Vassall  at  the  meeting  with 
them  "about  a  treaty  wth  them  Conserneing  Carolina."2  In 
November  following  Sandford  was  appointed  secretary  and 
register  of  Clarendon  County,  as  heretofore  recited,  and  re 
paired  to  the  Charles  River  settlement,  and  in  1665  was  in 
the  assembly  of  Clarendon  County.  The  next  year  he  made 
the  explorations  here  described. 

1  Ibid.,  pp.  364-366,  584. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  379;   Transcripts  of  Letters  and  Documents  in  the  British  Public 
Record  Office  relating  to  South  Carolina  (MS.),  I.  2  (in  the  office  of  the  Historical 
Commission  of  South  Carolina);    Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical 
Society,  V.  56-57. 


A  RELATION  OF  A  VOYAGE  ON  THE  COAST 
OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  CAROLINA,  1666, 
BY  ROBERT  SANDFORD 

A  Relation  of  a  Voyage  on  the  Coast  of  the  Province  of  Carolina, 
Formerly  called  Florida,  in  the  Continent  of- the  Northern 
America,  from  Charles  River  near  Cape  Feare,  in  the  County 
of  Clarendon,  and  the  Lat.  of  34  Deg:,  to  Port  Royall,  in  the 
North  Lat:  of  32  Deg:  begun  Uth  June,  1666; 

Performed  by  Robert  Sandford,  Esq™,  Secretary  and  Chiefe 
Register  for  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  their  County  of  Claren 
don,  in  the  Province  aforesaid. 

To  the  Right  Honoble  Edward,  Earle  of  Clarendon,  Lord  High 
Chancellor  of  England;  George,  Duke  of  Albemarle,  Capt.- 
Gener11  of  all  his  Mafies  forces  in  the  Kingdome  of  Eng 
land,  Scotland  and  Ireland  and  Master  of  the  Horse;  Wm. 
Lord  Craven;  John  Lord  Berkeley;  Anthony  Lord  Ashley, 
Chancellor  of  the  Excheqr;  Sr  George  Cartrett,  Vice-Cham- 
berlaine  of  His  Mafies  Household;  Sr  Wm.  Berkeley,  Knt., 
and  Sr  John  Colleton,  Knt.  and  Baronett,  The  true  and 
absolute  Lords  Proprietors  of  all  the  Province  of  Carolina: 

Right  Honorble, 

IT  is  not  presumption  but  Duty  that  presents  this  Narra 
tive  (however  rude  and  imperfect)  to  soe  Illustrious,  I  had 
rather  say  a  Constellation  than  a  Corporation;  the  matter 
related  was  performed  under  your  Auspice  in  your  Country 
and  by  your  servant.  It  measures  to  you,  my  Lords,  (as  his 
foot  did  Hercules)  the  greatnes  of  your  Soveraignes  Guift, 
and  to  the  World  the  greatness  of  your  trust  and  favour 
with  him.  It  shews  you  in  Prospective  how  lasting  a  Renowne 
you  may  adde  to  your  already  most  glorious  Names,  How 

82 


1665]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  83 

boundles  a  Grandeur  to  your  longest  Posterity.  None  indeede 
but  God  and  the  King  can  move  your  hearts  to  doe  these 
great  things  for  yourselves  and  Nation.  Yett  that  such  a 
Notion  be  effected  may  and  shall  bee  the  prayers  of,  Right 
Honoble, 

With  all  submission,  readiness  and  fidelity, 
Your  Lordppes  servant, 

ROB.  SANDFORD. 


The  Port  Royal  Discovery. 

THE  Right  Honoble  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  the  Prov 
ince  of  Carolina,  in  prosecution  of  his  sacred  Matie8  pious 
intentions  of  planting  and  Civillizing  those  his  towns  and  peo 
ple  of  the  Northerne  America,  which  Neighbour  Southward  on 
Virginia  (by  some  called  Florida)  found  out  and  discovered  by 
Sr  Sebastian  Cabott  in  the  yeare  1497  att  the  Charges  of 
H.  7,  King  of  England,  etc.,  Constituted  Sir  John  Yeamans 
Baronett  their  Lt.-Generall,  with  ample  Powers  for  placeing 
a  Colony  in  some  of  the  Rivers  to  the  Southward  and  West 
ward  of  Cape  St.  Romana,  Who  departing  from  the  Island 
Barbados  in  Octob.  1665  in  a  Fly-boate  of  about  150  Tonns, 
accompanyed  by  a  small  Friggatt  of  his  owne  and  a  Sloope 
purchased  by  a  Comon  purse  for  the  service  of  the  Colonyes, 
After  they  had  beene  separated  by  a  great  storme  att  Sea 
(wherein  the  Friggatt  lost  all  her  Masts  and  himselfe  had  like 
to  have  foundred,  and  were  all  brought  together  againe  in 
the  beginning  of  November  to  an  anchor  before  the  Mouth 
of  Charles  River  neere  Cape  Feare  in  the  County  of  Clarendon, 
part  of  the  same  province  newly  begunn  to  be  peopled,  and 
within  the  Lt.-Genlls  Commission),  They  were  all  blowne 
from  their  anchors  by  a  suddaine  violent  Gust,  the  Fly-boat 
Sr  John  was  in  narrowly  escapeing  the  dangerous  shoales  of 
the  Cape.  But  this  proved  but  a  short  difference  of  their 
fate,  ffor  returning  with  a  favourable  wind  to  a  second  viewe 
of  the  entrance  into  Charles  River,  but,  destituted  of  all 
pilates,  save  their  own  eyes  (which  the  flattering  gale  that 
conducted  them  did  alsoe  delude  by  covering  the  rough  visage 
of  their  objected  dangers  with  a  thick  veile  of  smooth  waters) 
they  stranded  their  vessel  on  the  Middle  ground  of  the  har- 


84  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1665 

hours  mouth,  to  the  Westward  the  Channell,  where  the  Ebbe 
presently  left  her,  and  the  wind  with  its  own  multeplyed 
forces  and  the  auxiliaryes  of  the  tide  of  flood  beat  her  to 
peeces. 

The  persons  were  all  saved  by  the  Neighbourhood  of  the 
shore,  but  the  greatest  part  of  their  provision  of  Victualls, 
clothes,  etc.,  and  of  the  Magazine  of  Armes,  powder  and 
other  Military  furniture  shipped  by  the  Lords  Proprietors  for 
the  defence  of  the  designed  Settlement  perished  in  the  waters. 
The  Lt.-Gen11  purposed  at  first  imediately  to  repair  his  Frig- 
gatt  (which  together  with  the  Sloope  gote  safely  into  the 
River  when  the  Fly-boate  was  driven  off)  and  to  send  her 
backe  to  Barbados  for  recruits  whilest  himselfe  in  person 
attended  the  yssue  of  that  discovery  which  I  and  some  other 
Gentlemen  offered  to  make  Southwards  in  the  Sloope.  But 
when  the  great  and  growing  necessityes  of  the  English  Colony 
in  Charles  River  (heightened  by  this  disaster)  begann  clamour- 
ously  to  crave  the  use  of  the  Sloope  in  a  Voyage  to  Virginia 
for  their  speedy  relief,  Sr  John  altered  that  his  first  resolu 
tion,  and  permitting  the  Sloope  to  goe  to  Virginia  retorned 
himselfe  to  Barbados  in  his  Friggatt.  Yett  that  the  designe 
of  the  Southerne  settlement  might  not  wholy  fall,  Hee  con 
ditioned  with  the  freighters  of  the  Sloope  that  in  case  shee 
miscarryed  in  her  Virginia  voyage  they  should  hire  Capt. 
Edward  Stanyarn's1  vessell  (then  in  their  harbour  but  bound 
for  Barbados)  to  performe  the  Discovery,  and  left  a  Comis- 
sion  with  mee  for  the  effecting  it  upon  the  retorne  of  the 
Sloope  or  Stanion,  which  should  first  happen. 

The  Sloope  in  her  comeing  homeward  from  Virginia  loaden 
with  Victuall  being  ready  by  reason  of  her  extreme  rottennes 
in  her  timbers  to  sinke  was  driven  on  shoare  by  a  storme  in 
the  night  on  Cape  Lookeout  (the  next  headland  to  the  North 
and  Eastward  of  Cape  Feare  and  about  20  Le.  distant);  her 
men  all  saved  except  two,  and  with  many  difficultyes  brought 
by  their  boate  through  the  great  sound  into  Albemarle  River 
neere  the  Island  Roanoake  (within  this  same  Province  of 
Carolina)  to  the  English  plantation  there. 

1  The  correct  spelling  of  this  name  is  Stanyarne  and  it  is  pronounced  as  if 
spelled  Stanion.  It  will  be  observed  that  Sandford  spelled  it  in  three  different 
ways — all  wrong — in  two  paragraphs. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  85 

Capt.  Stanyon  in  returning  from  Barbados,  weakely 
maned  and  without  any  second  to  himselfe  driven  to  and 
agen  on  the  Seas  for  many  weekes  by  contrary  winds  and 
conquered  with  care,  vexation  and  watching,  lost  his  reason, 
and  after  many  wild  extravagancyes  leapt  overboard  in  a 
frenzye,  leaveing  his  small  Company  and  Vessel  to  the  much 
more  quiett  and  constant,  though  but  little  more  knowing 
and  prudent  conduct  of  a  child,  who  yett  assisted  by  a  miracu 
lous  Providence  after  many  wanderings  brought  her  safe 
to  Charles  River  in  Clarendon,  her  desired  Port  and  Haven. 

I  had  now  a  Vessell  to  performe  my  Southerne  Expedition 
but  disfurnished  of  a  Master  and  none  here  skilled  in  Navi 
gation  to  be  persuaded  to  the  Voyage,  least  therefore  a  worke 
soe  necessary  to  promote  the  settlement  of  this  Province 
should  be  poorely  left  without  an  attempt,  Myselfe  undertooke 
the  Office,  though  noe  better  capacitated  for  it  then  a  little 
reading  in  the  Mathematicks  had  rendred  mee  with  the  helpe 
of  a  fewe  observations  made  whilst  a  passenger  in  some  late 
Sea  Voyages  to  divert  their  tedium. 

On  the  14th  June  1666  I  entered  on  my  charge,  neere  six 
months  after  the  date  of  my  Commission  (soe  long  had  theise 
various  accidents  detained  mee),  and  on  the  16th  I  left  Charles 
River  sayling  Westward  with  a  faire  gale  att  East  alongst 
that  goodly  and  bold  bay  which  on  her  two  Capes,  Feare 
and  Romania,  as  on  two  homes,  procures  all  dangers  of 
Flatts  and  shoales  from  her  owne  more  gentle  bosome.  To 
make  her  yett  more  signall  I  named  her  Berkly  Bay  from 
the  Right  Honble  John  Lord  Berkly  and  Sr  Wm.  Berkly, 
two  of  her  noble  Lords  Proprietors. 

I  was  accompanyed  by  Capt.  George  Cary,  Lt.  Samuell 
Harvy,  Lt.  Joseph  Woory,  Ens.  Henry  Brayne,  Ens.  Richard 
Abrahall  and  Mr.  Tho.  Giles,  and  severall  other  inhabitants 
of  the  County  of  Clarendon  *  to  the  number  of  17  besides 
myselfe  (and  the  shipps  Company,  which  alas  were  but  two 
men  and  a  boy).  With  mee  I  tooke  a  smale  shalloope  of  some 
three  tonns  belonging  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  and  appointed 
by  the  Lt.-Gen11  for  that  service,  in  which  I  placed  Ens. 

1  Of  these  Gary,  Harvey,  Brayne,  and  Giles  had  been  members  of  the  assem 
bly  of  Clarendon  County  in  1665.  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical 
Society,  V.  60,  61. 


86  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

Henry  Brayne  of  some  Experience  in  Sea  matters *  and  two 
other  men,  soe  reserveing  Eighteene  of  all  sorts  in  the  biggest 
vessel,  whose  burden  alsoe  exceeded  scarce  fiveteene  Tonns. 

The  19th  in  the  night  it  being  very  cloudy  and  darke  and 
hee  att  our  helme  unawares  bringing  our  Vessell  astayes,  we 
lost  Company  of  our  Shalloope.  The  22d  about  7  o'clock  in 
the  morning  wee  made  the  land  and  a  fair  River  to  Leward  of 
us  (haveing  beene  driven  out  to  Sea  by  a  Southwest  winde 
from  the  18th  to  the  21st,  when  a  strong  Easterly  gale  brought 
us  in  with  the  shoare  againe).  Wee  bore  up  to  this  River 
and  a  great  way  kept  our  depth  of  six  and  five  fathom  water 
without  any  signe  of  breakers.  Att  length  it  shoaled,  and 
Wee  could  plainely  discerne  a  breach  in  the  Eastern  board. 
The  River  when  wee  first  made  it  bore  N.  W.  by  W.  of  us, 
and  by  this  time  we  had  brought  it  to  N.  W.  by  N. :  being 
therefore  come  into  two  fath.  water  and  judging  our  selves  on 
the  banke  of  the  visible  Easterne  shoalings  Wee  steered  more 
Westerly  and  presently  deepened  our  Water  to  three  fathom 
and  soe  upwards.  But  the  wind  being  at  East  and  the  Water 
ebbing,  if  wee  had  gonne  more  Westerly  Wee  could  not  have 
luff'd  in;  Wherefore  I  resolved  (Noe  breach  appearing  all 
before  mee)  to  runn  in  directly  with  the  River  which  nowe 
bore  N.  N.  W.,  and  in  standing  in  that  Course  one  heeve  of 
the  lead  Wee  had  but  11  foot  water,  but  the  next  was  two 
fathom,  which  depth  and  betweene  that  and  two  fathom  and 
a  halfe  continued  a  great  while,  and  as  we  approached  the 
Westerne  point  of  the  Entrance  it  deepened  soe  that  those 

1  And  also  with  "the  portugall  language."  After  this  expedition  he  was  a 
"greate  encourager"  of  the  Carolina  "designe"  and  in  1669  was  given  command 
of  the  Proprietors'  frigate  Carolina,  and  settled  at  Ashley  River  with  the  first 
colony  to  settle  in  what  is  now  South  Carolina  in  1670.  In  that  year  he  claimed 
to  have  "the  best  stock  of  any  three  men  in  the  Collony"  and  asked  for  5,000 
acres  of  land  "for  the  monys,  sugars  servant  and  else  that  I  was  out  at  Cape 
Faire  and  for  my  first  discoverie  with  Coll.  Sandford."  He  commanded  the 
Carolina  until  1671,  when  Lord  Ashley  declared  that  he  was  "not  satisfied  with 
Brain  in  any  of  the  voyages  he  hath  made."  He  was  in  Carolina  in  1672,  and 
on  January  30,  1676/7,  received  a  warrant  for  1,100  acres  of  land.  He  evidently 
died  in  South  Carolina,  as  an  inventory  of  his  estate  is  among  the  records  of  the 
court  of  ordinary  of  the  province.  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical 
Society,  V.  88,  141,  142,  143,  150,  157,  215,  216,  317,  340,  476;  Warrants  for 
Lands  in  South  Carolina,  1672-1679,  pp.  124-125. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  87 

aboard  the  point  Wee  found  five  and  six  fathom  water  and 
soe  upwards  to  nine  fathom  all  the  way  in.  It  was  halfe 
Ebbe  at  least  when  Wee  entred,  and  I  am  very  much  per 
suaded  that  if  Wee  had  gonne  soe  farr  Westerly  as  till  the 
River  had  borne  North  or  N.  N.  E.,  wee  had  found  a  much 
deeper  Channell,  for  though  it  blew  a  very  fresh  gale  att  East 
(which  here  is  alongst  shore  and  somewhat  upon  the  Westerne 
Coast),  yett  we  could  not  discerne  any  appearance  of  Flatts 
at  all  to  the  Westward. 

Being  come  about  foure  or  five  miles  within  the  River  I 
anchored,  and  a  Canoa  with  two  Indians  came  presently 
aboard  mee  and  told  mee  that  was  the  Country  of  Edistoh, 
and  that  the  chiefe  towne  or  seate  of  the  Casique  was  within 
on  the  Westerne  shoare  somewhat  lower  downe  towards  the 
Sea,  by  which  relation  I  guessed  this  to  be  the  same  River 
that  some  English  in  a  former  discovery  mentioned  by  the 
name  of  Grandy  (if  it  be  not  rather  the  French  Gironde  *) 
and  only  sawe  of  att  Sea  but  entered  not;  that  it  might  noe 
longer  remaine  under  an  uncertaine  distinction  I  called  it 
from  the  name  of  my  Lieutenant,  Harvy  Haven.  It  lyes 
about  32  d.  3  m.  and  the  markes  to  knowe  it  by  as  you  come 
from  Sea  are  these:  The  North  East  side  is  a  bluffeland, 
rounding  from  the  River  and  stretching  East  into  the  Sea, 
hence  a  lodge  of  breakers  runn  out  South  before  the  Harbour's 
mouth,  on  which  wee  borrowed  when  wee  made  such  shoale 
water  in  our  Entrance.  The  Southwest  side  makes  a  sharpe 
lowe  flat  point  bare  of  trees,  a  pretty  way  from  the  Entrance 
West,  and  then  shews  a  hammocke  or  two  of  thicke  shrubby 
trees.  From  this  point  the  Coast  tends  S.W.  and  then  W.S.W. 
Just  within  the  Entrance  is  a  shewe  of  a  faire  Creeke  on  the 
Starboard  side  and  another  on  the  West  or  larbord  side. 
Almost  oposite  from  the  uper  side  of  the  East  side  Creeke  a 
Marsh  Island  runns  out  West  and  Southerly  almost  cross  the 
River,  Edged  to  the  Seaward  with  a  banke  of  Oyster  shells, 
discernable  a  good  way  to  Sea  as  you  come  from  the  North- 

1  The  North  Edisto.  Ribault,  the  French  explorer,  named  the  rivers  along 
this  coast  after  the  rivers  of  France.  B.  R.  Carroll,  in  his  Historical  Collections 
of  South  Carolina,  I.  xxxiv,  gives  a  comparative  list  of  these  rivers,  but  it  is  errone 
ous.  He  gives  the  Grande  as  the  Broad,  which  is,  of  course,  wrong.  The  Indian 
town  was  on  the  island  now  known  as  Edisto  Island. 


88  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

ward,  and  particularly  meett  with  two  lowe  trees  which  in 
the  offing  and  before  the  Oyster  banke  is  discovered  seeme  as 
Vesieble  riding  within  the  River.  It  flowes  here  East  and 
West  neere  eight  foote  perpendicular  at  spring  tides.  The 
Woods  on  each  side  entring,  to  us  seemed  to  consist  most  of 
live  Oake,  the  land  levell,  of  an  habitable  height  generally, 
with  steepe  redd  bankes  here  and  there  appeareing  over  the 
Marshes,  on  which  in  many  places  wee  could  see  the  fields  of 
Maiz  greenly  florishing. 

The  next  day,  being  the  23rd  June,  I  went  with  my  boate 
into  a  Creek  on  the  East  shoare  opposite  to  where  the  Vessell 
rode,  a  very  faire  and  deepe  Creeke  or  River  goeing  North 
and  Easterly  to  appearance  a  long  way.1  Being  gone  about 
a  mile  up  I  landed  and,  according  to  my  instructions,  in  pres 
ence  of  my  Company  took  a  formall  possession  by  turffe  and 
twigg  of  that  whole  Country  from  the  Lat.  of  36  deg.  North 
to  29  d.  South  and  West  to  the  South  Seas  by  the  name  of 
the  Province  of  Carolina,  for  Our  Soveraigne  Lord  Charles  the 
Second,  King  of  England,  and  his  heirs  and  successors,  and  to 
the  use  of  the  Right  Honoble  Edward,  Earle  of  Clarendon, 
George,  Duke  of  Albermarle,  William  Lord  Craven,  John 
Lord  Berkeley,  Anthony  Lord  Ashley,  Sr  George  Cartrett, 
Sr  William  Berkeley  and  Sr  John  Colleton,  their  heirs  and 
assigns,  according  to  the  Letters  Patents  of  Our  Soveraigne 
Lord  the  King.  I  ranged  a  little  on  either  side  this  Creeke, 
passed  through  severall  fields  of  Maiz  or  Indian  Corn,  and 
following  the  guidance  of  a  small  path  was  brought  to  some  of 
the  Indians  Habitations.  I  found  all  the  land  that  I  passed 
over,  whether  I  went  back  or  alongst  the  side  of  the  Creeke, 
a  rich  fatt  soyle,  black  mould  on  the  topp  and  under  mixt 
with  a  soft  redd  marie,  which  and  a  stiffe  Clay  I  after  found 
the  most  generall  foundation  of  all  the  land.  Noe  Swamps, 
noe  Sandy  land.  On  the  Outside  of  the  woods  some  single 
scattring  Pine  trees,  but  of  the  sort  which  is  called  Spruce. 
The  rest  and  the  Generality  of  the  timber  being  Oak,  Maple, 
Ash,  Wallnutt,  Popler,  Bayes,  and  the  trees  tall  and  straight 
but  not  very  large,  growing  closer  together  than  I  have  seene 
in  any  other  part  of  this  Province  (the  reason  I  guesse  of  their 
being  so  slender).  They  are  for  the  most  part  a  well  seized 

1  Bohicket  Creek. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  89 

building  timber,  and  some  fewe  wee  sawe  of  Oak  and  Maple 
that  would  beare  three  or  foure  foot  over  a  very  great  burthen 
upon  the  ground;  and  much  of  it  of  such  growth  as  wee 
knowe  to  be  an  excellent  feeding  for  Cattle,  and  so  thick  and 
high  that  it  made  our  travelling  very  tedious. 

The  next  day  I  went  some  miles  up  the  maine  River,  and 
finding  a  creek  alsoe  on  the  East  side  *  which  opened  some 
groves  of  Pine  trees  to  our  veiwe  I  putt  in  there  purposely  to 
see  that  sort  of  Land,  and  found  this  if  any  the  Swamps  of 
this  Country,  for  this  Creeke  carryed  us  into  Low  broken 
Marshes  and  Islands  of  these  pine  trees  lying  almost  levell 
with  the  water.  Wee  landed  on  some  of  them,  found  them 
firme  and  dry  (though  severall  dayes  and  but  the  very  night 
before  wee  had  store  of  raine)  and  without  any  signes  of 
haveing  ever  beene  overflowed.  Yett  they  are  seemingly  soe 
seated  as  that  great  store  of  raine  and  frequent  must  necessarily 
stand  in  them.  The  pines  are  all  spruce;  the  soyle  a  fatt 
blacke  mould  with  a  scarce  discernable  mixture  of  sand 
founded  alsoe,  either  on  marie  or  Clay  as  the  other  lands  and 
bearing  a  very  great  burthen,  and  though  on  the  outside  Wee 
sawe  only  pine  trees  yett  being  entered  the  Wood  wee  found 
also  Oake  and  severall  other  timber  trees  of  a  very  large  seize. 
Att  a  venture  wee  called  these  kind  of  lands  pine  swamps. 
But  I  esteeme  them  a  very  profitable  tillable  ground,  and 
some  of  my  Company  did  after  this  see  an  Indian  planted 
field  of  this  sort  which  they  told  me  bore  as  tall  Maiz  as  any. 
We  rowed  a  long  way  up  the  Creeke,  and  besides  these  swamps 
sawe  and  ranged  through  very  spacious  tracts  of  rich  Oake 
land,  and  yett  Wee  were  not  past  the  Oyster  bankes  and  fre 
quent  heepes  of  shells,  nor  the  salt  water.  Att  my  returne 
downe  the  River  I  sent  some  ashoare  to  range  on  the  West 
side  who  did  instantly  affirme  that  the  lands  there  were  of  an 
equall  excellency  with  the  best  of  those  Wee  had  other  where 
viewed,  and  that  they  believed  itt  an  impossible  injunction  to 
be  putt  to  march  to  the  end  of  the  tracts.  Being  therfore 
well  satisfyed  with  the  successe  of  our  discovery  hitherto,  I 
wayed  and  stood  downe  the  River  intending  a  short  stay  att 
the  landing  place  neerest  to  the  cheife  Seate  of  Edistowe 
which  the  Indian  had  intreated  of  mee  that  they  might  with 

1  Ladinwah  Creek. 


90  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

the  lesser  trouble  come  aboard  mee  to  trade.  When  Wee 
were  here  a  Capt.  of  the  Nation  named  Shadoo  (one  of  them 
which  Hilton  had  carryed  to  Barbados  *)  was  very  earnest 
with  some  of  our  Company  to  goe  with  him  and  lye  a  night  att 
their  Towne,  which  he  told  us  was  but  a  smale  distance  thence. 
I  being  equally  desirous  to  knowe  the  forme,  manner  and  popu- 
lousnesse  of  the  place,  as  alsoe  what  state  the  Casique  held 
(fame  in  all  theire  things  preferring  this  place  to  all  the  rest 
of  the  Coast)  and  foure  of  my  Company,  vizt:  Lt.  Harvy,  Lt. 
Woory,  Mr.  Thomas  Giles  and  Mr.  Henry  Woodward,  for- 
wardly  offring  themselves  to  the  service,  haveing  alsoe  some 
Indians  aboard  mee  who  constantly  resided  there  night  and 
day,  I  permitted  them  to  go  with  this  Shadoo.  They  retorned 
to  me  the  next  morning  with  great  Comendations  of  their 
entertainment,  but  especially  of  the  goodnesse  of  the  land 
they  marcht  through  and  the  delightfull  situation  of  the 
Towne.  Telling  mee  withal  that  the  Cassique  himselfe  ap 
peared  not  (pretending  some  indisposition)  but  that  his  state 
was  supplyed  by  a  Female,  who  received  them  with  gladnes 
and  Courtesy,  placeing  my  Lt.  Harvey  on  the  seat  by  her.2 
Their  relation  gave  myselfe  a  Curiosity  (they  alsoe  assureing 
mee  that  it  was  not  above  foure  Miles  off)  to  goe  and  see  that 
Towne:  And  taking  with  mee  Capt.  George  Gary  and  a  file  of 
men  I  marched  thitherward  followed  by  a  long  traine  of  In 
dians,  of  whome  some  or  other  always  presented  himselfe  to 

1  P.  40,  supra. 

a  By  a  deed,  dated  March  10,  1675,  "the  Casseques  naturall  borne  Heires 
and  sole  owners  and  Proprietors  of  great  and  the  lesser  Cassoe  lying  on  the  River 
of  Kyeawah  the  River  of  Stonoe  and  the  freshes  of  the  River  of  Edistoh,"  for 
themselves,  their  "subjects  and  Vassalls"  conveyed  the  "said  parcell  and  parcells 
of  land  called  by  the  name  and  names  of  great  and  little  Cassoe  with  all  the  Tim 
ber  on  said  land  and  all  manner  of  the  appurtenances  any  way  belonging  to  any 
part  or  parts  of  the  said  land  or  lands"  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina.  The 
deed  is  signed  (with  marks  and  seals)  by  the  great  cassique,  three  lesser  cassiques, 
eleven  Indian  captains  and  fourteen  women  captains,  the  consideration  being 
"a  valuable  parcell  of  cloth,  hatchetts,  Beads  and  other  goods  and  manufactures." 
It  is  probable  that  the  signatures  of  the  women  were  secured  to  serve  the  purpose 
of  a  renunciation  of  dower,  the  deed  being  otherwise  legally  executed.  Seven 
white  men  witnessed  it.  (Records  of  the  Register  of  the  Province  of  South 
Carolina,  1675-1696,  p.  10 — a  manuscript  volume  in  the  office  of  the  Historical 
Commission  of  South  Carolina.)  Numbers  of  other  similar  deeds  executed  later 
by  Indians  and  signed  by  their  women  captains  are  on  record  in  South  Carolina. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  91 

carry  mee  on  his  shoulders  over  any  the  branches  of  Creekes 
or  plashy  corners  of  Marshes  in  our  Way.  This  walke  though 
it  tend  to  the  Southward  of  the  West,  and  consequently  leads 
neere  alongst  the  Sea-Coast,  Yett  it  opened  to  our  veiwe  soe 
excellent  a  Country  both  for  Wood,  land  and  Meadowes  as 
gave  singular  satisfaction  to  all  my  Company.  Wee  crossed 
one  Meadowe  of  not  lesse  then  a  thousand  Acres,  all  firme 
good  land  and  as  rich  a  Soyle  as  any,  clothed  with  a  ffine 
grasse  not  passing  knee  deepe,  but  very  thick  sett  and  fully 
adorned  with  yeallow  flowers;  a  pasture  not  inferiour  to  any 
I  have  seene  in  England.  The  wood  lands  were  all  of  the 
same  sort  both  for  timber  and  mould  with  the  best  of  those 
we  had  ranged  otherwhere,  and  without  alteration  or  abate 
ment  from  their  goodnes  all  the  way  of  our  March.  Being 
entered  the  Towne  wee  were  conducted  into  a  large  house  of 
a  Circular  forme  (their  gene  rail  house  of  State).  Right  against 
the  entrance  way  a  high  seate  of  sufficient  breadth  for  half  a 
dozen  persons  on  which  sate  the  Cassique  himselfe  (vouch- 
safeing  mee  that  favour)  with  his  wife  on  his  right  hand  (shee 
who  had  received  those  whome  I  had  sent  the  evening  before). 
Hee  was  an  old  man  of  a  large  stature  and  bone.  Round  the 
house  from  each  side  the  throne  quite  to  the  Entrance  were 
lower  benches  filled  with  the  whole  rabble  of  men,  Women  and 
children.  In  the  center  of  this  house  is  kept  a  constant  fire 
mounted  on  a  great  heape  of  Ashes  and  surrounded  with  little 
lowe  furrows.  Capt.  Gary  and  my  selfe  were  placed  on  the 
higher  seate  on  each  side  the  Cassique,  and  presented  with 
skinns,  accompanied  with  their  Ceremony es  of  Welcome  and 
friendshipp  (by  stroaking  our  shoulders  with  their  palmes  and 
sucking  in  theire  breath  the  whilst).  The  Towne  is  scituate 
on  the  side  or  rather  in  the  skirts  of  a  faire  forrest,  in  which  at 
severall  distances  are  diverse  feilds  of  Maiz  with  many  little 
houses  straglingly  amongst  them  for  the  habitations  of  the 
particular  families.  On  the  East  side  and  part  of  the  South 
it  hath  a  large  prospect  over  meadowes  very  spatious  and  de- 
lightfull.  Before  the  Doore  of  their  Statehouse  is  a  spacious 
walke  rowed  with  trees  on  both  sides,  tall  and  full  branched, 
not  much  unlike  to  Elms,  which  serves  for  the  Exercise  and 
recreation  of  the  men,  who  by  Couple  runn  after  a  marble 
bowle  troled  out  alternately  by  themselves,  with  six  foote 


92  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

staves  in  their  hands,  which  they  tosse  after  the  bowle  in  their 
race,  and  according  to  the  laying  of  their  staves  wine  or  loose 
the  beeds  they  contend  for;  an  exercise  approveable  enough 
in  the  winter,  but  some  what  too  violent  (mee  thought)  for 
that  season  and  noonetime  of  the  day.  From  this  walke  is 
another  lesse  aside  from  the  round  house  for  the  children  to 
sport  in.  After  a  fewe  houres  stay  I  retorned  to  my  Vessell 
with  a  greate  troope  of  Indians  att  my  heeles,  the  old 
Cassique  himself e  in  the  number,  who  lay  aboard  mee  that 
night  without  the  society  of  any  of  his  people,  some  scores 
of  which  lay  in  boothes  of  their  own  imediate  ereccon  on  the 
beach. 

While  I  lay  here  I  had  perfectly  understood  that  the 
River  went  through  to  another  more  Westerly,  and  was  pas 
sable  for  our  Vessell,  and  alsoe  that  it  was  not  much  more 
then  a  tides  worke  through,  this  increased  my  desire  of  pass 
ing  this  way.  Especially  being  persuaded  that  this  next 
River  was  Jordan  (Hilton  intimateing  as  much  in  his  Journall 
and  Mapp),1  Wherefore  on  the  27th  of  June,  with  the  helpe 
of  the  tide  of  flood  (the  winde  being  contrary)  I  turned  upp 
the  River,  so  having  oportunity  to  try  the  whole  Channell, 
which  I  found  generally  five,  and  between  that  and  six  fathume 
deepe  and  bold  home  to  each  shoare  till  wee  were  come  about 
10  miles  from  the  Harbours  mouth,  when  the  River  was  con 
tracted  between  the  Marshes.  Yett  here  (except  in  one  or 
two  places  where  some  flatts  narrowed  the  passage)  wee  sel- 
dome  found  less  than  five  fathum  water.  The  River  being 
narrowe  and  variously  winding,  noe  Gale  would  att  any  time 
serve  us  long,  so  that  wee  were  forced  for  the  most  part  to 
towe  through,  and  that  often  against  the  winde,  which  proved 
very  tedious;  nor  could  we  passe  but  by  day,  which  with 
lying  two  tides  a  ground  to  stopp  some  Leakes,  made  it 
Sunday  morning  the  first  of  July  before  wee  came  into  the 
next  Westerly  River,2  and  by  it  into  the  Sea  again,  though  by 
the  Travers  I  tooke  of  our  Course  I  found  it  performable  with 
light  boates  in  one  tide  of  flood  and  an  Ebbe.  The  passage 
is  generally  betweene  drowned  marshes,  a  great  breadth  be- 

1  There  are  two  considerable  rivers  lying  between  the  North  Edisto  and  the 
Jordan  (Combahee):   the  South  Edisto  and  the  Ashepoo. 

2  They  evidently  passed  through  Dawhoo  River  to  the  South  Edisto. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  93 

tweene  the  River  and  wood,  especially  on  the  Island  side.  On 
the  East  or  maine  side  of  the  Marsh  is  much  narrower,  and  in 
many  places  the  River  runns  close  under  the  banke  of  wood 
land,  which  wee  had  the  oportunity  to  view,  and  found  it  to 
continue  its  excellency  without  change  or  diminution.  The 
Indians  alsoe  that  inhabitt  the  inner  parts  of  it  assureing  us 
that  it  was  all  alike.  The  next  Westerly  River  is  a  pretty 
faire  river,  not  less  broad  than  Harvey  Haven,  but  its  Chan- 
nell  more  crooked,  narrowe  and  shallowe.  The  West  side  of 
itt  (as  wee  found  afterwards)  is  but  a  necke  of  land,  having  a 
Creeke  or  two  which  seeme  to  goe  through  into  the  West 
River.  It  is  for  the  Generality  drowned  Marshes  alsoe  yett 
in  some  places  the  banke  is  high,  Crowned  here  and  there  with 
smale  ground  of  wood,  consisting  of  dry  plantable  Land, 
surrounded  a  good  space  with  a  firme  Meadowe  or  pasture 
Land,  and  presenting  most  delectable  Seates  for  summer 
recesses.  I  did  a  little  wounder  to  see  the  Sea  and  noe  appar 
ent  open  passage  first  to  the  Westward  as  I  expected  (still 
imaginning  this  to  be  the  River  Jordan).  And  when  I  was 
come  out  of  it  into  the  Sea,  and  sawe  none  of  these  marks 
which  Hilton  had  prefixed  to  Jordan  I  was  in  a  great  puzzle 
to  know  where  wee  were  gott,  Nothing  of  the  Coast  makeing 
like  those  drafts  which  Hilton  had  given  of  itt.  But  the  winde 
first  dying  into  a  calm  and  then  again  blowing  contrary,  with 
some  Menaces  of  an  Evening  storme,  I  putt  into  the  River 
againe,  and  being  anchored  went  a  shoare  on  the  East  point  of 
the  Entrance,  where  I  found  Shadoo  (the  Capt.  of  Edistow, 
that  had  been  with  Hilton  att  Barbados),  and  severall  other 
Indians  come  from  the  Towne  by  Land  to  see  for  our  comeing 
forth,  of  whome  I  asked  whether  this  was  the  River  which 
Hilton  was  in.  They  told  me  noe,  but  itt  was  the  next  River. 
This  assured  mee  that  Jordan  was  yett  further,  and  that 
Hilton  had  noe  knowledge  of  this  River  and  soe  could  not  lay 
it  downe.  I  demanded  the  name  of  this  River.  They  told 
mee  Edistowe  still,  and  pointed  all  to  be  Edistowe  quite  home 
to  the  side  of  Jordan,  by  which  I  was  instructed  that  the  In 
dians  assigne  not  their  names  to  the  Rivers  but  to  the  Coun- 
tryes  and  people.  Amongst  these  Indians  was  one  who  used 
to  come  with  the  Southern  Indians  to  trade  with  us  att  Charles 
Towne  in  Clarendon,  and  is  knowne  by  the  name  of  Cassique. 


94  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

Hee  belongeth  to  the  Country  of  Kiwaha,1  and  was  very 
earnest  with  mee  to  goe  with  my  Vessell  thither,  assuring  mee 
a  broad  deep  entrance,2  and  promising  a  large  welcome  and 
plentiful  entertainment  and  trade.  I  told  him  I  must  first  goe 
to  Port  Royall,  and  that  in  my  retorne  I  would  see  his  Coun 
try;  but  for  his  better  security  hee  would  needs  accompany 
mee  to  Port  Roy  all,  and  soe  be  my  pilate  (as  hee  made  mee 
understand)  for  their  River.  And  presently  hee  sent  away 
his  companion  to  give  notice  to  the  cheife  Cassique  of  the 
place  of  my  intention  that  hee  might  prepare  for  my  comeing, 
and  himself  went  on  board  with  mee.  That  Evening  blewe  a 
storme  of  winde  att  S.W.  (the  frequent  Somer  storm  on  this 
Coast)  soe  violent  that  (though  in  the  River)  I  durst  not  trust 
to  my  ordinary  roade,  but  kept  my  sheet  anchor  under  foot. 

With  the  riseing  of  the  morne  I  weighed  and  stood  out  to 
Sea,  haveing  an  easie  gale  at  N.E.  and  a  Tide  of  Ebbe.  My 
Course  out  lay  S.  E.  between  two  bankes  of  shoales  lesse  then 
half  a  mile  distant.  I  chose  rather  to  keepe  in  the  Sounding 
of  the  Easterne  than  of  the  West  Flatts,  both  because  the 
winde  was  Easterly  and  soe  I  could  beare  up  from  them  when 
I  would,  and  alsoe  because  haveing  both  in  goeing  out  and 
comeing  in  the  day  before  borrowed  on  the  Westerne  shoalings, 
I  should  by  this  Easterly  Course  take  knowledge  of  the  whole 
Channell.  I  was  scarce  shott  a  mile  without  the  Eastermost 
point  of  the  Entrance  but  the  winde  wholly  left  mee,  and  the 
Ebbe  (which  the  flatts  on  either  side  makeing  soe  faire  a  land, 
I  expected  should  sett  directly  out  to  Sea)  did  runn  with  soe 
strong  a  Current  over  the  Easterne  Sands  that  att  the  second 
heave  of  my  lead  I  was  cast  from  two  fathum  into  six  foot 
water,  and  I  drewe  fine  into  a  rowling  Sea  on  the  very  edge  of 
a  breach.  I  had  no  way  but  imediately  to  lett  fall  one  anchor, 
soe  to  stay  the  Vessell  from  precipitating  on  her  ruine  whilst  I 
might  carry  forth  another  anchor  to  warpe  her  into  deepe 
water.  The  first  was  presently  downe,  but  to  gett  out  the 

1  Kiawah  (pronounced  Keewah). 

2  The  present  Charleston  Harbor.     Kiawah  was  the  Indian  name  of  the 
present  Ashley  River  and  the  country  adjacent  thereto.     The  pride  which  the 
casskjiie  of  Kiawah  took  in  his  harbor  and  his  country  was  responsible  for  the 
settling  there  of  the  first  English  colony  in  South  Carolina.     The  same  pardon 
able  pride  in  the  place  is  still  characteristic  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Kiawah 
country. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  95 

second,  which  way  to  confirme  our  safety,  proved  hughesly 
difficult.  We  lay  in  soe  tumbling  a  Sea  that  our  boate  could 
not  bee  brought  to  our  bowe  without  danger  of  staveing.  I 
had  but  two  men  with  mee  entred  to  Sea  labour,  and  the  most 
spirrited  and  active  part  of  my  Company  were  Gentlemen  but 
little  used  to  any  labour.  One  of  the  Seamen  must  necessarily 
stay  within  board  to  deliver  the  Anchor  and  Cable  that  was  to 
be  carryed  out.  However  the  danger  made  every  one  give 
his  best  helpe,  and  with  much  adoe  the  boate  is  brought  to  the 
bowe  and  the  Anchor  putt  into  her,  but  all  our  strength  could 
not  stemme  that  tide  of  Ebbe  which  had  hurried  us  into  the 
perill,  and  must  therefore  be  encountred  in  the  way  to  bring 
us  out,  but  a  storne  wee  fall  against  the  whole  force  of  our 
Oares.  A  second  attempt  is  made  with  doubled  strength,  but 
one  breakes  his  Thoales,  another  his  Oare,  and  nowe  cumbred 
with  our  owne  uslesse  number  in  a  boate  of  scarce  equall 
seize  wee  became  rather  weaker  then  att  first,  yett  wee  have 
no  other  way  left  but  this  to  prevent  our  wreake  (Heaven  not 
yeilding  us  one  breath  of  aide).  Therefore  to  worke  wee  goe 
againe  and  refix  our  boate,  but  in  theise  past  fruitless  perform 
ances  soe  much  time  had  beene  spent  as  had  given  the  Ebbing 
tide  a  further  advantage  against  us,  to  the  almost  perfecting 
our  destruction,  for  by  this  time  the  Vessell  by  her  repeated 
stroakes  as  it  were  to  rescue  herself  from  those  inhospitable 
sands,  gave  us  warning  that  her  condition  was  well  neere 
desperate,  yett  out  goes  our  boate  againe,  and  God  mercifully 
improved  our  strength  to  the  getting  forth  an  Anchor,  though 
not  much  further  then  our  Vessell's  length,  yett  soe  farre  as 
brought  us  into  two  fathum  water,  the  banke  on  which  wee 
had  grounded  proving  steepe  to,  by  reason  of  which  wee  the 
more  easily  wrought  ourselves  out  of  those  unkinde  embraces, 
and  to  the  praise  of  the  Almighty  Deliverer  were  snatcht  from 
either  an  instant  descending  into  the  open  Gorge  of  the  un- 
sated  Ocean,  or  the  more  slowe  and  painfull  progresse  to  our 
ends  in  a  naked  Exposure  amongst  Nations  whose  piety  it  is 
to  be  barbarous  and  Gallantry  to  be  inhumane.  This  ill  en 
tertainment  made  us  brand  the  place  with  the  name  of  Port 
Perill.  It  lyes  in  the  Lat.  of  32  d.  25  m.  or  thereabouts;  and 
may  be  knowne  when  you  are  in  the  very  Entrance  by  its 
Easterne  point,  which  is  a  lowe  point  of  Land  bare  of  trees  or 


96  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

other  growth  save  a  fewe  stragling  shrubbs,  hence  the  River 
goes  in  N.  N.  W.  and  N.  W.  by  N.,  a  smale  Creeke  running  in 
East  just  within  the  point.  The  Coast  hence  to  the  Eastward 
tends  neerest  E.  by  N.  with  Sandy  bayes,  and  appeares  even 
and  bluff e,  with  trees  when  you  are  in  the  Offing.  The  Westerne 
part  of  the  Entrance  lyes  within  as  in  a  deepe  bay,  and  beare 
from  the  East  point  N.  N.  by  W.  or  W.  N.  W.  about  two 
miles.  It  is  a  bare  sandy  bay,  with  a  fewe  shrubbs  next  the 
River  *  and  thinne  scatring  Pine  trees.  More  Southerly  the 
Coast  thence  Westward  tends  S.  S.  W.,  and  all  betweene  this 
and  Jordan  shewes  with  severall  hummacks  like  broken  land 
or  Islands  when  you  are  off  before  itt,  and  especially  next  to 
Port  Perill  appears  a  wide  opening  as  of  a  River,  but  it  is 
nothing  but  bare  sandy  bayes  or  Oyster  bankes  with  lowe 
Marshes  behinde  them.2  Jordan,  or  as  wee  now  call  it 
Yeamans  Harbour  from  the  name  of  our  Lt.-Generall,  opens 
about  two  Leagues  to  the  Westward  of  this  between  two 
bluffe  lands,  from  the  Westermost  of  which  the  North  East 
end  of  an  Island  (which  from  Capt.  Gary  wee  named  Gary 
Island  3)  runns  out  E.  S.  E.  and  makes  all  the  Coast  between 
it  and  Port  Perill  lye  in  the  forme  of  a  deepe  bay.  All  be 
tween  Yeamans  Harbour  and  Port  Perill  are  shoales  and 
foule  ground,  which  from  the  West  point  of  Port  Perill  runne 
out  S.  E.  before  the  mouth  of  Yeamans  Harbour  to  almost 
an  even  range  with  the  outermost  face  of  Gary  Island.  From 
the  East  point  of  Port  Perill  a  rowe  of  breakers  range  themselves 
parrallell  with  the  Westerne  shoales,  and  were  the  same  which 
had  like  to  have  proved  soe  fatall  to  us  at  our  comeing  out, 
thence  neere  a  League  within  Port  Perill  are  three  distinct 
groves  of  trees  elevated  on  pretty  high  bankes  with  lowe 
Marshes  in  each  intervall.  They  lye  neere  E.  and  West,  and 
when  you  are  so  farre  South  and  Westerly  as  that  the  lowe 
sandy  point  off  the  Entrance  wholy  disappeares  these  shewe 
themselves  as  though  the  mouth  of  the  River  were  betweene 
two  bluffe  lands  with  a  round  woody  Island  in  the  middle  of 
itt.  In  steering  in  if  you  come  from  the  South  and  Westward, 

1  The  Ashepoo,  lying  about  halfway  between  South  Edisto  Inlet  (through 
which  the  South  Edisto  empties  into  the  sea)  and  the  mouth  of  the  Combahee 
(Jordan). 

a  St.  Helena  Sound.  3  The  Hunting  Islands. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  97 

keepe  East  in  three  fathum  water  till  you  bring  this  seeming 
Island  to  touch  the  Easterne  bluffe,  head  and  then  stand  in 
N.  W.  by  N.  and  N.  W.  with  the  head  land,  rather  takeing 
the  Soundings  of  the  Easterne  flatt  then  of  the  W.  if  the  winde 
will  permitt,  and  you  will  have  two  fathum  water  little  more 
or  lesse  all  the  way  in  att  lowe  water.  As  you  come  neere  in 
you  will  discerne  the  Easterne  lowe  sandy  point  between  you 
and  that  bluffe  land  and  the  sandy  bayes  along  the  Easterne 
Coast.  Steering  in  with  that  sandy  point  and  you  will  deepen 
and  have  five  fathum  water  close  aboard  it. 

After  we  were  gott  cleare  of  the  Sands,  the  Ebbe  being 
donne  and  the  Gale  springing  up,  wee  made  Sayle  and  stood 
out  to  Sea,  but  wee  were  not  gott  farre  ere  the  winde  shifted 
to  South  East,  and  the  flood  sett  soe  strong  into  the  narrowe 
bay  that  wee  could  neither  board  it  out  nor  gaine  to  the  West 
ward  of  the  Shoales  which  lye  before  Yeamans  Harbour  soe  to 
runne  in  there,  wherefore  I  came  to  an  Anchor  in  three  fathum 
water  till  the  Ebbe  at  least  might  helpe  us  to  worke  out  against 
the  winde.  Whilst  wee  rode  here  wee  espyed  to  our  great 
rejoyceing  the  Shalloope  whome  wee  left  the  19th  of  June  in 
the  night.  She  was  come  forth  of  Yeamans  Harbour,  and  stood 
to  and  againe  before  the  Southwest  Coast,  betweene  it  and 
Cary  Island,  to  shewe  herself,  not  being  able  to  come  out  to 
us  for  the  same  reason  that  kept  us  imbayed.  Wee  alsoe 
fired  a  gunn  and  putt  out  our  Colours  to  lett  her  knowe  that 
wee  sawe  her,  but  could  not  gett  to  her  for  the  flatts  that 
interposed. 

To  goe  into  Yeamans  Harbour  Hilton's  direction  is  (and 
itt  seemed  true  to  mee  as  I  lay  before  itt,  though  I  went  not 
in)  to  goe  in  on  the  West  side  of  the  shoalings  which  are 
opposite  to  the  mouth  thereof  and  which  are  contiguous 
with  the  flatts  of  Port  Perill,  giving  a  ledge  of  breakers  that 
lye  before  the  Southwest  Cape  of  the  Entrance  a  smale  birth, 
and  soe  to  steere  with  the  North  East  land  of  the  Entrance, 
and  the  least  depth  he  sayes  is  two  fathum  at  lowe  water, 
and  soe  upwards  to  six  or  seaven  fathum  when  you  come  neere 
under  the  said  Easterne  Land.  But  I  have  understood  since 
from  Ens.  Brayne  that  between  that  ledge  of  breakers  which 
lye  before  the  Southwest  Cape  and  the  end  of  Cary  Island 
is  a  Channell,  which  hee  affirmes  has  about  three  fathum 


98  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

water  where  shoalest,  which  alsoe  when  you  are  past  that 
ledge  of  breakers  sett  over  to  the  North  East  land  of  the 
Harbours  mouth.  The  Ebbe  now  beginning  to  make  wee 
weighed  and  plyed  off  to  Sea  with  some  difficulty,  boarding 
it  out  of  the  dangerous  and  foule  bay  wherein  till  about 
three  Leagues  from  shoare  the  deepest  water  wee  could  finde 
was  scarce  three  fathum,  and  in  our  turning  wee  generally 
into  a  fathum  and  a  halfe  on  each  side,  and  this  though  it 
was  high  water  a  place  to  be  attempted  with  Care  when 
the  winde  is  off  as  now  it  is.  By  night  wee  were  gott  cleere 
of  all  danger  into  six  and  seaven  fathum  water.  I  stood  off 
and  on  all  night,  and  in  the  morning  found  my  self  off  the 
Sea  board  side  of  Cary  Island.  In  the  middle  betweene  two 
openings  this  Island  fills  up  almost  the  whole  space  betweene 
Yeamans  Harbour  and  Port  Royall.  To  seaward  it  makes  an 
even  smooth  land,  pretty  bluffe,  with  trees,  and  tends  South 
West  and  North  East  about  three  Leagues  in  length.  It 
shewes  two  smale  openings  neere  equi-distant  from  either 
end  and  from  each  other.  From  the  Westermost  opening  att 
Westward  the  Coast  is  bold  Five  fathum  water;  within  half 
a  league  of  the  shoare  more  Easterly  it  is  not  soe  deepe. 

The  morning  was  Calme,  and  soe  continued  till  about 
two  a  Clock  afternoon,  when  a  fresh  gale  sprang  up  att  North 
East,  which  in  a  short  time  opened  to  us  Woory  Bay  and 
the  mouth  of  Port  Royall.  Woory  Bay,  of  Lt.  Woory,  is 
made  by  the  South  Westerly  end  of  Cary  Island  1  and  the 
Southermost  Cape  or  head  land  without  Port  Royall,  called 
from  the  first  discoverer  Hilton  Head,  which  is  the  farthest 
land  in  sight  as  you  come  from  the  North  East  along  by  the 
end  of  Cary  Island,  whence  it  beares  neerest  S.  W.  and  is 
bluffe,  with  trees  large  and  tall,  which  as  you  approach  them 
seeme  to  looke  their  topps  in  the  Sea.  Port  Royall  mouth 
seems  opens  in  the  bottome  of  this  bay  neerest  to  the  W^esterne 
side  thereof;  the  opening  is  wide,  little  lesse  then  two  leagues, 
the  Westermost  land  of  it  running  out  almost  South  to  Hilton 
Plead,  and  laying  in  like  a  halfe  bent  bo  we.  Makeing  the 
West  side  of  Woory  Bay  from  the  East  side  of  Port  Royall 
the  land  tends  away  East  Northerly  into  Giles  Streights  r 

1  Chaplin's  Island,  westernmost  of  the  Hunting  Islands. 

2  Trenchard's  Inlet. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  99 

(the  passage  on  the  backside  of  Gary  Island  named  soe  from 
Mr.  Thomas  Giles)  and  formes  the  bottum  of  Woory  Bay. 
Before  this  part  of  the  Coast  and  the  end  of  Carey  Island, 
in  all  the  Easterly  part  of  the  bay,  its  shoales  and  very  uneven 
ground  unsafe  to  meddle  with  towards  the  Eastermost  angle 
of  it;  oposite  to  the  entrance  into  Giles  Streights,  lyes  a 
Sand  Hill  pretty  high,  with  some  smaller  about  it,  visible  a 
good  distance  off  in  comeing  from  the  Westward.  As  you 
part  from  Gary  Island  steere  away  S.  W.  with  Hilton  Head 
and  you  will  come  thwart  the  Channell  of  Port  Royall,  which 
you  will  finde  by  the  deepning  of  your  water  from  five  to 
seaven  fathum  and  upward.  It  lyes  neerer  towards  the 
West  land,  and  runns  in  N.  N.  W.  towards  the  Easterne  land 
of  the  Entrance  (by  us  called  Abrahall  Point *),  having  seldom 
so  little  as  seaven  fathum  water.  All  the  way  in  the  shoales 
in  the  East  part  of  the  bay  lye  poynting  out  a  good  way 
to  Sea,  therefore  it  will  be  safe  for  shipps  of  burthen  to  keepe 
out  till  they  have  brought  Hilton  Head  to  beare  about  N.  N.  E. 
from  them.  When  I  had  opened  Woory  Bay  sayling  S.  W. 
along  by  the  end  of  Gary  Island,  I  had  brought  the  Sand  Hills 
within  a  Steerne  of  mee.  I  luffed  into  the  bay  to  try  the 
Soundings  of  that  Eastermost  part  of  itt,  and  after  a  little 
while  came  on  the  shoalings,  and  found  them  soe  uneven  that 
it  was  ordinary  to  differ  two  fathum  in  the  heave  of  a  lead. 
Being  therefore  satisfyed  with  the  dangerousnes  of  this  part 
of  the  bay,  I  bore  up  againe  and  stood  away  with  Hilton  Head 
crosse  some  of  the  shoales  till  I  came  to  seaven,  eight  and 
to  about  tenn  fathum  water.  Then  I  steered  away  with  the 
body  of  the  West  land  betweene  Hilton  Head  and  the  Entrance 
of  Port  Royall,  and  shoale  my  water  by  degrees  to  six  fathum 
(which  depth  continued  a  good  while)  and  att  length  to  five 
and  foure  fathum  and  to  three  within  lesse  then  a  mile  of  the 
wood  side.  Then  I  brought  my  tacks  aboard  and  stood 
North  Easterly  to  gett  into  the  Channell  againe,  and  after 
some  time  deepened  my  water  to  five,  six  and  seaven  fathum. 
I  then  steered  away  with  the  East  land  of  the  River  within 
Abrahall  Point,  still  deepning  my  water,  till  at  length  the 
Ebbe  being  strong  and  wee  makeing  fresh  way  against  it 
with  a  large  winde,  I  could  not  for  a  good  space  strike  ground 

1  Bay  Point. 


100  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

with  my  leads.  About  midnight  the  third  of  July  I  came  to 
an  Anchor  within  the  River  1  in  seaven  fathum  water  (the 
least  depth  I  could  then  finde)  a  little  above  the  Entrance 
into  Brayne  Sound,2  or  the  passage  which  goes  through  to 
Yeamans  Harbour,  soe  called  from  Ens.  Brayne,  who  twice 
sailed  itt.  I  would  advise  all  who  enter  Port  Royall  to  goe 
in  upon  the  Soundings  on  the  West  side  of  the  Channell  till 
they  come  a  good  way  within  Hilton  Head,  that  side  being 
the  evenest  ground  and  freest  from  all  danger.  They  may 
keepe  in  six  and  seaven  fathum  all  the  way  in,  and  then  as 
they  steere  more  Easterly  towards  Abrahall  Point  they  will 
finde  itt  much  deeper.  It  flowes  here  E.  S.  E. 

The  next  morning  I  removed  opposite  to  the  principall 
Indian  Towne  and  there  anchored  before  itt,  where  I  had 
not  ridd  long  ere  the  Cassique  himself  came  aboard  mee  with 
a  Canoa  full  of  Indians,  presenting  mee  with  skinns  and 
bidding  mee  welcome  after  their  manner.  I  went  a  shoare 
with  him  to  see  their  Towne  which  stood  in  sight  of  our  Ves- 
sell.  Found  as  to  the  forme  of  building  in  every  respect  like 
that  of  Eddistowe,  with  a  plaine  place  before  the  great  round 
house  for  their  bowling  recreation,  att  th'end  of  which  stood 
a  faire  woodden  Crosse  of  the  Spaniards  ereccon.  But  I 
could  not  observe  that  the  Indians  performed  any  adoracon 
before  itt.  All  round  the  Towne  for  a  great  space  are  severall 
fields  of  Maiz  of  a  very  large  growth.  The  soyle  nothing  in- 
feriour  to  the  best  we  had  seen  att  Eddistowe,  apparently  more 
loose  and  light,  and  the  trees  in  the  woods  much  larger  and 
rarigd  at  a  greater  distance,  all  the  ground  under  them  bur- 
thened  exceedingly,  and  amongst  it  a  great  variety  of  choice 
pasturage.  I  sawe  here  besides  the  great  number  of  peaches 
which  the  more  Northerly  places  doe  alsoe  abound  in,  some 
store  of  figge  trees  very  large  and  faire,  both  fruite  and  plants, 
and  diverse  grape  vines  which  though  growing  without  Cult 
ure  in  the  very  throng  of  weedes  and  bushes  were  yett  filled 
with  bunches  of  grapes  to  admiracon.  It  was  noe  smale 
rejoyceing  to  my  Company  (who  began  to  feare  that  after 
Edistowe  they  should  see  nothing  equally  to  content  them) 
to  finde  here  not  only  a  River  so  much  superiour  to  all  others 

1  Broad  River  above  the  entrance  of  the  Port  Royal  River. 
3  Port  Royal  River. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  101 

on  the  Coast  Northward,  but  alsoe  a  Country  which  their 
fancyes  though  preengaged  could  scarce  forbeare  to  preferre 
even  that  which  but  a  little  before  they  had  concluded  peere- 
lesse.  The  Towne  is  scited  on  an  Island  1  made  by  a  branch 
which  cometh  out  of  Brayne  Sound  and  falleth  into  Port 
Royall  about  a  mile  above  where  wee  landed,2  a  scituacon 
not  extraordinary  here,  rather  the  whole  Country  is  nothing 
else  but  severall  Islands  made  by  the  various  intervenings 
of  Rivers  and  Creekes,  yett  are  they  firme  good  Lands  (ex 
cepting  what  is  Marsh)  nor  of  soe  smale  a  sieze,  but  to  con- 
tinne  many  of  them  thousands  of  acres  of  rich  habitable  wood 
land,  whose  very  bankes  are  washed  by  River  or  Creek,  which 
besides  the  fertility  adde  such  a  Comodiousnesse  for  portage 
as  few  Countryes  are  equally  happy  in. 

After  a  few  hours  stay  to  view  the  land  about  the  Towne, 
I  retorned  to  my  Vessel!  and  there  found  Ens.  Brayne  with 
his  Shalloope,  come  that  morning  through  Brayne  Sound 3 
from  Yeamans  Harbour,  att  the  mouth  of  which  wee  had 
seene  him  two  days  before.  He  told  mee  that  the  same 
morning  that  I  made  Harvey  Haven  he  came  in  with  the 
shoare  more  to  the  Estw'd  and  sayled  along  it  till  towards 
Evening,  when  hee  entred  Yeamans  Harbour  supposing  it 
Port  Royall,  and  not  findeing  mee  there  nor  any  knowledge 
of  mee,  and  guessing  that  I  might  be  more  Southerly  hee 
came  through  to  Port  Royall  and  acquainted  himselfe  with 
Wommony  the  Cassiques  sone  (who  had  alsoe  been  att  Bar 
bados)  4  whome  hee  easily  prevailed  with  to  beare  him  Com 
pany  from  place  to  place  into  severall  Creeks  and  branches 
betweene  this  and  Yeamans  Harbour,  soe  becoming  both  his 
Guide  and  proteccon  that  hee  had  by  this  meanes  a  large 
leasure  and  oportunity  of  veiwing  all  that  part  of  the  Coun 
try,  which  hee  did  soe  loudly  applaud  for  land  and  rivers 
that  my  Companies  Comendacons  of  Eddistowe  could  scarce 
out  noise  him.  Sufficiently  satisfyed  with  this  relation  (con 
firmed  by  those  with  him)  I  resolved  to  loose  noe  time  in  a 
second  search  of  that  parte,  but  to  goe  a  tides  worke  up  the 
maine  River  and  see  the  body  of  the  Country,  and  att  my 
retorne  to  enter  a  faire  Creek  on  the  West  shoare  opposite 

1  Parris  Island. 

1  Pilot's  Creek.     Ribault  called  it  Chenonceau. 

'  And  Morgan  River.  « See  pp.  40,  90. 


102  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

to  where  the  Vessell  rode/  and  soe  to  veiwe  that  side  which 
Ens.  Brayne  had  not  medled  with,  being  the  more  desirous 
alsoe  to  trye  this  Creek  because  the  Indians  reported  that  it 
lead  to  a  great  Southerne  River  which  peirceth  farre  into  the 
Continent,2  and  I  suppose  may  be  the  Frenchmans  River 
May,  or  the  Spaniards  St.  Matthias.  With  the  Flood  there 
fore  and  a  favorable  fresh  Gale  of  winde  I  sayled  up  the  River 
in  the  Shalloope  neere  thirty  miles,  passed  where  it  divides 
itself e  into  two  principall  branches,  the  Westermost  of  which3 1 
went  upp,  and  conceiveing  myself  e  no  we  high  enough  I  landed. 
Here  I  found  the  Ground  presently  within  to  rise  into  a  pretty 
hill,  and  as  I  ranged  further  I  crossed  severall  fine  falls  and 
riseings  of  land  and  one  brooke  of  sweete  water  which  rann 
with  a  mourmoring  course  betweene  two  hills,  a  rarity  towards 
the  sea  Coast  (to  which  our  former  searches  had  beene  con 
fined  in  which  wee  had  not  seene  any  fresh  water  but  in  wells, 
which  inconveinency  was  not  to  be  borne  with  were  it  not 
to  be  healved  by  the  easie  sinking  of  wells  every  where). 
The  land  here  was  such  as  made  us  all  conclude  not  onely  a 
possibility  that  Eddistowe  might  be,  but  a  certainty  that  it 
was  exceeded  by  the  Country  of  Port  Roy  all.  Being  fully 
tired  with  our  March  through  a  ranke  growth  of  vines,  bushes 
and  grass,  which  every  where  fettered  our  leggs  and  pre- 
claimed  the  richnes  of  the  soyle,  I  retired  to  my  boate,  and 
with  the  Ebbe  towards  our  Vessell  wee  passed  diverse  faire 
Creekes  on  each  side  the  River  but  entred  none,  haveing  not 
much  time  to  spare,  and  being  satisfyed  by  the  sorts  of  wood 
wee  sawe  and  the  banks  that  the  land  was  all  of  like  good 
ness  to  what  we  had  already  veiwed  (only  in  one  place  the 
land  seemeing  lower  then  usuall  and  with  a  great  mixture  of 
pine  or  rather  spruce).  I  went  in  there,  and  after  I  was  some 
what  within  the  woods  found  it  very  plashy  and  water  standing 
everywhere  in  holes  about  ankell  deepe  or  deeper,  caused  as 
I  think  by  the  late  raine  which  had  fallen  somewhat  plenti- 

1  Scull  Creek.^ 

2  Savannah  River,  called  by  the  Indians  Westoboo  and  by  the  Frenchmen 
May.     The  name  May  is  still  preserved  in  that  section  in  the  name  of  a  river 
lying  between  the  Broad  and  Savannah  rivers. 

8  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  "two  principall  branches"  here  referred  to  are 
Whale  Branch  and  the  main  river  above  the  entrance  of  Whale  Branch  or  the 
Tulifinny  and  Coosawhatchie,  which  form  the  Broad. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  10* 

fully,  for  there  appeared  noe  signe  of  constant  swampishnes 
(as  in  the  Cipresse  swamps  more  Northerly)  nor  anything 
that  might  discourage  the  manureing  it.  The  morning  was 
pretty  faire  spent  ere  I  came  downe  to  the  Vessell  againe, 
wherefore  I  made  haste  and  changed  my  Company  and  then 
crossed  the  River  into  that  Westerne  Creeke  I  spoke  of, 
which  after  three  or  four  miles  opened  into  a  great  sound  1 
full  of  Islands  of  different  sizes  Southwards.  It  went  into 
the  Sea  by  two  or  three  out  letts  in  our  sight  Westward.  We 
still  opened  newe  branches,  some  bigger,  some  lesse,  like 
those  wee  had  already  passed  and  found  to  crumble  the 
Continent  into  Islands.  I  spent  the  remainder  of  this  day 
and  the  best  part  of  the  next  in  this  sound,  went  a  shoare  on 
Severall  Islands,  found  them  as  good  firme  land  as  any  wee 
had  seene,  exceedingly  timbred  principally  with  live  Oake 
and  large  Cedar  and  Bay  trees  then  any  I  had  seene  before 
on  all  the  Coast.  In  one  of  them  wee  entred  a  pleasant  Grove 
of  spruce,  shadeing  a  very  cleare  pasture  of  fine  grasse  in 
which  wee  rouzed  a  brave  heard  of  Deere,  and  thence  called 
it  the  Discoverer's  Parke.2  This  Island  continnes  some  hun 
dred  of  acres,  and  both  wood  and  Marsh,  proper  for  planting, 
grazeing  and  for  feeding  swine,  and  all  the  Islands  of  this 
Sound  that  were  in  our  veiwe  (some  few  smale  ones  ex- 
cepted  that  were  onely  Marsh)  are  in  all  appeareance  alike 
good,  proportionable  to  their  biggnes  with  high  bankes  richly 
crowned  with  timber  of  the  largest  size.  So  that  of  what  we 
sawe  in  this  Sound  onely  might  be  found  habitations  for  thou 
sands  of  people  with  conveniencyes  for  their  stock  of  all  kinds 
in  such  a  way  of  accomodacon  as  is  not  comon.  And  if  the 
Sound  goe  through  to  such  a  great  River  as  the  Indians  talk 
off  (which  seems  very  probable)  it  will  putt  in  addiconall 
value  upon  the  Settlemte  that  shal  be  made  in  it.  It  abounds 
besides  with  Oyster  bankes  and  such  heapes  of  shells  as  which 
noe  time  cann  consume,  butt  this  benefitt  it  hath  but  in 
comon  with  all  the  Rivers  betweene  this  and  Harvey  Haven, 
which  are  stored  with  this  necessary  materiall  for  lime  for 
many  ages,  and  lying  soe  conveniently  that  whatever  neer 
River  or  Creeke  you  cann  thinke  fitt  to  sett  a  house  there 
you  may  place  your  lime  kill  alsoe  and  possibly  in  the  banke 
just  by  or  very  neere  finde  clay  for  your  bricke  tile,  and  the 

1  Calibogue  Sound.  2  Bull's  Island,  Beaufort  County. 


104  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

great  and  frequent  sculls *  of  fish  wee  mett  with  gives  us  ex- 
pectacon  of  advantage  and  employment  that  way  alsoe.  In 
sume  we  could  see  of  nothing  here  to  be  wished  for  but  good 
store  of  English  Inhabitants,  and  that  wee  all  heartily  prayed 
for.  I  gave  my  name  the  Honour  of  calling  this  Sound  by  it, 
and  doe  believe  that  if  this  place  be  setled  by  us,  it  may  hence 
receive  a  longer  duracon  then  from  any  accesse  within  the 
reach  of  a  rationall  hope. 

Within  night  I  retorned  to  the  Vessell,  and  the  next  day 
being  the  7th  of  July  I  tooke  in  some  fresh  water  purposing 
that  night  to  leave  Port  Royall  and  retorne  homeward,  haveing 
in  the  discovery  2  already  made,  exceeded  all  our  owne  and 
therfor  confident  to  answere  all  other  expectacons,  besides 
each  mans  proper  occasion  hastened  him,  and  the  Considera 
tion  of  the  Charge  of  the  Vessell  hired  att  five  and  twenty 
pounds  sterling  per  month  made  us  earnest  not  to  detaine 
her  a  minute  of  time  unnecessarily.  Wee  alsoe  designed  our 
selves  some  daies  to  see  the  Country  of  Kywaha,  one  of  whose 
Inhabitants  remained  still  with  us  for  that  only  purpose. 
But  a  little  before  night  the  Cassique  of  Port  Royall  came 
aboard  and  brought  with  him  a  propper  young  fellowe  whome 
hee  made  mee  to  understand  to  bee  his  Sister's  sonne.  Hee 
demanded  of  mee  when  I  would  retorne  thither,  and  shewing 
mee  the  moone  asked  whether  within  three  times  of  her  corn- 
pleating  her  orbe,  I  told  him  noe,  but  in  tenn  monthes  I 
would.  Hee  seemed  troubled  att  the  length  of  time  and 
as  it  were  begged  me  to  come  in  five.  But  I  continued  my 
first  given  number.  Att  length  hee  gave  mee  this  young 
fellowe,  told  mee  hee  should  goe  and  retorne  with  mee  and 
that  I  must  clothe  him,  and  then  hee  asked  mee  when  I  would 
sayle.  I  told  him  presently  that  night,  but  hee  very  much 
importuned  mee  to  stay  until  the  next  day  that  hee  might 
prepare  mee  some  venison,  and  made  signes  as  hee  parted 
that  if  in  the  morning  hee  should  not  see  mee  hee  should  Crye, 
and  soe  hee  left  mee  and  the  Indian  with  mee.  I  was  some 
what  pleased  with  the  adventure,  haveing  before  I  came  on 
the  Discovery  wished  that  if  I  liked  the  Country  I  might 
prevaile  with  the  Indians  to  lett  one  of  their  Nacon  goe  with 
mee,  I  leaveing  an  English  man  in  their  roome  for  the  mutuall 
learning  their  language,  and  to  that  purpose  one  of  my  Com- 

1  Schools.  2  Meaning  "exploration." 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  105 

pany  Mr.  Henry  Woodward,  a  Chirurgeon,  had  before  I  sett 
out  assured  mee  his  resolucon  to  stay  with  the  Indians  if  I 
should  thinke  convenient,1  wherefore  I  resolved  to  stay  till 
the  morning  to  see  if  the  Indians  would  remaine  constant  in 
this  Intencon,  according  to  which  I  purposed  to  treate  fur 
ther  with  them  on  the  morrowe,  therefore  I  went  a  shoare 
to  their  Towne,  tooke  Woodward  and  the  Indian  with  mee 
and  in  presence  of  all  the  Inhabitants  of  the  place  and  of 
the  fellows  relacons  asked  if  they  approved  of  his  goeing  along 
with  mee.  They  all  with  one  voyce  consented.  After  some 
pause  I  called  the  Cassique  and  another  old  man  (his  second 
in  authority)  and  their  wives,  and  in  sight  and  heareing  of 
the  whole  Towne  delivered  Woodward  into  their  charge,  tell 
ing  them  that  when  I  retorned  I  would  require  him  att  their 
hands.  They  received  him  with  such  high  testimonyes  of 
Joy  and  thankfullnes  as  hughely  confirmed  to  mee  their  great 
desire  of  our  friendshipp  and  society.  The  Cassique  placed 
Woodward  by  him  uppon  the  Throne,  and  after  lead  him  forth 
and  shewed  him  a  large  feild  of  Maiz  which  hee  told  him 
should  bee  his,  then  hee  brought  him  the  Sister  of  the  Indian 
that  I  had  with  mee  telling  him  that  shee  should  tend  him  and 
dresse  his  victualls  and  be  careful  of  him  that  soe  her  Brother 
might  be  the  better  used  amongst  us.  I  stayed  a  while  being 
wounderous  civilly  treated  after  their  manner,  and  giveing 
Woodward  formall  possession  of  the  whole  Country  to  hold  as 
Tennant  att  Will  of  the  right  Honoble  the  Lords  Proprietors,  I 
retorned  aboard  and  imediately  weighed  and  fell  downe. 

An  Indian  that  came  with  mee  from  Edistowe  with  In 
tencon  to  goe  no  further  then  Port  Royall  seeing  this  kindnes 
and  mutuall  obligation  betweene  us  and  the  people  of  this 
place,  that  his  Nacon  or  tribe  might  bee  within  the  League, 
voluntarily  offered  himselfe  to  stay  with  mee  alsoe,  and 
would  not  bee  denyed,  and  thinking  that  soe  hee  should  be  the 
more  acceptable  hee  caused  himselfe  to  be  shoaren  on  the 
Crowne,  after  the  manner  of  the  Port  Royall  Indians,  a  fashion 
which  I  guesse  they  have  taken  from  the  Spanish  Fryers, 

1  Dr.  Woodward  had  probably  conceived  the  idea  of  making  himself  very 
useful  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  by  a  careful  study  of  the  country  and  the  Indians. 
This  he  did  now  and  in  after  years,  and  the  splendid  Indian  .trade  which  was  sub 
sequently  built  up  and  carried  through  the  port  of  Charles  Town  was  due  in  no 
small  measure  to  his  enterprise.  See  his  relation,  post,  pp.  125  seq. 


106  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

thereby  to  ingratiate  themselves  with  that  Nacon;  and  indeed 
all  along  I  observed  a  kinde  of  Emulacon  amongst  the  three 
principall  Indians  of  this  Country  (vizt.)  those  of  Kywaha, 
Eddistowe  and  Port  Royall  concerning  us  and  our  Freindshipp, 
each  contending  to  assure  it  to  themselves  and  jealous  of  the 
other  though  all  be  allyed,  and  this  notwithstanding  that  they 
knewe  wee  were  in  actuall  warre  with  the  Natives  att  Claren 
don  and  had  killed  and  sent  away  many  of  them,  ffor  they 
frequently  discoursed  with  us  concerning  the  warre,  told  us 
that  the  Natives  were  noughts,  their  land  Sandy  and  barren, 
their  Country  sickly,  but  if  wee  would  come  amongst  them 
Wee  should  finde  the  Contrary  to  all  their  Evills;  and  never 
any  occasion  of  dischargeing  our  Gunns  but  in  merryment 
and  for  pastime. 

The  10th  of  July  in  the  morning  I  was  fayre  before  the 
River  that  leadeth  into  the  Country  of  Kywaha,  but  the  Indian 
of  the  place  who  undertooke  to  bee  my  Guide,  and  stayed  all 
this  while  with  mee  for  that  onely  purpose,  would  not  knowe 
it  to  be  the  same,  but  confidently  and  constantly  affirmed  to 
mee  that  it  was  more  Easterly,  and  att  length  when  I  was 
almost  neere  enough  to  goe  in,  with  greate  assurance  and 
joy  hee  shewed  mee  a  head  land  not  farre  off  which  hee 
affirmed  the  entrance  to  bee.  This  confidence  of  his  made 
mee  stand  away,  but  by  that  time  I  had  sayled  some  two 
Leagues.  Hee  sawe  his  error  when  it  was  too  late,  for  nowe 
the  winde  was  soe  that  I  could  not  fetch  the  River  againe, 
and  if  it  had  beene  fayre  I  was  sure  not  to  enter  it  before 
night,  and  I  did  not  like  the  complexcon  of  the  Heavens  soe 
well  as  to  trye  that  night  upon  the  Coast. 

The  River  lyes  in  a  bay  *  betweene  Harvey  Haven  and 
Cape  St.  Romana,  wherein  wee  found  7  or  8  fathum  water 
very  neere  the  shoare,  and  not  the  least  appearance  of  shoales 
or  dangers  in  any  part  of  itt.  It  shewes  with  a  very  faire 
large  opening  cleare  of  any  fflatts  or  barreing  in  the  Entrance 
onely  before  the  Easterne  point  wee  sawe  a  breach  but  not 
farre  out.  I  persuade  myself e  that  it  leads  into  an  Excellent 
Country,  both  from  the  Comendacon  the  Indian  give  itt  and 
from  what  I  saw  in  my  ranging  on  the  Easterne  part  of  Harvey 
Haven  the  next  Neighbouring  land  to  this.  Wherefore  in 
hopes  that  it  may  prove  worthy  the  Dignity  I  called  it  the 

1  Charleston  Harbor. 


1666]  ROBERT  SANDFORD'S  RELATION  107 

River  Ashley,  from  the  Right  Honble  Anthony  Lord  Ashley, 
and  to  take  away  every  little  remaine  of  forraigne  title  to 
this  Province,  I  blotted  out  the  name  of  St.  Romane  putt 
before  the  next  Easterly  Cape,  and  writt  Cape  Cartrett  in  the 
roome,1  to  evidence  the  more  reall  right  of  Sr  George  Cartrett, 
as  hee  is  a  Lord  Proprietor  of  Carolina. 

The  12th  of  July  about  noon  I  entred  Charles  River,  and 
before  darke  night  landed  att  Charles  Towne  in  the  County  of 
Clarendon,  to  the  great  rejoiceing  of  our  friends,  who  yett 
received  not  our  persons  more  gratefully  then  they  did  the 
sound  Comendacons  which  they  heard  from  every  one  of  us 
without  one  dissonant  note  of  that  never  enough  to  be  valued 
Country  which  wee  had  seene  and  searcht,  in  which  may  be 
found  ample  Seats  for  many  thousands  of  our  Nation  in  a 
Sociable  and  comfortable  Vicinity,  secured  from  any  possible 
general  and  from  all  probable  particle  Massacres,  with  such 
other  accomodacons  to  boote  as  scarce  any  place  cann 
parralell,  in  a  clime  perfectly  temperate  to  make  the  habi- 
tacon  pleasant,  and  where  such  a  fertile  Soyle  cannot  faile 
to  yeild  soe  great  a  variety  of  Produccons  as  will  not  onely 
give  an  absolute  selfe  subsistance  to  the  place  without  all 
manner  of  necessary  forraigne  dependance,  but  alsoe  reach  a 
trade  to  the  Kingdome  of  England  as  great  as  that  shee  has 
with  all  her  Neighbours,  and  render  our  Soveraigne  Lord  the 
King  within  his  owne  Dominions  and  the  Land  possessed  by 
his  Naturall  English  subjects  universall  Monarch  of  the 
Traffique  and  Comodity  of  the  whole  World. 

ROBT.  SANDFORD. 

For  a  further  Confirmacon  hereof  take  this  Testimoniall 
given  of  this  Country  by  the  Principall  Gentlemen  with  mee 
in  this  Discovery,  who  have  attested  under  their  hands  as 
much  as  I  have  sayd,  and  yett  noe  more  then  what  thou 
sands  had  they  beene  there  would  alsoe  have  affirmed — 

Clarendon 

in 
Carolina — 

Wee  whose  names  are  hereunto  subscribed  haveing  accom 
panied  Lt.-Colo11  Robert  Sandford  in  a  Voyage  of  Discovery 

1  But  Cape  Remain  it  remains  to  this  day. 


108  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1666 

on  the  Coast  and  Rivers  of  this  Province  to  the  Southward 
and  Westward  of  Cape  St.  Romane  as  farre  as  the  River  Port 
Royall,  and  being  all  of  us  persons  well  experienced  in  the 
nature  and  quallity  of  the  severall  Soyles  in  these  Regions, 
and  some  of  us  by  means  of  our  Travells  throughly  acquainted 
with  most  part  of  America,  Northerne  and  Southerne  Conti 
nent  and  Islands,  doe  hereby  declare  and  Testefie  to  the 
whole  world  that  the  Country  which  wee  did  search  and  see 
from  the  River  Grandy,  nowe  Harvey  Haven,  to  Port  Royall 
inclusive,  doth  for  richnes  and  fertillity  of  soyle,  for  Excel 
lency  of  Rivers,  havens,  Creekes  and  sounds,  for  abound- 
ance  of  good  Timber  of  diverse  sorts,  and  many  other  requisites 
both  to  land  and  Sea  building,  and  for  sundry  rare  accomo- 
dacons  both  for  Navigation  and  Plantacon  Exceed  all  places 
that  wee  knowe  in  proporcon  of  our  Nacon  in  the  West  Indies, 
and  wee  doe  assure  Our  selves  that  a  Colony  of  English  here 
planted,  with  a  moderate  support  in  their  Infant  tendency, 
would  in  a  very  short  time  improve  themselves  to  a  perfect 
Common  Wealth,  Injoying  a  Self  sufficiency  of  all  the  prin- 
cipall  Necessaryes  to  life  and  abounding  with  a  great  variety 
of  Superfluity  for  the  Invitacon  of  foraigne  Comerce  and 
trade,  and  which  for  its  Scite  and  produccons  would  be  of 
more  advantage  to  our  Native  Country,  the  Kingdome  of 
England,  and  to  the  Grandeur  of  Our  Soveraigne  Lord  the 
King,  his  Crowne,  and  dignity  then  any  (wee  may  say  all) 
his  other  Dominions  in  America. 

And  wee  doe  further  avouch  that  this  Country  may  bee 
more  securely  settled  and  cheaply  defended  from  any  the 
attempts  of  its  native  Inhabitants  then  any  of  those  other 
places  which  our  Countrymen  have  refined  from  the  Dross 
of  Indian  Barbarisme. 

In  Witness  whereof  wee  have  hereunto  sett  our  hands 
this  14th  of  July,  1666. 

HENRY  BRAYNE. 

RICH'D  ABRAHALL. 

THOMAS  GILES. 

GEORGE  CARY. 

SAM'LL  HARVEY. 

JOSEPH  WOORY. 


LETTERS  OF  EARLY  COLONISTS,  1670 


INTRODUCTION 

IN  consequence  of  the  high  praise  which  Sandford  gave  the 
Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina  of  the  country  about  Port  Royal 
after  his  explorations  in  that  vicinity  in  1666  they  determined 
to  effect  a  settlement  there,  and  organize  a  government  for 
that  part  of  their  province  which  lay  southward  and  west 
ward  of  Cape  Carteret  (Romain).  Accordingly,  in  August, 
1669,  they  sent  out  from  England  a  fleet  of  three  vessels 
(the  Carolina,  the  Port  Royal  and  the  Albemarle'),  under  Joseph 
West,  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  settlers  for  Port 
Royal.  The  fleet  reached  Barbados  in  October,  but  while 
there  it  was  struck  by  a  gale  and  the  Albemarle  was  wrecked. 
The  Three  Brothers,  a  shallop,  was  employed  at  Barbados  to 
take  the  place  of  the  Albemarle  and  the  fleet  proceeded  on  its 
way.  The  Port  Royal  subsequently  parted  from  the  other 
vessels  and  in  January,  1670,  was  cast  away  near  Abaco, 
one  of  the  Bahama  Islands.  The  passengers  all  reached  the 
shore  by  the  aid  of  the  small  boat  and  built  a  boat  in  which 
they  reached  Eleuthera,  another  of  the  Bahama  Islands, 
where  they  hired  a  shallop  and  sailed  to  New  Providence, 
whence  most  of  them  obtained  transportation  to  Bermuda, 
which  the  other  two  vessels  had  already  reached.  At  Ber 
muda  a  sloop  was  procured  to  take  the  place  of  the  Port  Royal 
and  the  fleet  proceeded  on  its  way.1 

The  fleet  soon  encountered  bad  weather  again  and  the 
Three  Brothers  was  separated  from  the  other  vessels  and  did 

1  Year  Book  of  the  city  of  Charleston,  1883,  appendix;  Collection*  of  tht 
South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V. ;  MeCrady's  History  of  South  Carolina 
under  the  Proprietary  Government. 

Ill 


112  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

not  reach  Carolina  until  the  latter  part  of  May,  1670.  On 
May  15,  on  account  of  bad  weather,  it  was  forced  to  put  in 
at  the  island  of  St.  Catharine.  Among  its  passengers  was 
Maurice  Mathews,  who  prepared  a  narrative  of  the  advent 
ures  of  the  vessel  from  this  time  until  it  reached  Carolina. 
This  narrative  was  sent  to  Lord  Ashley  and  was  among  those 
of  his  papers  deposited  in  the  British  Public  Record  Office 
some  years  ago  by  his  descendant,  the  late  Earl  of  Shaftes- 
bury.  It  bears  the  following  endorsement  by  John  Locke, 
the  famous  philosopher,  then  secretary  to  Lord  Ashley: 
"Mr.  Mathews  relacon  of  S*  Katherina  Ashley  River  70."  * 

Among  the  passengers  in  the  Carolina  was  Nicholas  Car- 
teret,  who  prepared  a  narrative  of  the  adventures  of  his 
party  from  February  26,  1670,  when  the  fleet  left  Bermuda, 
until  the  arrival  of  the  Carolina  and  the  Bermuda  sloop  at 
Ashley  (Kiawah)  River,  where  a  settlement  was  made  in 
April,  1670.  This  narrative  was  also  among  the  papers  of 
Lord  Ashley  deposited  in  the  British  Public  Record  Office 
by  his  descendant,  and  bears  the  following  endorsement  by 
Locke:  "Mr  Carterets  relation  of  their  Planting  at  Ashley 
River  70." 2 

In  a  letter,  dated  at  Albemarle  Point  (the  name  which  the 
settlers  had  given  to  their  settlement  on  Ashley  River)  June 
27,  1670,  Joseph  West,  who  was  in  command  of  the  fleet 
containing  the  settlers  on  its  passage  over,  and  who  was  now 
deputy  for  the  Duke  of  Albemarle  (George  Monck),  gave 
Lord  Ashley  a  narrative  of  events  at  Albemarle  Point  (sub 
sequently  Charles  Town)  from  May  28,  1670,  to  that  date. 
This  letter  was  another  of  Lord  Ashley's  papers  deposited  in 
the  British  Public  Record  Office  by  his  descendant.  It  is 
endorsed  by  Locke:  "Joseph  West — 27  June  70  To  my  Ld 
Ashley.  Ashley  River."3 

1  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  169-171. 
>  Ibid.,  pp.  165-168.  3  Ibid.,  pp.  173-174. 


INTRODUCTION  113 


When  Joseph  West  left  England  with  the  fleet  containing 
the  settlers  for  Port  Royal  he  took  with  him  a  commission 
for  a  governor  of  that  part  of  Carolina  lying  southward  and 
westward  from  Cape  Carteret  (Romain)  and  instructions  to 
Sir  John  Yeamans,  who  had  apparently  relinquished  the 
governorship  of  Carolina  upon  his  return  to  Barbados  from 
Cape  Fear  in  1666,  to  fill  it  out  with  his  own  name  as  governor 
if  he  desired  the  position,  or,  in  case  he  did  not  desire  it,  that 
of  any  one  else  he  might  choose.  At  Barbados  Sir  John 
joined  the  fleet  and  sailed  with  it  to  Bermuda.  There  he  filled 
out  the  commission  with  the  name  of  William  Sayle,  an  old 
man  who  had  been  a  colonel  'in  the  British  army  and  had 
subsequently  been  governor  of  Bermuda.  Governor  Sayle 
proceeded  to  Carolina  with  the  fleet  and  assumed  the  govern 
ment.  In  a  communication  to  Lord  Ashley,  dated  at  Albe- 
marle  Point  September  9,  1670,  the  Governor  and  Council 
gave  the  Proprietors  a  statement  of  occurrences  in  the  prov 
ince  for  some  time  previously.  This  narrative  was  also  one 
of  the  papers  of  Lord  Ashley  deposited  in  the  British  Public 
Record  Office.1 

These  narratives  by  several  of  the  first  settlers  of  South 
Carolina  were  among  the  "Shaftesbury  Papers"  transcribed 
from  the  originals  in  the  British  Public  Record  Office  about 
1882  by  Mr.  W.  Noel  Sainsbury  for  the  city  of  Charleston. 
Portions  of  them  were  incorporated  into  Mayor  Courtenay's 
address  at  the  centennial  celebration,  in  1883,  of  the  incor 
poration  of  Charleston,  which  was  printed  in  the  Year  Book 
of  Charleston  for  1883,  and  they  were  printed  in  full,  together 
with  all  other  transcripts  of  the  "Shaftesbury  Papers,"  in 
the  fifth  volume  of  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical 
Society  (Richmond,  Va.,  1897). 

1  IUd.,  pp.  178-181, 


LETTERS  OF  EARLY  COLONISTS,  1670 

Mr.  Mathews's  "relacon"  of  St.  Katherina:1 

ON  Saturday  May  the  15th  we  came  to  an  anchor  in  St. 
Katherina,2  a  place  of  about  the  Latt.  of  31  degrees,  where 
wee  intended  to  wood  and  watter.  The  Indians  very  freely 
came  aboard  whom  wee  entertained  from  this  day  to  the  18, 
they  traded  with  us  for  beads  and  old  clothes,  and  gave  our 
people  bread  of  Indian  corne,  peas,  leakes,  onyons,  deare 
skins,  hens,  earthen  pots,  etc.  Upon  the  16  day  came  aboard 
an  Indian,  semi-Spaniard,  wth  a  present  of  bread,  etc.,  to 
our  Master,  and  promised  him  Porke  for  truck.  Severall  of 
our  people  had  been  just  at  theire  houses  and  told  us  of  brave 
plantations  with  a  100  working  Indians  and  that  they  want 
nothing  in  the  world.  Our  Master  upon  the  17  instant,  about 
8  in  the  morning,  with  his  mate  and  Mr.  Rivers,  three  seamen 
and  one  man  servant  which  had  been  theire  just  before,  went 
ashoare  with  truck  to  buy  porke  for  the  sloupes  use,  theire 
were  two  men  servants  more  which  went  ashore  ag*  the 
sloupe  to  cut  wood,  etc.,  and  one  woman  with  a  girle  to  wash 
some  Linnien  at  the  wattering  place,  our  Master  promised  to 
be  aboard  next  tyde,  but  he  came  not.  We  hollowed  to  them 
right  ashoare  about  4  of  the  clocke  but  they  made  no  answere. 
This  raised  a  doubtfull  feare  in  us.  That  night  we  kept  a 
strickt  watch  and  next  day  about  10  of  the  clock  we  heard  a 
drume,  and  presently  saw  4  Spaniards  armed  with  muskets 

1  Maurice  Mathews,  the  author  of  this  narrative,  was  an  Englishman  of 
good  family,  his  "Uncle's  the  Chalanors"  being  friends  of  Lord  Ashley.     He 
sailed  from  England  with  his  servants  in  the  Carolina,  but  changed  to  the  Three 
Brothers  at  Barbados.     In  Carolina  he  at  once  took  a  prominent  part  in  public 
affairs.     Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  332,  362. 

2  An  island  off  the  coast  of  the  present  State  of  Georgia.     The  Spaniards 
maintained  a  mission  there  called  Wallie. 

114 


1670]  LETTERS  OF  EARLY  COLONISTS  115 

and  swords — with  the  drume  came  downe  one  of  these  and 
standing  behind  a  tree  holding  forth  a  white  cloath  hailed  us 
and  bid  us  yield  and  submit  to  the  soveraignty  of  Sto.  Do 
mingo  and  told  us  it  were  better  soe  for  or  Capt.  was  in 
chaines.  I  holding  up  a  white  shirt  told  him,  if  we  should 
have  our  people,  we  would  depart  in  peace,  but  he  cryed  No, 
No,  and  giveing  the  word  to  some  in  the  wood,  Indians  and 
Spaniards,  wee  received  a  volley  of  Musket  shott  and  a  cloud 
of  arrows  which  the  Indians  shott  upright,  and  soe  they  con 
tinued  for  an  houre  and  a  half,  then  they  left  of,  and  com 
manded  three  of  us  ashoare.  We  told  them  we  would  send 
one  with  Letters  to  them,  and  sent  them  a  boy  ashoare,  who 
swimed  with  a  note  to  the  Master  and  another  to  the  fryer, 
the  note  to  the  fryer  treated  of  free  passage  with  all  our  people. 
The  boy  they  received  courteously,  cloathing  him  at  the  watter 
side  with  deare  skins,  etc.  A  little  after,  they  bid  us  not  use 
any  armes,  and  they  would  the  like.  And  bid  us  expect  an 
answer  to  or  letter.  We  were  glad  of  this  and  agreed,  but 
about  half  an  houre  after,  they  commanded  shippe  and  all 
ashoare.  We  told  them  we  had  neither  winde  nor  boat  to 
obey  them  (not  a  breath  of  winde  stirring)  and  gave  them 
faire  words,  intending  with  the  first  winde  to  gett  without 
shott,  but  they  fired  and  shott  at  us  feirecely,  then  a  small 
breeze  arising  of  the  lande  and  we  with  much  adoe  having 
weighed  or  small  bower  and  cut  or  best,  hoisted  sayle  and 
away,  and  came  to  an  anchor  out  of  theire  reach;  but  before 
this,  I  being  at  the  helme,  John  Hankes  (one  of  the  sea  men) 
shott  at  them,  which  made  all  keep  behind  trees.  We  hauling 
out  three  muskets  had  not  a  bullet,  till  at  last  we  found  sev- 
erall  upon  the  deck,  which  re-shooting  did  a  little  help  us,  as 
we  stood  to  our  sailes ;  but  they  fired  still,  but  by  God's  mercy 
hit  nobody,  but  our  sailes  were  much  damaged.  The  next 
day  about  noone  we  hoisted  and  away,  turneing  it  out,  they 
still  keeping  watch  on  the  shoare.  Saturday  May  the  19th 
we  sailed  about  the  shoare  with  the  winde  at  South,  this  night 
we  came  to  anchor  in  two  fathoms  and  a  halfe  watter.  The 
next  morning  we  weighed  anchor  and  steered  alongst  shoare, 
about  10  of  the  clocke  we  made  a  cannew  coming  of  the  shoare 
towards  us,  which  proved  to  be  of  4  Indians,  they  with  signes 
of  friendship  came  aboard.  We  entertained  them  courteously. 


116  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1670 

They  told  us  the  place  right  ashoare  from  thence  was  Odis- 
tash  *  and  as  we  understood  them,  told  us  there  were  English 
at  Keyawah.  They  further  told  us  of  a  Cap^n  Sheedou, 
and  made  signs  that  he  would  speak  with  us,  upon  this  we 
detained  the  chiefest  of  them  and  sent  one  ashoare  to  that 
persone  they  spake  of,  with  a  Letter  to  desire  him  to  come 
aboard  without  much  company.  The  three  Indians  that 
went  with  our  messenger  ashoare  promised  to  returne  after 
sun  set.  About  twilight  they  returned  with  our  messenger 
and  Capt.  Sheedou  and  one  Capt.  Alush  (who  were  at  Bar- 
badoes  2)  and  many  more.  This  Sheedou  told  us  that  the 
English  with  two  shipps  had  been  at  Port  Royall  and  were 
now  at  Keyawah,  he  further  promised  us  on  the  morrow  to 
carry  3  us  thither.  About  9  of  the  clock  came  another  can- 
nowe,  but  we  sent  them  after  a  little  stay  away,  being  all  too 
numerous.  The  next  morning  we  came  to  saile  for  Keyawah 
where  we  found  the  Barmudian  Sloupe  going  out  a  fishing, 
who  piloted  us  into  Keyawah  river. 

Mr.  Carteret's  Relation  of  their  Planting  at  Ashley  River  70.4 

Barmuda,  Febry  26th,  sayling  from  thence  we  came  up 
with  the  land  betweene  Cape  Romana  and  Port  Royall,  and 
in  17  days  the  weather  being  faire  and  the  winde  not  friendly 
the  Longe  boate  went  ashoare  the  better  to  informe  as  to  the 
certainty  of  the  place  where  we  supposed  we  were.  Upon  its 

1  Edisto. 

2  Shadoo  and  Alush.    See  pp.  40,  90,  101,  supra. 

3  An  instance  of  the  early  use  in  South  Carolina  of  the  word  carry  in  this 
sense.     It  is  now  quite  commonly  used  in  that  sense  in  South  Carolina. 

4  Nicholas  Carteret,  the  author  of  this  narrative,  was  one  of  the  passengers 
who  sailed  from  England  with  his  servants  on  the  frigate  Carolina.     In  May 
following  the  settling  of  the  colony  on  the  Ashley  River  he  made  a  voyage  to  Vir 
ginia  on  the  Carolina,  which  had  been  sent  thither  for  supplies,  returning  in 
August.     In  September  he  went  to  Barbados  in  the  Carolina  and  was  there 
May  20,  1671,  on  which  date  he  there  witnessed  the  will  of  Sir  <John  Yeamans. 
He  held  lands  at  Accabee,  an  Indian  locality  on  the  Ashley  River,  in  1672.     In 
1677  the  Council  issued  a  warrant  to  the  surveyor-general  to  lay  off  700  acres  of 
land  for  him,  but  in  1678  the  surveyor-general  was  directed  to  lay  off  the  same 
land  for  Edward  Mayo.    Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V. ; 
The  South  Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical  Magazine,  XI.  115;    Warrants 
for  Lands  in  South  Carolina,  1672-1679,  pp.  125,  190. 


1670]  LETTERS  OF  EARLY  COLONISTS  117 

approach  to  the  land  few  were  the  natives  who  upon  the 
strand  made  fires  and  came  towards  us  whooping  in  theire  own 
tone  and  manner,  making  signes  also  where  we  should  best 
land,  and  when  we  came  ashoare  they  stroaked  us  on  the 
shoulders  with  their  hands,  saying  Bony  Conraro  Angles, 
knowing  us  to  be  English  by  our  collours  (as  we  supposed). 
We  then  gave  them  brass  rings  and  tobacco,  at  which  they 
seemed  well  pleased,  and  into  the  boate  after  halfe  an  houre 
spent  with  the  Indians  we  betooke  ourselves.  They  liked  our 
company  soe  well  that  they  would  have  come  aboard  with  us. 
We  found  a  pretty  handsome  channell  about  3  fathoms  and  a 
halfe  from  the  place  we  landed  to  the  shippe,  through  which 
the  next  day  we  brought  the  shipp  1  to  anchor  feareing  a  con 
trary  winde  and  to  gett  in  for  some  fresh  watter.  A  day  or 
two  after  the  Governor  whom  we  tooke  in  at  Barmuda  2  with 
several  others  went  ashore  to  view  the  Land  here,  some  3 
Leagues  distant  from  the  shipp,  carrying  along  with  us  one  of 
the  eldest  Indians  who  accosted  us  on  the  other  day,  and  as 
we  drew  to  the  shore  a  good  number  of  Indians  appeared,  clad 
with  deare  skins,  having  with  them  their  bows  and  arrows, 
but  our  Indian  calling  out  Appada  they  withdrew  and  lodged 
theire  bows  and  returning  ran  up  to  the  middle  in  mire  and 
watter  to  carry  us  ashore,  where  when  we  came  they  gave  us' 
the  streaking  complim*  of  the  country  and  brought  deare 
skins,  some  raw,  some  drest,  to  trade  with  us,  for  which  we 
gave  them  knives,  beads  and  tobacco  and  glad  they  were  of 
the  Market.  By  and  by  came  theire  women  clad  in  their, 
Mosse  roabs,  bringing  their  potts  to  boyle  a  kinde  of  thicken 
ing  which  they  pound  and  make  food  of,  and  as  they  order  it 
being  dryed  makes  a  pretty  sort  of  bread.  They  brought  also 
plenty  of  Hickery  nutts,  a  wallnut  in  shape  and  taste,  onely 
differing  in  the  thickness  of  the  shell  and  smallness  of  the 
kernell.  The  Governor  and  severall  others  walking  a  little 
distance  from  the  watter  side  came  to  the  Hutt  Pallace  of  his 

1  This  was  evidently  the  bay  now  known  as  Bull's  Bay,  and  this  first  landing 
was  evidently  made  on  the  north  end  of  Oniseecau,  or  Bull's  Island.  The  water 
and  country  thereabout  were  known  as  Seewee,  and  the  local  Indians  as  the  See- 
wee  Indians.  The  name  is  still  preserved  in  a  small  bay  a  few  miles  west  of 
Bull's  Bay. 

3  William  Sayle. 


118  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1670 

Maty  of  the  place,  who  meeteing  us  tooke  the  Governor  on 
his  shoulders  and  carryed  him  into  the  house  in  token  of  his 
chearfull  entertainment.  Here  we  had  nutts  and  root  cakes, 
such  as  their  women  useily  make,  as  before,  and  watter  to 
drink  for  they  use  no  other  lickquor  as  I  can  learne  in  this 
countrey.  While  we  were  here,  his  Matye's  three  daughters 
entered  the  Pallace  all  in  new  roabs  of  new  mosse,  which  they 
are  never  beholding  to  the  taylor  to  trim  up,  with  plenty  of 
beads  of  divers  collours  about  their  necks.  I  could  not 
imagine  that  the  savages  would  so  well  deport  themselves, 
who  coming  in  according  to  their  age  and  all  to  salute  the 
strangers,  stroaking  of  them.  These  Indians  understanding 
our  business  to  St.  Hellena  told  us  that  the  Westoes,  a  range- 
ing  sort  of  people  reputed  to  be  the  Mandatoes,  had  ruinated 
that  place,  killed  severall  of  those  Indians,  destroyed  and 
burnt  their  habitations  and  that  they  had  come  as  far  as 
Keyawah  doeing  the  like  there,  the  Casseeka  of  which  place 
was  within  one  sleep  of  us  (which  is  24  hours  for  they  reckon 
after  that  rate)  with  most  of  his  people  whome  in  two  days 
after  came  aboard  of  us. 

Leaveing  that  place,  which  is  called  Sowee,  carrying  *  the 
Casseeka  of  Kayawah  with  us,  a  very  ingenius  Indian  and  a 
great  linguist  in  this  maine,  the  winde  being  very  lofty  soe 
that  we  could  not  deale  with  the  shoare,  we  drove  to  the  South 
ward  of  Port  Roy  all,  where  we  made  a  faire  opening  and  finde- 
ing  by  observation  and  otherwayes  the  contrary,  we  stood  five 
minutes  to  the  Northward  and  soe  gott  the  shipp  into  Port 
Royal  river  (the  opening  there  appeared  not  to  us  as  Colon 
Sanford  did  relate)2  ag*  which  shoales  ley  of  about  five  leagues 
to  sea.  W.  N.  W.  Hilton  head  boare  from  us  when  we  steared 
in,  and  in  stearing  in  W.  N.  W  and  N.  W.  b.  W.  we  had  2  1-2 
fathoms  at  low  water  with  breakers  on  both  sides.  But  when 
you  are  within  you  have  5,  6,  7,  8  and  9  fathoms  water  and  a 
clear  river.  I  cannot  say  much  of  the  channel,  being  but  a 
Landman,  but  this,  the  Governor,  Capt.  Brayne  and  myself 
took  the  Longe  boate  to  goe  upon  discovery  and  stood  of  to 
sea  about  5:  or  6:  miles  close  aboard  the  Northwardmost 
Breakers.  We  had  no  lesse  then  5  fathoms  at  low  water  the 
tyde  being  spent  and  the  winde  proving  calm  we  were  forst  to 

1  See  p.  116,  note  3.  » See  pp.  98,  99,  supra. 


1670]  LETTERS  OF  EARLY  COLONISTS  119 

make  in  for  the  shoare  with  the  tyde  of  flood.  Leaveing  this 
to  Capt.  Brayne,  who  will  give  you  a  more  perfect  acct.  than 
I  can.  A  small  kinde  of  whale,  white  about  the  head  and 
jowle,  is  very  plenty  in  this  river.  In  two  hours'  time  I  be 
held  about  10  or  11  of  the  kinde,  and  some  pretend  and  under 
take  to  say  to  be  of  the  sperme  kinde,  that  were  worth  the 
experim*  to  find  out  the  truth  of  it.  We  were  two  dayes  at 
anchor  ere  we  could  speake  with  an  Indian.  When  we  did, 
they  confirmed  what  we  heard  at  So  wee.  We  weighed  from 
Port  Roy  all  river  and  ran  in  between  St.  Hellena  and  Combohe, 
where  we  lay  at  anchor.  All  the  time  we  staide  neare  the 
place  where  the  distressed  Indian  sojourned,  who  were  glad 
and  crying  Hiddy  doddy  Comorado  Angles  Westoe  Skorrye 
(which  is  as  much  as  to  say)  English  very  good  friends,  Westoes 
are  nought.  They  hoped  by  our  arrival  to  be  protected  from 
the  Westoes.  Often  making  signs  they  would  engage  them 
with  their  bowes  and  arrows,  and  wee  should  with  our  guns. 
They  often  brought  us  veneson  and  some  deare  skins  wch  wee 
bought  of  them  for  beads.  Many  of  us  went  ashoare  at  St. 
Hellena  and  brought  back  word  that  the  land  was  good  land 
supplyed  with  many  Peach  trees  and  a  competence  of  timber, 
a  few  figg  trees  and  some  cedar  here  and  there  and  that  there 
was  a  mile  and  a  half  of  cleare  land  fitt  and  ready  to  plant. 
Oysters  in  great  plenty,  all  the  islands  being  rounded  with 
banks  of  the  kinde,  in  shape  longer  and  scarcely  see  any  one 
round,  yet  good  fish  though  not  altogether  of  soe  pleasant 
taste  as  yor  Wallfleet  oysters.  Here  is  alsoe  wilde  Turke 
which  the  Indian  brought  but  is  not  soe  pleasant  to  eate  of  as 
the  tame,  but  very  fleshy  and  farr  bigger.  The  sloupe  wch 
wee  have  with  us,  bought  at  Barmuda,  was  dispatcht  to  Kay- 
awah  to  vie  we  that  land  soe  much  comended  by  the  Casseeka, 
brings  back  a  report  that  that  lande  was  more  fit  to  plant  in 
than  St.  Hellena  which  begott  a  question,  whether  to  remove 
from  St.  Hellena  theither  or  stay.  Some  were  of  opinion  it 
were  more  prudent  forthwith  to  plant  provisions  where  they 
were,  than  betake  themselves  to  a  second  voyage,  though 
small,  it  would  not  prove  a  better  change,  the  enterance  into 
that  harbour  being  as  difficult  as  the  other.  The  Governor 
adhearing  for  Kayawah  and  most  of  us  being  of  a  temper  to 
follow  though  wee  knew  no  reason  for  it,  imitating  the  rule  of 


120  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1670 

the  inconsiderate  multitude  cryed  out  for  Kayawah,  yet  some 
dissented  from  it  yet  being  sure  to  take  a  new  voyage  but 
difident  of  a  better  convenience,  those  that  inclyned  for  Port 
Royall  were  looked  upon  straingely,  so  thus  we  came  to  Kay 
awah.  The  land  here  and  at  St.  Hella  is  much  at  one,  the 
surface  of  the  earth  is  of  a  light  blackish  mould,  under  that  is 
whiter  and  about  3  or  4  feet  is  a  clay  some  read  wth  blew 
vaines  and  some  blew  wth  read  vaines,  soe  is  all  the  land  I 
have  seen. 

Letter  of  Joseph  West.1 

ALBEMARLE  PoYNT2  AT  KYAWAW, 

June  the  27th,  1670. 
May  it  Please  Yor  Lop: 

In  my  last  to  yor  Lop,  dated  the  28th  of  May,  I  gave  yor 
Lop  an  account  by  the  way  of  Virginia  of  our  proceedings  in 
Carolina,  and  how  we  came  to  quitt  Port  Royall  and  to  begin 
our  settlement  at  Kyawaw.  May  it  please  yor  Lop,  since  the 
departure  of  the  ship  for  Virginia,  wee  sent  the  Shallop3  back 
againe  to  St.  Katherina,  with  2  letters,  one  for  the  Governour 
of  St.  August ines,  the  other  for  the  ffryer  at  St.  Katherina,  to 
demand  the  men  that  were  detained  there  by  the  Spaniards, 

1  Joseph  West,  the  writer  of  this  letter,  was,  July  27,  1669,  commissioned 
by  the  Lords  Proprietors  "Governor  and  Comander  in  Cheife  of  or  fleet  and 
the  persons  embarqued  in  it,  bound  for  Carolina,  or  that  shall  embarque  in  our 
sd  fleet  before  its  arriveall  in   Barbadoes;   .  .  .  wch  place  you  are  to  execute 
till  another  Govern1  for  y1  parte  of  or  Province  y1  lyes  to  the  Southward  or  West 
ward  of  Cape  Carterett  shall  appeare  wth  Comission  under  or  hands  and  Great 
Scale  of  or  Province,  to  whom  you  are  then  to  submitt,  and  this  Comission  to 
become  voyd  to  all  intents  and  purposes."     In,  August  he  sailed  with  the  fleet 
for  Barbados,  stopping  on  the  way  at  Kinsale,  Ireland,  to  add  a  few  more  peo 
ple  to  his  colonists.    At  Bermuda  he  was  superseded  by  Governor  Sayle,  but 
received  the  appointment  of  deputy  to  the  Duke  of  Albemarle.    In  South  Caro 
lina  he  at  once  took  a  leading  part  in  public  affairs  and  subsequently  served 
three  terms  as  governor  of  the  province. 

2  Albemarle  Point  was  located  on  a  low  bluff,  the  first  high  land  on  the 
north  side  of  a  winding  creek,  a  flat  point  of  dark  pine  forest  projecting  into  the 
wide  marshes  of  Ashley  River.    Across  a  narrow  neck  behind  the  town  a  palisade 
and  ditch  enclosed  about  nine  acres.    Beyond  this  was  the  village  of  the  Kiawah 
Indians.     Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  173. 

8  Three  Brothers. 


1670]  LETTERS  OF  EARLY  COLONISTS  121 

(yor  Lop'B  kinsman,  Mr.  Rivers,  being  one  of  them,)  and  when 
the  Shallop  came  thither  2  or  3  of  our  people  went  ashoare 
contrary  to  orders,  without  hostage  and  the  ffryer  recd  them 
seemingly  wth  much  kindness  and  told  them  upon  his  ffaith 
they  should  not  be  wronged.  Whereupon  there  was  4  of  our 
men  went  to  his  house,  where  he  treated  them  very  civilly  and 
told  them  that  our  men  were  at  St.  August  ines,  not  as  prisoners, 
but  had  their  liberty  about  the  town  and  were  entertained  at 
an  English  man's  house  ;  but  when  our  men  were  taking  theire 
leave  of  the  ffryer  he,  betweene  a  complement  and  constraint, 
detained  2  of  them,1  upon  pretence  that  hee  could  not  lett 
them  goe  till  hee  had  an  answer  from  St.  Augustines.  Where 
upon  after  3  days  stay  our  men  in  the  Shallop  being  informed 
by  the  Indians  that  there  were  3  ships  at  St.  Augustines  wcb 
would  come  to  surprise  the  Shallop,  were  forced  to  weigh 
anchor  for  their  security  and  come  for  Kyawaw,  leaving  those 
two  men  more  behind  at  the  ffryer's  house.  Now  more  yor 
Lop  may  please  to  know  that  wee  are  forced  to  send  the  Bar- 
badoes  Shallop  to  Bermuda  for  a  supply  of  provisions,  for 
feare  the  ship  should  miscarry  at  Virginia  for  we  have  but  7 
weekes  provision  left  and  that  onely  pease  at  a  pint  a  day  a 
man,  the  country  affording  us  nothing,  wch  makes  it  goe  very 
hard  with  us,  and  wee  cannot  employ  our  servants  as  wee 
would  because  we  have  not  victualls  for  them.  Our  corne, 
potatoes  and  other  things  doe  thrive  very  well  of  late,  praised 
be  God,  but  we  cannot  have  any  dependance  on  it  this  yeare, 
but  if  we  have  kindly  supplys  now,  wee  doe  not  question  but 
to  provide  for  ourselves  the  next  yeare,  and  that  it  will  prove 
a  very  good  settlement  and  answer  yor  Lop'8  expectacon, 
wch  is  the  desire  of 


Most  humble  and  faithfull  serv*, 

JOSEPH  WEST. 
For  the  Right  Hono^le  Anthony  Lord  Ashley,  at 

Little  Exeter  House,  in  the  Strand,  London. 

1  Captain  Joseph  Bailey  and  John  Collins. 


122  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1670 


Letter  of  Governor  Sayle  and  Council. 

ALBEMARLE  POINT,  Sepr  9th,  1670. 
May  it  Please  YoT  Honors: 

In  observance  of  our  dutyes  wee  shall  not  omitt  any  oppor 
tunity  of  giving  yor  Honors  a  faithfull  acct.  of  all  our  pro 
ceedings  in  this  place.  Pursuant  thereunto  wee  here  doe  offer 
to  yor  Honors,  that  for  some  time  since  the  dispatch  of  the 
Carolina  from  this  place  to  Virginia  and  the  sloop  to  Bermuda 
to  bring  provisions  and  other  supplyes  that  yor  Honors'  care 
had  intended  for  us,  wee  have  been  put  to  purchase  our  main 
tenance  from  the  Indians,  and  that  in  such  small  parcells, 
as  we  could  hardly  get  another  supply  before  the  former 
was  gonelin  which  time  of  our  so  great  exigencyes,  the  Span 
iard  not  "Being  ignorant  of  it,  sent  out  a  party  of  their  Indians 
ag*  us,  as  we  received  intelligence  from  the  Indians  that  are 
our  friends,  who  lay  for  some  time  in  a  place  called  Stonoe 
neare  our  river's  mouth  untill  the  Carolina  ffriggot  arrived 
here,  wch  was  the  22th  of  Augt.  last,1  in  wch  time  we  receivd 
severall  allarums  though  they  never  yet  came  soe  far  as  to 
action,  more  than  when  Mr.  Henry  Braine  came  upon  the 
coast  and  went  ashoare  2  in  his  long  boat,  thinking  to  meet 
with  our  owne  Indians  being  soe  neare  the  River's  mouth. 
They  fired  upon  him  and  his  company  with  small  shott, 
notwithstanding  that  the  sd  Indians  had  shewed  them  a 
white  flagg.  But  before  that  time  we  had  put  ourselves  in  a 
reasonable  good  posture  of  receiveing  them  though  they  had 
come  much  in  odds,  having  mounted  our  great  guns  and 
fortifyed  ourselves  as  well  as  time  and  the  abilityes  of  our 
people  would  give  leave,  and  moved  good  courage  in  our 
people,  besides  the  assistance  of  some  Indians  that  were  our 
friends. 

After  the  shipps  arrived  we  sent  out  a  party  of  our  Indians 
with  two  of  our  own  people  to  discover  their  camp,  but  when 

1  The  Carolina  reached  Virginia  June  6  and  left  there  August  8. 

3  On  the  low,  narrow  sandy  island  now  called  Morris  Island.  Behind  this 
island  are  marshes  and  beyond  the  marshes  is  James  Island  and  behind  that  the 
Stono  River.  Following  the  Indian  custom  that  section  of  country  would  have 
been  called  Stono,  which  coincides  with  the  statement  above  as  to  the  location 
of  the  hostile  Indians. 


1670]  LETTERS  OF  EARLY  COLONISTS  123 

they  expected  to  come  upon  them  the  Spanish  Indians  were 
retreated  back  againe,  as  our  Indians  informe  us,  at  the 
noise  of  our  great  gunns,  but  whether  there  were  any  Spaniards 
among  them  we  cannot  yet  receive  certaine  intelligence, 
other  than  one,  who  according  to  our  Indians'  description  we 
judge  to  be  a  ffryer.  Neither  can  we  as  yet  know  the  number 
of  Indians  that  lay  ag*  us,  they  exceeding  the  number  of  an 
Indian's  acct. 

The  Carolina's  safe  arrivall  has  very  much  incouraged 
our  people.  The  more  for  that  she  has  brought  us  provisions 
of  Indian  corne,  pease  and  meale  for  eight  months,  soe  as  wee 
make  no  question  but  (by  God's  assistance)  thoroughly  to 
defend  and  maintain  yor  Honors'  interests  and  our  rights  in 
this  place  till  wee  receive  a  further  aid,  which  wee  very  much 
stand  in  need  of.  That  soe  plantations  may  be  managed 
and  yor  Honors  finde  what  wee  endeavour  to  persuade,  that 
this  country  will  not  deceive  yor  Honors'  and  others'  expecta- 
cons.  For  which  purpose  wee  have  dispatched  the  Carolina 
to  Barbadoes,  where  wee  understand  are  a  considerable  num 
ber  of  people  ready  to  be  shipped  for  this  place,  that  she 
may  make  a  returne  before  winter,  wch  will  conduce  much 
to  the  safety  of  this  place  and  the  ease  of  our  people,  that 
have  been  too  much  overprest  with  watching  already,  and 
what  wee  must  stand  to  upon  every  occasion.  And  yet, 
blessed  be  God,  wee  have  not  lost  above  foure  of  our  people, 
who  dyed  upon  distempers  usual  in  other  parts,  soe  far  may 
be  yor  Honors  be  further  convinced  of  the  healthfulnesse  of 
the  place. 

The  stores  of  all  sorts  doe  very  much  want  a  supply,  espe 
cially  cloathing,  being  all  disposed  of  allready  and  many  of 
the  people  unsatisfyed,  and  the  winter  is  like  to  prove  pretty 
sharp.  The  powder  was  all  damnified,  especially  when  the 
sterne  of  the  ship  broke  in,  soe  as  there  is  a  great  necessity 
of  ten  barrells  of  powder  more. 

Wee  have  received  some  cowes  and  hoggs  from  Virginia, 
but  at  an  imoderate  rate,  considering  the  smalnesse  of  their 
growth,  30s.  for  a  hog,  a  better  than  wch  may  be  bought  in 
England  for  10s.  If  yor  Honors  had  a  small  stocke  in  Ber 
muda  from  thence  may  be  transported  to  this  place  a  very 


wheri'fch'! 


Israelites'  prosperity  decayed  wnen  iijneir   prein 
were  wanting,  for  where  the  Arke  of  God  is,  PI i ire  is) 
and  tranquility.    That  the  want  thereof  may  ;f|<|ftr  be  kb 
to  yor  Honors  or  this  place,  are  the  prayers  (fflJfi 

Yor  Honor's  njiSMfaittJiffl 
Humble  sei'wkits. 


Jos.  DALTON,  Sec™. 


FLOR.  fym 

STE.  Btrafjf 

JOSEPH 

WILL. 

RALPH 

PAUL 

SAMUEHI 


4; 


1  Henry  Brayne  stated,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Ashley,  dated 
that  he  had  "6  head  of  Cattle  that  my  people  have  milk  enoi%l|fa  ice  .fit 
that  he  had  "there  alsoe  7  hoggs,"  three  sheep,  6  geese,  8  ttt ''VS  a 
chickens.     Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical 

3  Braziletto,  resembling  brazil  wood,  and  used  as  a 
work. 


i|i'        '              ;! 

|i.        '             | 

1 

|f       ,             I) 

Jl 

}  ; 

ii;  i|    !i  ]|| 

i     il 

Mill    i    1          Ni 

MM          ;Mj 

1         j              1 

1,  1 

Ii   ;, 

f  " 

l«i 

li't'ivfelva 

A  FAITHFULL  RELATION  OF  MY  WESTOE 
VOIAGE,  BY  HENRY  WOODWARD,  1674 


INTRODUCTION 

IT  will  be  recalled  that  in  the  summer  of  1666  Robert 
Sandford,  secretary  of  Clarendon  County,  Carolina,  made  a 
voyage  of  discovery  to  Port  Royal  and  vicinity,  on  the  coast 
of  what  is  now  South  Carolina,  and  that  upon  his  departure 
one  of  his  party,  Dr.  Henry  Woodward,  remained  there  with 
the  Indians.1  Dr.  Woodward  spent  some  time  among  the 
natives,  by  whom  he  was  treated  with  the  greatest  considera 
tion,  and  was  able  to  learn  much  of  the  country  and  of  the 
language,  customs,  and  character  of  the  Indians.  After  a 
time  the  Spaniards,  hearing  of  his  presence  among  the  Indians, 
sent  to  Port  Royal  and  made  him  a  prisoner  and  took  him 
to  St.  Augustine.  Soon  after  this  Captain  Robert  Searle, 
the  buccaneer,  surprised  the  town  and  released  all  of  the 
English  prisoners  there  incarcerated.  He  took  Dr.  Wood 
ward  to  the  Leeward  Islands,  where  he  shipped  as  surgeon 
on  a  privateer  in  order  to  defray  his  expenses  to  England,  as 
he  desired  to  give  Lord  Ashley  an  account  of  Carolina.  The 
privateer  was  wrecked  near  Nevis  in  a  hurricane  on  August  17, 
1669,  and  Dr.  Woodward  was  cast  ashore  on  that  island,  and 
was  there  when  the  fleet  under  Joseph  West,  bound  for  Port 
Royal,  stopped  there  about  December  9,  1669.  He  at  once 
volunteered  to  join  the  new  colony,  was  accepted,  and  re 
turned  to  Carolina  with  the  fleet.  He  immediately  became  a 
conspicuous  figure  in  the  Ashley  River  colony,  and  from  his 
knowledge  of  and  influence  with  the  Indians  was  of  great 
benefit  to  the  government  in  dealing  with  them.2 

1  See  p.  105,  supra. 

2  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  190-192,  220,  158- 
159;    The  South  Carolina  "Historical  and  Genealogical  Magazine,  VIII.  29-33. 

127 


128  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

In  October,  1674,  some  Indians  who  were  strangers  to  the 
people  of  Charles  Town,  the  name  by  which  the  town  on  the 
Ashley  River  was  now  known,1  appeared  at  the  plantation2 
of  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  (formerly  Lord  Ashley 3)  near  there 
for  the  purpose  of  trading.  Dr.  Woodward's  good  offices  were 
called  into  service  and  he  went  up  from  town  to  meet  them. 
He  found  them  to  be  of  the  Westo  tribe,  and  determined  to 
go  with  them  to  their  country  and  establish  commercial  and 
friendly  relations  with  them  in  behalf  of  the  province.  He 
departed  from  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury's  plantation  Octo 
ber  10,  1674,  and,  after  attaining  a  reasonable  measure  of 
success  in  the  expedition,  returned  to  that  place  November  6, 
1674.  On  December  31,  1674,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
earl  giving  him  an  account  of  the  expedition.4  This  narrative 

1  When  the  town  was  first  settled  upon  Ashley  River  it  was  called  Albemarle 
Point,  but  by  an  order  of  Lord  Ashley,  dated  November  1,  1670,  it  was  officially 
named  Charles  Town.  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  210. 

a  St.  Giles,  a  signiory  on  the  Ashley  River,  above  Charles  Town,  which  sub 
sequently  came  to  be  known  as  Ashley  Barony.  The  Fundamental  Constitutions 
of  Carolina  provided  that  a  signiory  and  a  barony  should  each  consist  of  12,000 
acres  of  land.  A  signiory  was  the  estate  of  a  Proprietor  and  each  of  the  eight 
Proprietors  was  entitled  to  a  signiory  in  each  county.  A  barony  was  the  estate 
of  a  Landgrave  or  a  Cassique;  each  Landgrave  being  entitled  to  four  and  each 
Cassique  to  two.  By  order  of  the  Grand  Council  of  that  part  of  the  province 
which  ky  southward  and  westward  from  Cape  Carteret  (Romain),  March  4, 
1672/3,  a  large  tract  of  land  on  the  Ashley  River  above  Charles  Town  was  re 
served  for  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  who  soon  after  established  a  plantation  there 
and  placed  it  in  charge  of  Andrew  Percival,  described  by  the  earl  as  one  "  Who 
hath  a  Relacon  to  my  Family."  On  March  18, 1675,  a  formal  grant  of  a  signiory 
on  Ashley  River  was  made  to  Anthony,  earl  of  Shaftesbury.  He  called  his  estate 
St.  Giles  after  St.  Giles,  his  family  seat  in  Dorsetshire.  The  South  Carolina  His 
torical  and  Genealogical  Magazine,  XI.  75-91. 

1  Anthony  Ashley  Cooper,  son  of  Sir  John  Cooper,  Bart.,  of  Rockbourne, 
Southampton,  and  Anne,  daughter  and  sole  heiress  of  Sir  Anthony  Ashley,  Knt, 
of  Wimborne  St.  Giles,  Dorset,  was  born  July  22,  1621,  and  succeeded  his  father 
March  23,  1631;  was  actively  engaged  in  public  affairs  during  the  civil  wars, 
first  espousing  the  royal  cause  and  later  that  of  Parliament  and  finally  aiding  in 
the  Restoration;  was  elevated  to  the  peerage,  by  the  title  of  Baron  Ashley  of 
Wimborne  St.  Giles,  Dorset,  April  20,  1661,  and  was  advanced  to  the  earldom 
of  Shaftesbury,  April  23,  1672.  His  stormy  political  career  is  a  part  of  Englisk 
history. 

4  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  456-462. 


INTRODUCTION  129 

was  among  the  papers  left  by  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  and 
deposited  in  the  British  Public  Record  Office  by  his  descendant 
some  years  ago,  was  one  of  the  papers  transcribed  for  the  city 
council  of  Charleston  by  Mr.  W.  Noel  Sainsbury  about  1882, 
and  was  published  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Collections  of  the 
South  Carolina  Historical  Society  (pp.  456-462)  in  1897. 


A  FAITHFULL  RELATION  OF  MY  WESTOE 
VOIAGE,  BY  HENRY  WOODWARD,  1674 

CAROLINA:  Decbr  31: 1674 
Right  Honobl 

HAVEING  received  notice  at  Charles  Towne  from  Mr. 
Percyvall  that  strange  Indians  were  arrived  at  yr  Ldshp8 
Plantation,  Immediately  I  went  up  in  the  yawle,  w[h]ere  I 
found  according  to  my  former  conjecture  in  all  probability 
that  they  were  the  Westoes  not  understanding  ought  of  their 
speech,  resolving  nevertheless  (they  having  first  bartered 
their  truck)  to  venture  up  into  the  maine  wth  them  they 
seeming  very  unwilling  to  stay  the  night  yet  very  desireous 
that  I  should  goe  along  wth  them.  The  tenth  of  Octber  being 
Saturday  in  the  afternoon  I  accordingly  set  forth,  the  weather 
raw  and  drizzling,  they  being  ten  of  them  and  my  selfe  in 
Company.  We  travelled  the  remaining  part  of  that  afternoon 
West  and  by  North  thorough  yr  Ldships  land  towards  the 
head  of  Ashley  River,  passing  divers  tracks  of  excellent  oake 
and  Hickery  land,  wth  divers  spatious  Savanas,  seeming  to 
the  best  of  my  judgment  good  Pastorage.  As  we  travelled 
this  day  I  saw  (as  divers  other  times  likewise  in  my  journey) 
w[h]ere  these  Indians  had  drawne  uppon  trees  (the  barke 
being  hewed  away)  the  effigies  of  a  bever,  a  man,  on  horseback 
and  guns,  Intimating  thereby  as  I  suppose,  their  desire  for 
freindship,  and  comerse  wth  us.  The  weather  continuing  wett 
wee  tooke  up  our  quarters,  haveing  steered  exactly  by  compass 
from  St.  Giles  Plantation  according  to  the  fore  named  Course. 
The  Indian  being  diligent  in  makeing  two  barke-covered  Hutts, 
to  shelter  us  from  the  injury  of  the  weather,  this  night  as 
well  as  the  afternoone  proved  tedious,  having  had  soe  large 
a  vacation  from  my  travels,  the  diet  before  almost  naturalized 
now  seemed  unpleasant,  and  the  ground  altogether  was 
uneasy  for  lodginge.  Soe  soon  as  the  day  appeared  wee  set 

130 


1674]  HENRY  WOODWARD'S  WESTOE  VOYAGE  131 

forth  steering  West  and  by  South.  After  wee  had  passed 
the  head  of  Ashley  River  I  found  the  land  indifferently  good. 
In  the  afternoon  wee  entered  a  large  tracke  of  Pines,  which 
continued  untill  we  came  wthin  two  or  three  miles  of  that 
part  of  ^Edistaw  River  w[h]ere  wee  crossed  over.  The  land 
seemeth  fertyl  along  the  banks  of  this  River,  whose  head 
they  report  to  bee  about  four  score  mile  up  in  the  main  from 
the  part  wee  passed,  being  then  twenty  mile  or  something 
more  distant  from  w[h]ere  divideing  himselfe  he  makes  the 
pleasant  plantn  of  JEdistawe.  Here  killing  a  large  buck  wee 
tooke  up  our  rendeavouze  wth  two  mile  of  the  river,  glad  of 
the  opportunity  of  lying  in  two  of  their  hunting  hutts.  Uppon 
Monday  morning  four  of  the  company  went  to  give  notice  of 
our  comeing.  Wee  following  steered  W^est  S.  West,  the  land 
Piny  except  along  the  skirts  of  small  rivulets,  many  of  which 
wee  passed  this  day.  The  weather  all  over  cast.  This 
evening  wee  provided  shelter,  the  night  proveing  extreame 
wett.  Wee  supped  wth  two  fatt  Turkeys  to  helpe  out  wth 
our  parcht  corne  flower  broth.  The  following  day  proveing 
as  bad  as  the  night,  wee  forsooke  not  the  benefitt  of  our 
hutts.  Uppon  Wednesday  morneing  wee  sett  forth,  nothing 
at  all  varying  our  former  course.  This  day  wee  had  a  sight 
of  JEdistawe  River  bearing  north  west  by  north  of  us,  the 
soyle  very  promiseing,  and  in  some  places  excellently  tymbered. 
In  the  afternoon  wee  shott  a  fatt  doe  which,  proportionably 
divideing  amongst  them,  was  carried  along  by  them  for  our 
better  comons  at  night,  quartering  along  the  sides  of  a  pleasant 
run.  Thursday  wee  tooke  our  journey  dew  West,  passing 
many  large  pastorable  Savanas,  the  other  land  promising  very 
well.  This  day  wee  shott  two  Bucks.  The  best  of  both 
wth  a  fatt  Turkey  wee  carried  along  wth  us,  for  our  better 
accomodation  at  night.  Fry  day  wee  traveled  West  and  by 
South,  haveing  towards  three  the  afternoon  a  sight  of  the 
mountaines,  which  bore  northwest  of  us,  passing  the  head 
of  Port  Royall  river  over  a  tree,  w[h]ere  the  river  intricately 
runs  through  large  vallies  of  excellent  land,  at  the  begining 
of  the  adjoyning  Hills,  along  whose  banks  in  a  mighty  thicke 
wood  wee  tooke  up  our  Quarters.  The  ensuing  day  wee 
went  over  many  fattigous  hills,  the  land  especially  the  vallies 
being  excellent  good,  our  course  West  a  little  Southwardly. 


132  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  (1674 

In  the  afternoon  wee  mett  two  Indians  wth  their  fowling  peeces, 
sent  by  their  cheife  to  congratulate  my  arrivale  into  their 
parts,  who  himselfe  awaited  my  comeing  wth  divers  others  at 
the  Westoe  River.  The  ridge  of  hills  through  which  the 
river  runs  then  being  in  sight  bore  West  and  by  North.  The 
banks  of  this  river  seeme  like  white  chalky  cliffs  and  are  at 
least  one  hundred  foot  perpendicular,  opposite  to  which 
banks  uppon  a  sandy  poynt  were  two  or  three  hutts  under 
whose  shelter  was  their  cheife  wth  divers  others  in  his  com 
pany.  The  two  Indians  wee  met  had  a  canoe  ready  to  pass 
us  over,  w[h]ere  soe  soon  as  wee  landed,  I  was  carried  to 
the  Capt8  hutt,  who  courteously  entertained  mee  wth  a  good 
repast  of  those  things  they  counte  rarietys  amonge  them. 
The  river  here  being  very  deep  wth  a  silent  current  trended 
North  and  by  West  and  South  and  by  East  nearest.  Soe 
soone  as  the  raine  ceased  wee  sett  upp  the  fertyle  banks  of 
this  spatious  river.  Haveing  paddled  about  a  league  upp* 
wee  came  in  sight  of  the  Westoe  towne,  alias  the  Hickauhaugau 
which  stands  uppon  a  poynt  of  the  river  (which  is  undoubtedly' 
the  river  May)1  uppon  the  Westerne  side  soe  that  the  river- 
encompasseth  two-thirds  thereof.  When  we  came  wthin- 
[sight]  of  the  towne  I  fired  my  fowling  peece  and  pistol  wch 
was  answered  with  a  hollow  and  imediately  thereuppon  they 
gave  mee  a  vollew  of  fifty  or  sixty  small  arms.  Here  was  a 
concourse  of  some  hundred  of  Indians,  drest  up  in  their 
anticke  fighting  garbe.  Through  the  midst  of  whom  being 
conducted  to  their  cheiftaines  house,  the  which  not  being 
capable  to  containe  the  crowd  that  came  to  see  me,  the  smaller 
fry  got  up  and  uncouvered  the  top  of  the  house  to  satisfy 
their  curiosity.  The  cheife  of  the  Indians  made  long  speeches* 
intimateing  their  own  strength  (and  as  I  judged  their  desire 
of  freindship  wth  us).  This  night  first  haveing  oyled  my 
eyes  and  joynts  with  beares  oyl,  they  presented  mee  divers 
deare  skins,  setting  befoore  me  sufficient  of  their  food  to  satisfy 
at  least  half  a  dozen  of  their  owne  appetites.  Here  takeing 
my  first  nights  repose,  the  next  day  I  veiwed  the  Towne, 
which  is  built  in  a  confused  maner,  consisting  of  many  long 
houses  whose  sides  and  tops  are  both  artificially  done  wth 

1  The  Savannah  River  was  then  known  as  the  May.    The  Westo  town  stood 
on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  some  distance  above  the  site  of  Augusta,  Georgia. 


1674]          HENRY  WOODWARD'S  WESTOE  VOYAGE  133 

barke,  uppon  the  tops  of  most  whereof  fastened  to  the  ends  of 
long  poles  hang  the  locks  of  haire  of  Indians  that  they  have 
slaine.  The  inland  side  of  the  towne  being  duble  Pallisadoed, 
and  that  part  which  fronts  the  river  haveing  only  a  single 
one.  Under  whose  steep  banks  seldom  ly  less  than  one 
hundred  faire  canoes  ready  uppon  all  occasions.  They  are  well 
provided  with  arms,  amunition,  tradeing  cloath  and  other 
trade  from  the  northward  for  which  at  set  times  of  the  year 
they  truck  drest  deare  skins  furrs1  and  young  Indian  Slaves. 
In  ten  daies  time  that  I  tarried  here  I  viewed  the  adjacent 
part  of  the  Country.  They  are  Seated  uppon  a  most  fruit- 
full  soyl.  The  earth  is  intermingled  wth  a  sparkling  substance 
like  Antimony,  finding  severall  flakes  of  Isinglass  in  the 
paths.  The  scales  of  my  Indian  shooes  in  which  I  travelled 
glistened  like  sylver.2  The  clay  of  which  their  pots  and  pipes 
are  made  is  intermingled  wth  the  like  substance.  The  wood 
land  is  abounding  wth  various  sorts  of  very  large  straite  tim 
ber.  Eight  daies  journey  from  the  towne  the  River  hath  its 
first  falls  West  N.  West,  w[h]ere  it  divides  it  selfe  into  three 
branches,3  amongst  which  dividing  branches  inhabit  the 
Cowatoe*  and  Chorakae5  Indians  wth  whom  they  are  at 
continual  warrs.  Forty  miles  distant  from  the  towne  north 
ward  they  say  lye  the  head  of  ^Edistaw  river  being  a  great 
meer  or  lake.6  Two  days  before  my  departure  arrived  two 
Savana  Indians  living  as  they  said  twenty  days  journey  West 
Southwardly  from  them.7  There  was  none  here  that  under- 

1  This  trade  was  soon  diverted  to  Charles  Town  and  that  town  developed 
into  very  nearly,  if  not  quite,  the  richest  and  most  important  trade  centre  on  the 
American  continent. 

2  Mica  scales.    Their  silvery  appearance  gave  the  name  Silver  Bluff  to  a 
well-known  point  on  the  Savannah  River  in  Aiken  County,  South  Carolina. 

3  The  Salwege,  Tugaloo,  and  Seneca  rivers.    The  main  stream  of  the  Seneca 
is  known  higher  up  as  the  Keowee  and  the  main  stream  of  the  Tugaloo  as  the 
Chatooga. 

4  Caouitas,  or  Cowetas,  a  Muscogee  tribe  settled  on  the  Salwege  1674-1691, 
retiring  in  the  latter  year  to  the  Ocmulgee  and  in  1715  to  the  Chattahoochee. 

6  The  Cherokees,  who  inhabited   that  section  of  South  Carolina  until  the 
termination  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 

6  The  headwaters  of  the  Edisto  are  east  or  southeast  of  this  point  and  there 
is  nothing  like  a  lake  there. 

7  Near  the  Gulf,  west  of  Appalachicola  River.     By  1680  they  had  advanced 
to  the  Savannah  and  soon  pushed  the  Westo  tribe  out  of  the  province.    They 


134  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1674 

stood  them,  but  by  signes  they  intreated  freindship  of  the 
Westoes,  showeing  that  the  Cussetaws,  Checsaws  and  Chio- 
kees  l  were  intended  to  come  downe  and  fight  the  Westoes. 
At  which  news  they  expeditiously  repaired  their  pallisadoes, 
keeping  watch  all  night.  In  the  time  of  my  abode  here  they 
gave  me  a  young  Indian  boy  taken  from  the  falls  of  that 
River.  The  Savana  Indians  brought  Spanish  beeds  and 
other  trade  as  presents,  makeing  signes  that  they  had  comerce 
wth  white  people  like  unto  mee,  whom  were  not  good.  These 
they  civilly  treated  and  dismissed  before  my  departure.  Ten 
of  them  prepared  to  accompany  mee  in  my  journey  home, 
returning  by  the  same  ways  that  I  came,  killing  much  game 
wth  two  large  she  beares  uppon  the  way  through  much  ram 
the  fresshes  being  mightly  encreased.  The  5th  of  novbr  wee 
our  selfes  carrying  our  trade  upon  barke  logs  swam  over 
^Edistaw  River  and  the  6th  of  that  Instant  in  safety  I  arrived 
at  yor  Honrs  Plantation  at  the  Head  of  Ashley  River.  For 
good  reasons  I  permitted  them  not  to  enter  yr  Plantation, 
but  very  well  satisfyed  dispatcht  them  homewards  that 
evening,  whom  I  againe  expect  in  March  wth  deare  skins,  furrs 
and  younge  slaves. 

In  this  relation  as  in  all  things  else  I  am 
y°  L° 8hipps  ffaithfull  Servant 

HENRY  WOODWARD. 

Discovery.  A  ffaithful  relation  of 
my  Westoe  voiage  begun  from  the  head 
of  Ashley  River  the  tenth  of  Octr  and 
finished  the  sixth  of  Novbr  {following. 
[Endorsed  by  Locke]:  Carolina.  H. 
Woodward.  To  the  E.  of  Shaftesbury 
31  Dec.  74. 

were  good  friends  of  the  English.  In  1708,  says  Governor  Archdale,  they  had 
three  towns  (near  Sand  Bar  Ferry)  and  150  men,  but  in  1715  they  retired  to  the 
Creeks. 

1  The  Cusitaws  lived  about  the  heads  of  the  Oconee  and  Salwege  rivers;  the 
Chickasaws  below  Muscle  Shoals  on  the  Tennessee  River  and  the  Keyokees  above. 
Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical  Society,  V.  461. 


CAROLINA,  OR  A  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  PRES 
ENT  STATE  OF  THAT  COUNTRY,  BY 
THOMAS  ASHE,  1682 


INTRODUCTION 

IN  1680  His  Majesty's  ship  Richmond  was  sent  out  for  ser 
vice  in  American  waters.  Aboard  thereof  forty-five  French 
Protestants  were  sent  to  South  Carolina  with  a  view  of  settling, 
them  there  to  cultivate  silk.  The  officers  of  the  ship  were 
given  instructions  from  the  king  to  enquire  into  the  state  of 
Carolina  while  on  duty  in  that  quarter.  The  Richmond 
arrived  at  Charles  Town  in  April,  1680,  and  returned  to 
England  some  time  in  1682.  In  the  latter  year  the  following 
pamphlet,  written  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  a  friend,  detailing 
the  natural  advantages  of  that  part  of  Carolina  in  the  vicinity 
of  Charles  Town,  was  published.  The  authorship  is  generally 
credited  to  Thomas  Ashe.  The  pamphlet  is  one  of  several 
that  were  designed  to  advertise  the  Lords  Proprietors'  real 
estate.  Its  author  spent  some  time  in  and  about  Charles 
Town  during  the  ship's  absence  from  England,  and  his  account 
of  the  air,  climate,  soil,  products,  commodities,  flora,  and 
fauna  of  the  section  at  that  time  is  quite  glowing,  but  not 
exaggerated. 

In  1836  this  pamphlet  was  reprinted  at  New  York  in  the 
first  volume  of  Historical  Collections  of  South  Carolina,  by 
B.  R.  Carroll. 


v 

CAROLINA,  OR  A  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  PRES 
ENT  STATE  OF  THAT  COUNTRY,  BY 
THOMAS  ASHE,  1682 

Carolina;  or  a  Description  of  the  Present  State  of  that  Country, 
and  the  Natural  Excellencies  therof,  viz.,  the  Healthfulness 
of  the  Air,  Pleasantness  of  the  Place,  Advantage  and  Use 
fulness  of  those  Rich  Commodities  there  plentifully  abounding, 
which  much  encrease  and  flourish  by  the  Industry  of  the 
Planters  that  daily  enlarge  that  Colony. 

Published  by  T.  A.  Gent,  Clerk  on  Board  his  Majesties  Ship 
the  Richmond,  which  was  sent  out  in  the  Year  1680,  with 
particular  Instructions  to  enquire  into  the  State  of  that 
Country,  by  his  Majesties  Special  Command,  and  Returned 
this  Present  Year,  1682. 

London,  Printed  for  W.  C.  and  to  be  Sold  by  Mrs.  Grover  in 
Pelican  Court,  in  Little  Britain,  1682.1 

To  the  Reader. 
Reader, 

You  may  please  to  understand,  that  the  first  Discovery 
of  this  Country  was  at  the  Charge  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh, 
as  you  will  find  in  this  Book;  and  that  as  it  hath  pleased  God 
to  add  such  a  Jewel  to  the  Crown  of  England,  so  I  doubt  not 
but  in  a  few  years  it  will  prove  the  most  Beneficial  to  the 
Kingdom  in  General  of  any  Colony  yet  Planted  by  the  Eng 
lish,  which  is  the  more  probable  from  the  great  Concourse 
that  daily  arrives  there,  From  the  other  Plantations,  as  well 
as  from  England,  Ireland,  etc.,  being  drawn  and  invited 
thither  by  the  Healthfulness  of  Air,  Delicacy  of  Fruits,  the 
likelyhood  of  Wines,  Oyls  and  Silks,  and  the  great  Variety 
of  other  Natural  Commodities  within  specified,  which  well 

1  Title-page  of  original. 
138 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  139 

considered,  will  sufficiently  evidence  the  Truth  of  what  I 
Assert;  that  I  may  contribute  what  lies  in  my  Power  for 
a  further  Satisfaction  to  those  Gentlemen  that  are  curious 
concerning  the  Country  of  Carolina,  they  may  find  a  small 
Description  thereof,  with  a  Map  of  the  first  Draught,  Pub 
lished  by  Mr.  Richard  Blome,  and  Printed  for  Dorman  New 
man,  in  the  Year  1678  in  Octavo,1  and  one  larger  in  Mr. 
Ogleby's  America'  since  the  publishing  of  these,  there  is  by 
Order  of  the  Lords  Proprietors  newly  published  in  one  large 
Sheet  of  Paper,  a  very  spacious  Map  of  Carolina,  with  its 
Rivers,  Harbors,  Plantations,  and  other  Accommodations, 
from  the  latest  Survey,  and  best  Informations,  with  a  large 
and  particular  Description  of  the  Entrances  into  Ashly  and 
Cooper^Rivers;  this  Map  to  be  sold  for  1  s.  by  Joel  Gascoyne, 
near  Wapping  Old  Stairs,  and  Robert  Green  in  Budge  Row, 
London,  1682.2 

A  Compleat  Discovery  of  the  State  of  Carolina,  in  the  Year  1682. 

THE  Discourses  of  many  Ingenious  Travellers  (who  have 
lately  seen  this  part  of  the  West  Indies)  have  for  Salubrity 
of  Air,  Fertility  of  Soyl,  for  the  Luxuriant  and  Indulgent 
Blessings  of  Nature,  justly  rendered  Carolina  Famous.  That 
since  my  Arrival  at  London,  I  have  observed  many  with 
pleasing  Idseas,  and  Contemplations,  as  if  ravisht  with  Admira 
tion,  discourse  of  its  Pleasures:  Whilst  others  more  actively 
prest  and  stimulated,  have  with  vehement  and  ardent  Desires 
willingly  resolved  to  hazard  their  Lives,  Families,  and  Fort 
unes  to  the  Mercy  of  the  Wind,  Seas  and  Storms,  to  enjoy 
the  Sweets  of  so  desirable  a  Being. 

Having  spent  near  three  Years  Abroad,  in  which  time  I 
had  a  fair  Opportunity  of  a  Survey  of  great  part  of  our  Eng- 

1  The  reference  is  to  Richard  Blome's  Description  of  the  Island  of  Jamaica, 
with  the  other  Isles  and  Territories  in  America,  to  which  the  English  are  related 
(London,  1672  and  1678).  The  account  of  Carolina  in  Blome's  Present  State 
of  His  Majesty's  Isles  and  Territories  in  America  (1685)  is  a  mere  copy  of  Sam 
uel  Wilson's  Account  of  the  Province  of  Carolina,  printed  next  in  the  present 
volume,  pp.  161-176,  infra,  while  that  in  the  1687  edition  of  that  work  is  a 
garbled  version  of  the  same.  The  book  next  mentioned  is  John  Ogilby's  Amer 
ica  (London,  1670,  1671,  etc.). 

J  There  is  a  specimen  of  the  Gascoyne  map  in  the  Library  of  Congress. 


1*0  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

lish  America.  You  my  Worthy  Friend,  knowing  in  what 
Character  I  went  abroad,  and  understanding  of  my  being  at 
Carolina,  did  obligingly  request  (that  at  Leisure)  I  would  col 
lect  such  Notices  of  my  own  whilst  there,  with  those  Remarques 
and  Observations  which  I  had  learnt  from  the  most  Able 
and  Ingenious  Planters,  who  have  had  their  Residence  on  the 
place  from  its  first  being  Colonized:  You  desiring  to  be 
assured  whether  the  true  State  of  the  Country  did  answer 
the  Reports  of  Common  Fame.  Which  in  Compliance  with, 
and  in  Obedience  to  your  Commands,  I  have  undertaken. 

Carolina  derives  her  name  either  from  our  present  Illus 
trious  Monarch,  under  whose  glorious  Auspices  it  was  first 
establisht  an  English  Colony,  in  the  Year  One  Thousand  Six 
Hundred  and  Seventy,  and  under  whose  benign  and  happy 
Influence  it  now  prospers  and  flourishes.  Or  from  Charles  the 
Ninth  of  that  Name  King  of  France,  in  whose  Reign  a  Colony 
of  French  Protestants  were  transported  thither,  at  the  encour 
agement  of  Gasper  Coligni,  Admiral  of  that  Kingdom;  the 
place  of  their  first  Settlement  named  in  Honour  of  their  Prince 
Arx  Carolina;1  but  not  long  after,  that  Colony,  with  Monsieur 
Ribault  their  Leader,  were  by  the  Spaniard  at  once  cut  off 

1  The  name  was  not  derived  from  either  source.  By  letters  patent,  bearing 
date  at  Westminster  October  30,  1629,  Charles  I.  granted  to  Sir  Robert  Heath, 
his  attorney-general,  "all  that  River  or  Rivelett  of  S*  Matthew  on  the  South  side 
and  all  that  River  or  Rivelett  of  the  great  passe  on  the  North  side,  and  all  the 
lands  Tenements  and  Hereditaments  lying,  beeing  and  extending  within  or  be 
tween  the  sayd  Rivers  by  that  draught  or  tract  to  the  Ocean  upon  the  east  side  and 
soe  to  the  west  and  soe  fare  as  the  Continent  extands,"  declaring  "  that  we  of  our 
free  grace  certain  knowledge  and  meere  motion  doe  thinke  fit  to  erect  the  sayd 
Region  Territory  and  Isles  into  a  Province  and  by  the  fulnes  of  our  power  and 
Kingly  Authority  for  us  our  heires  and  successors,  we  doe  erect  and  incorporate 
them  into  a  province  and  name  the  same  Carolina  or  the  province  of  Carolina. " 
Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina,  I.  5-13.  The  name  Arx  Carolina  (Fort 
Charles)  applied  only  to  Ribault's  fort  and  not  to  the  country,  and  by  the  time 
of  the  Heath  grant  had  become  merely  a  theme  for  antiquarians.  When  Charles 
II.  granted  the  same  territory  to  eight  of  his  "beloved  cousins  and  councellors, " 
March  24,  1663,  he  in  his  grant  applied  the  same  name  to  it  in  the  same  official 
words  which  his  royal  father  had  used  in  the  Heath  patent  in  1629.  That  the 
name  applied  by  Charles  I.  was  regarded  by  the  Lords  Proprietors  as  having 
been  in  force  and  effect  from  the  date  of  the  Heath  grant  is  attested  by  the  open 
ing  words  of  the  first  set  of  their  Fundamental  Constitutions  for  Carolina:  "Our 
Soveraigne  Ld.  the  King  haveing  out  of  his  royal  grace  and  bounty  granted  unto 
us  the  province  of  Carolina,"  etc. 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  141 

and  destroy 'd.1  Since  which,  nor  French,  nor  Spaniard  have 
made  any  Attempt  for  its  Re-Settlement.  Carolina  is  the 
Northermost  part  of  the  spacious  and  pleasant  Province  of 
Florida;  it  lies  in  the  Northern  temperate  Zone,  between  the 
Latitude  of  Twenty  Nine,  and  Thirty  Six  Degrees,  and  Thirty 
Minutes:  It  ;s  bounded  on  the  East,  with  the  Atlantick  or 
Northern,  on  the  West,  with  the  Pacifick  or  Southern  Ocean, 
on  the  North,  with  Virginia,  on  the  South,  with  the  remaining 
part  of  Florida.  The  Air  of  so  serene  and  excellent  a  temper, 
that  the  Indian  Natives  prolong  their  days  to  the  Extremity 
of  Old~Ag£ AncTWhere  the  English  hitherto  have  found  no 
Distempers  either  Epidemical  or  Mortal,  but  what  have  had 
their  Rise  from  Excess  or  Origine  from  Intemperance.  In 
July  and  August  they  have  sometimes  Touches  of  Agues  and 
Fevers,  but  not  violent,  of  short  continuance,  and  never  Fatal. 
English  Children  there  born,  are  commonly  strong  and  lusty, 
of  sound  Constitutions,  and  fresh  ruddy  Complexions.2  The 
Seasons  are  regularly  disposed  according  to  Natures  Laws; 
the  Summer  not  so  torrid,  hot  and  burning  as  that  of  their 
Southern,  nor  the  Winter  so  rigorously  sharp  and  cold,  as 
that  of  their  Northern  Neighbours.  In  the  Evenings  and 
Mornings  of  December  and  January,  thin  congealed  Ice,  with 
hoary  Frosts  sometimes  appear;  but  as  soon  as  the  Sun  ele 
vates  her  self,  above  the  Horizon,  as  soon  they  disappear  and 
vanish;  Snow  having  been  seen  but  twice  in  ten  Years,  or 
from  its  first  being  settled  by  the  English. 

The  Soil  near  the  Sea,  of  a  Mould  Sandy,  farther  distant, 
more  clayey,  or  Sand  and  Clay  mixt;  the  Land  lies  upon  a 
Level  in  fifty  or  sixty  Miles  round,  having  scarce  the  least 

1  The  French  colony  at  Fort  Charles  was  not  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards, 
but,  becoming  dissatisfied,  returned  to  France.    The  second  settlement  of  French 
men  made  under  the  patronage  of  Admiral  Coligny  was  made  in  Florida  and 
that  was  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards. 

2  As  the  condition  here  described  continued  for  many  years  thereafter,  it 
would  seem  that  the  anophele,  or  malarial  mosquito,  which  has  greatly  changed 
conditions  in  the  lower  part  of  South  Carolina,  is  a  more  recent  importation, 
brought  perhaps  in   slave  ships,  or  evolved  from  other  mosquitos  which   had 
been  biting  negroes  with  the  germs  of  malaria  brought  from  Africa.     The  de 
velopment  of  the  method  of  cultivating  rice  by  flowing  the  fields  has  probably 
had  much  to  do  with  the  increase  of  malaria;  it  has  vastly  increased  the  number 
of  mosquito  hatcheries,  and  has  interfered  greatly  with  the  natural  drainage  of 
the  country. 


142  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

Hill  or  Eminency.  It's  cloathed  with  odoriferous  and  fragrant 
Woods,  flourishing  in  perpetual  and  constant  Verdures,  viz. 
the  lofty  Pine,  the  sweet  smelling  Cedar  and  Cyprus  Trees, 
of  both  which  are  composed  goodly  Boxes,  Chests,  Tables, 
Scrittores,  and  Cabinets.  The  Dust  and  Shavings  of  Cedar, 
laid  amongst  Linnen  or  Woollen,  destroys  the  Moth  and  all 
Verminous  Insects:  It  never  rots,  breeding  no  Worm,  by 
which  many  other  WToods  are  consumed  and  destroyed.  Of 
Cedar  there  are  many  sorts;  this  in  Carolina  is  esteemed  of 
equal  Goodness  for  Grain,  Smell  and  Colour  with  the  Bermu- 
dian  Cedar,  which  of  all  the  West  Indian  is  esteemed  the 
most  excellent;  that  in  the  Caribbe  Islands  and  Jamaica  being 
of  a  courser  kind,  Oyl  and  the  Spirit  of  Wine  penetrating  it;  but 
with  this  they  make  Heading  for  their  Cask,  which  the  sharpest 
and  most  searching  Liquors  does  not  pierce.  With  the  Berry 
of  the  Tree  at  Bermudaz,  by  Decoction,  they  make  a  very 
wholesome  and  sovereign  Drink.  This  Tree  in  the  Sacred  Writ 
is  famous,  especially  those  of  Lebanon,  for  their  Stately 
Stature;  but  those  in  the  West  Indies  I  observed  to  be  of  a 
low  and  humble  height.  The  Sassafrass  is  a  Medicinal  Tree, 
whose  Bark  and  Leaves  yield  a  pleasing  Smell :  It  profits  in  all 
Diseases  of  the  Blood,  and  Liver,  particularly  in  all  Venereal 
and  Scorbutick  Distempers.  There  are  many  other  Fragrant 
smelling  trees,  the  Myrtle,  Bay  and  Lawrel,  several  Others  to 
us  wholly  unknown.  Fruit  Trees  there  are  in  abundance  of 
various  and  excellent  kinds,  the  Orange,  Lemon,  Pomegranate, 
Fig  and  Almond.  Of  English  Fruits,  the  Apple,  Pear,  Plumb, 
Cherry,  Quince,  Peach,  a  sort  of  Medlar,  and  Chesnut.  Wall- 
nut  Trees  there  are  of  two  or  three  sorts;  but  the  Black 
Wallnut  for  its  Grain,  is  most  esteem'd:  the  Wild  Wallnut  or 
Hiquery-Tree,  gives  the  Indians,  by  boyling  its  Kernel,  a 
wholesome  Oyl,  from  whom  the  English  frequently  supply 
themselves  for  their  Kitchen  uses:  It 's  commended  for  a 
good  Remedy  in  Dolors,  and  Gripes  of  the  Belly;  whilst  new 
it  has  a  pleasant  Taste;  but  after  six  Moneths,  it  decays  and 
grows  acid;  I  believe  it  might  make  a  good  Oyl,  and  of  as 
general  an  use  as  that  of  the  Olive,  if  it  were  better  purified 
and  rectified.  The  Chincopin  Tree  bears  a  Nut  not  unlike 
the  Hazle,  the  Shell  is  softer:  Of  the  Kernel  is  made  Choco 
late,  not  much  inferiour  to  that  made  of  the  Cacoa. 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  143 

The  Peach  Tree  in  incredible  Numbers  grows  Wild :  Of  the 
Fruit  expressed,  the  Planters  compose  a  pleasant  refreshing 
Liquor;  the  Remainder  of  the  Fruit  serves  the  Hogg  and 
Cattle  for  Provision.  The  Mulberry  Tree  every-where  amidst 
the  Woods  grows  wild:  The  Planters,  near  their  Plantations, 
in  Rows  and  Walks,  plant  them  for  Use,  Ornament  and 
Pleasure:  What  I  observed  of  this  Fruit  was  admirable;  the 
Fruit  there,  was  full  and  ripe  in  the  latter  end  of  April  and 
beginning  of  May,  whereas  in  England  and  Europe,  they 
are  not  ripe  before  the  latter  end  of  August.  A  Manufactory 
of  Silk  well  encouraged  might  soon  be  accomplisht,  considering 
the  numerousness  of  the  Leaf  for  Provision,  the  clemency  and 
moderateness  of  the  Climate  to  indulge  and  nourish  the  Silk 
worm:  To  make  tryal  of  its  Success,  was  the  Intention  of 
those  French  Protestant  Passengers  transported  thither  in  His 
Majesties  Frigat  the  Richmond  being  Forty  Five,1  the  half  of  a 
greater  Number  designed  for  that  place;  but  their  Design 
was  too  early  anticipated :  the  Eggs  which  they  brought  with 
them  being  hatch'd  at  Sea,  before  we  could  reach  the  Land, 
the  Worms  for  want  of  Provision  were  untimely  lost  and 
destroyed.2  The  Olive  Tree  thrives  there  very  well.  Mr. 
James  Colleton,  Brother  to  Sir  Peter,  one  of  the  Honourable 
Proprietors,  brought  an  Olive  Stick  from  Fyall,  (one  of  the 
Western  Islands)  cut  off  at  both  Ends  to  Carolina,  which  put 
into  the  Ground,  grew  and  prospered  exceedingly;  which 
gave  so  great  an  Encouragement,  that  since  I  left  the  place, 
I  hear  that  several  more  were  brought  there,  there  being  great 

1  From  the  record  of  warrants  issued  for  the  laying  out  of  lands  to  settlers 
within  two  or  three  years  after  the  arrival  of  this  French  colony  we  learn  that  the 
governor  and  deputies  issued  a  warrant  November  16,  1680,  for  "a  manor  of 
foure  thousand  acres"  to  Jacob  Guerard,  one  of  the  principal  promoters  of  the 
enterprise,  and  made  a  number  of  lesser  grants  in  the  next  four  years  to  various 
persons  of  French  name  who  were  certainly  or  probably  connected  with  it. 

2  Numerous  efforts  to  raise  silk  in  South  Carolina  were  made  at  subsequent 
times  and  with  varying  success.     Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson,  Knt.,  undertook  its 
culture  during  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century.     He  called  his  planta 
tion  Silk  Hope  in  compliment  to  his  undertaking.    About  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century   Mrs.  Elizabeth  (Lucas)  Pinckney  was  quite  successful  in 
its  culture  for  several  years.     She  once  presented  to  the  Princess  of  Wales  (mother 
of  George  III.)  a  dress  woven  from  silk  which  she  had  raised,  and  there  is  still 
in  the  family  of  her  descendants  a  dress  made  from  silk  raised  by  her. 


- 
144  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

Hopes,  that  if  the  Olive  be  well  improved,  there  may  be 
expected  from  thence  perhaps  as  good  Oyl  as  any  the  World 
yields.1 

Vines  of  divers  sorts,  bearing  both  Black  and  Gray  Grapes, 
grow,  climbing  their  highest  Trees,  running  and  over-spread 
ing  their  lower  Bushes:  Five  Kinds  they  have  already  dis- 
tinguish'd,  three  of  which  by  Replantation,  and  if  well  culti 
vated,  they  own,  will  make  very  good  Wine;  some  of  which 
has  been  transported  for  England,  which  by  the  best  Pallates 
was  well  approved  of,  and  more  is  daily  expected,  't  is  not 
doubted,  if  the  Planters  as  industriously  prosecute  the  Propa 
gation  of  Vineyards  as  they  have  begun;  but  Carolina  will 
in  a  little  time  prove  a  Magazine  and  Staple  for  Wines  to  the 
whole  West  Indies;  and  to  enrich  their  Variety,  some  of  the 
Proprietors  and  Planters  have  sent  them  the  Noblest  and 
Excellentest  Vines  of  Europe,  viz.  the  Rhenish,  Clarret,  the 
Muscadel  and  Canary,  etc.  His  Majesty,  to  improve  so  hope 
ful  a  Design,  gave  those  French  we  carried  over  their  Passage 
free  for  themselves,  Wives,  Children  Goods  and  Servants, 
they  being  most  of  them  well  experienced  in  the  Nature  of 
the  Vine,  from  whose  Directions  doubtless  the  English  have 
received  and' made  considerable  Advantages  in  their  Improve 
ments. 

Trees  for  the  Service  of  building  Houses  and  Shipping, 
besides  those  and  many  more  which  we  have  not  nam'd; 
they  have  all  such  as  we  in  England  esteem  Good,  Lasting, 
and  Serviceable,  as  the  Oak  of  three  sorts,  the  White,  Black 
and  Live  Oak,  which  for  Toughness,  and  the  Goodness  of  its 
Grain  is  much  esteemed:  Elm,  Ash,  Beech,  and  Poplar,  etc. 
Into  the  Nature,  Qualities,  and  Vertues  of  their  Herbs,  Roots 
and  Flowers,  we  had  little  time  to  make  any  curious  Enquiry: 
This  we  were  assured  by  many  of  the  knowing  Planters,  that 
they  had  Variety  of  such  whose  Medicinal  Vertues  were  rare 
and  admirable.  The  China  grows  plentifully  there,  whose 
Root  infus'd,  yields  us  that  pleasant  Drink,  which  we  know 
by  the  Name  of  China  Ale  in  England:  in  Medicinal  Uses 
it 's  far  more  excellent.  Monsieur  Tavernier,  in  his  late 

1  Olives  have  been  raised  in  South  Carolina  in  greater  or  less  quantities  from 
its  first  settlement  to  the  present.  In  1837  there  was  a  very  severe  frost  which 
killed  most  of  the  trees  then  growing,  and  since  then  not  many  have  been  grown. 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  145 

Voyages  to  Persia,1  observes  that  Nation,  by  the  frequent 
use  of  Water  in  which  this  Root  is  boyl'd,  are  never  troubled 
with  the  Stone  or  Gout:  It  mundifies2  and  sweetens  the 
Blood:  It 's  good  in  Fevers,  Scurvy,  Gonorrhoea,  and  the 
Lues  Venerea.  They  have  three  sorts  of  the  Rattle-Snake 
Root  which  I  have  seen;  the  Comous,  or  Hairy,  the  Smooth, 
the  Nodous,  or  Knotted  Root:  All  which  are  lactiferous,  or 
yielding  a  Milkie  Juice;  and  if  I  do  not  very  much  in  my 
Observations  err,  the  Leaves  of  all  these  Roots  of  a  Heart 
had  the  exact  Resemblance:  They  are  all  Sovereign  against 
the  Mortal  Bites  of  that  Snake,  too  frequent  in  the  West 
Indies:  In  all  Pestilential  Distempers,  as  Plague,  Small 
Pox,  and  Malignant  Fevers,  it  7s  a  Noble  Specifick;  when 
stung,  they  eat  the  Root,  applying  it  to  the  Venemous  Wound; 
or  they  boyl  the  Roots  in  Water;  which  drunk,  fortifies  and 
corroborates  the  Heart,  exciteing  strong  and  generous  Sweats: 
by  which  endangered  Nature  is  relieved,  and  the  Poyson 
carried  off,  and  expelled. 

Gardens  as  yet  they  have  not  much  improved  or  minded, 
their  Designs  having  otherwise  more  profitably  engaged  them 
in  settling  and  cultivating  their  Plantations  with  good  Pro 
visions  and  numerous  Stocks  of  Cattle;  which  two  things  by 
Planters  are  esteemed  the  Basis  and  Props  of  all  New  Plan 
tations  and  Settlements;  before  which  be  well  accomplished 
and  performed,  nothing  to  any  purpose  can  be  effected;  and 
upon  which  all  Intentions,  Manufactories,  etc.,  have  their 
necessary  Dependance.  But  now  their  Gardens  begin  to  be 
supplied  with  such  European  Plants  and  Herbs  as  are  neces 
sary  for  the  Kitchen,  viz.  Potatoes,  Lettice,  Coleworts,  Pars 
nip,  Turnip,  Carrot  and  Reddish:  Their  Gardens  also  begin  to 
be  beautified  and  adorned  with  such  Herbs  and  Flowers  which 
to  the  Smell  or  Eye  are  pleasing  and  agreable,  viz.  The 
Rose,  Tulip,  Carnation  and  Lilly,  etc.  Their  Provision  which 
grows  in  the  Field  is  chiefly  Indian  Corn,  which  produces  a 
vast  Increase,  yearly,  yielding  Two  plentiful  Harvests,  of 
which  they  make  wholesome  Bread,  and  good  Bisket,  which 
gives  a  strong,  sound,  and  nourishing  Diet;  with  Milk  I 
have  eaten  it  dress'd  various  ways:  Of  the  Juice  of  the 
Corn,  when  green,  the  Spaniards  with  Chocolet,  aromatized 

1  J.  B.  Tavernier,  Six  Voyages  (Paris,  1676-1679).  >  Clears. 


146  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

with  Spices,  make  a  rare  Drink  of  an  excellent  Delicacy.1 
I  have  seen  the  English  amongst  the  Caribbes  roast  the  green 
Ear  on  the  Coals,  and  eat  it  with  a  great  deal  of  Pleasure.2 
The  Indians  in  Carolina  parch  the  ripe  Corn,  then  pound  it 
to  a  Powder,  putting  it  in  a  Leathern  Bag:  When  they  use  it, 
they  take  a  little  quantity  of  the  Powder  in  the  Palms  of 
their  Hands,  mixing  it  with  Water,  and  sup  it  off:  with  this 
they  will  travel  several  days.  In  short,  it 's  a  Grain  of  Gen 
eral  Use  to  Man  and  Beast,  many  thousands  of  both  kinds  in 
the  West  Indies  having  from  it  the  greater  part  of  their  Sub 
sistence.  The  American  Physicians  observe  that  it  breeds 
good  Blood,  removes  and  opens  Oppellations 3  and  Obstruc 
tions.  At  Carolina  they  have  lately  invented  a  way  of  make- 
ing  with  it  good  sound  Beer;  but  it 's  strong  and  heady:  By 
Maceration,  when  duly  fermented,  a  strong  Spirit  like  Brandy 
may  be  drawn  off  from  it,  by  the  help  of  an  Alembick. 

Pulse  they  have  of  great  Variety,  not  only  of  what  Europe 
yield,  viz.  Beans,  Pease,  Callavance,  Figolaes,  and  Bonavist, 
etc.,4  but  many  other  kinds  proper  to  the  place,  and  to  us 
unknown:  Green  Pease  at  the  latter  end  of  April,  at  my 
being  there,  I  eat  as  good  as  ever  I  did  [in]  England.  Straw 
berries,  Rasberries,  Billberries,  and  Blackberries  grow  fre 
quently  up  and  down  the  Woods.  Hemp  and  Flax  thrives 
exceeding  well;  there  grows  a  sort  of  wild  Silk  Pods,  calPd 
Silk-Grass,  of  which  they  may  make  fine  and  durable  Linnen. 

What  Wheat  they  have  planted  has  been  rather  for  Experi 
ment  and  Observation,  whether  it  would  be  agreeable  to  the 
Soil  and  Climate,  than  for  any  Substance  for  themselves,  or 
for  Transportation  abroad;  what  they  have  sown,  the  Plant 
ers  assured  us  grew  exceeding  well ;  as  also  Barly,  Mr.  Linch  8 
an  ingenious  Planter,  having  whilst  we  were  there  very  good 

1  During  the  war  between  the  United  States  and  the  Confederate  States 
"coffee"  made  from  parched  corn  was  an  everyday  drink  of  the  Southern  people. 

1  This  is  still  done  by  Southerners,  who  relish  it  quite  as  much  now  as  did 
their  countrymen  of  1682. 

*  Oppilation,  i.  e.,  constipation. 

4  Calabashes,  figs  (?),  and  kidney  beans. 

*  Jonah  Lynch,  ancestor  of  Thomas  Lynch  and  his  son,  Thomas  Lynch,  Jr., 
both  of  whom  were  delegates  from  South  Carolina  to  the  Continental  Congress 
at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  latter  of 
whom  signed  that  document 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  14 1 

growing  in  his  Plantation,  of  which  he  intended  to  make  Malt 
for  brewing  of  English  Beer  and  Ale,  having  all  Utensils  and 
Conveniences  for  it.  Tobacco  grows  very  well;  and  they 
have  of  an  excellent  sort,  mistaken  by  some  of  our  English 
Smoakers  for  Spanish  Tobacco,  and  valued  from  5  to  8s.  the 
Pound;  but  finding  a  great  deal  of  trouble  in  the  Planting 
and  Cure  of  it,  and  the  great  Quantities  which  Virginia,  and 
other  of  His  Majesties  Plantations  make,  rendring  it  a  Drug 
over  all  Europe;  they  do  not  much  regard  or  encourage  its 
Planting,  having  already  before  them  better  and  more  profit 
able  Designs  in  Action.1  Tarr  made  of  the  resinous  Juice 
of  the  Pine  (which  boyPd  to  a  thicker  Consistence  is  Pitch) 
they  make  great  quantities  yearly,  transporting  several  Tuns 
to  Barbadoes,  Jamaica,  and  the  Caribbe  Islands.2  Indigo 
they  have  made,  and  that  good:  The  reason  why  they  have 
desisted  I  cannot  learn.3  To  conclude,  there  grows  in  Caro 
lina  the  famous  Cassiny,4  whose  admirable  and  incomparable 
Vertues  are  highly  applauded  and  extolled  by  French  and 
Spanish  Writers:  It  is  the  Leaves  of  a  certain  Tree,  which 
boyPd  in  Water  (as  we  do  Thea)  wonderfully  enliven  and 
envigorate  the  Heart,  with  genuine  easie  Sweats  and  Trans 
pirations,  preserving  the  Mind  free  and  serene,  keeping  the 
Body  brisk,  active,  and  lively,  not  for  an  hour,  or  two  but 
for  as  many  days,  as  those  Authors  report,  without  any 
other  Nourishment  or  Subsistance,  which,  if  true,  is  really 
admirable;  they  also  add,  that  none  amongst  the  Indians, 

1  A  little  tobacco  was  raised  in  South  Carolina  continuously  from  this  time 
until  just  before  the  Revolution,  when  Thomas  Singleton  came  from  Virginia 
and  put  an  impetus  to  its  cultivation  which  greatly  increased  its  production  for 
many  years   thereafter.     Then   its   cultivation   greatly   decreased    until   about 
twenty-five  years  ago,  when,  through  the  efforts  of  F.  M.  Rogers,  of  Darlington 
County,  and  The  News  and  Courier,  of  Charleston,  it  once  more  resumed  a  con 
spicuous  place  among  the  agricultural  products  of  South  Carolina. 

2  Within  the  next  half-century  pitch,  tar,  and  turpentine  had  become  three 
of  the  most  important  products  exported  from  Charles  Town,  which  probably 
led  the  world  in  the  exportation  of  those  commodities  at  that  time. 

8  The  cultivation  of  indigo  was  also  revived  about  the  middle  of  the  eigh 
teenth  century,  principally  through  the  efforts  of  Moses  Lindo,  a  Jew  from  Lon 
don  and  an  indigo  dealer,  who  removed  to  Charles  Town  and  encouraged  its 
cultivation.  See  the  chapter  on  Moses  Lindo  in  Barnett  A.  Elzas,  The  Jews  oj- 
South  Carolina. 

*  Cassena  or  yapon,  ilex  cassine. 


148  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

but  their  great  Men  and  Captains,  who  have  been  famous 
for  their  great  Exploits  of  War  and  Noble  Actions,  are  ad 
mitted  to  the  use  of  this  noble  Bevaridge.  At  my  being 
there  I  made  Enquiry  after  it;  but  the  Ignorance  of  the 
Planter  did  not  inform  me.  Sponges  growing  on  the  Sandy 
Shoars,  I  have  gathered  good  and  large;  for  which  Sarnos  in 
times  past  was  famous,  supposed  by  the  Ancients  to  be  the 
only  place  in  the  World  where  they  grew:  a  courser  sort  I 
have  seen  pull'd  up  by  Fishers,  fishing  among  the  Rocks 
of  the  Island  of  Berbadoes.  Ambergrise  is  often  thrown  on 
their  Shoars;  a  pretious  Commodity  to  him  who  finds  it,  if 
Native  and  pure,  in  Worth  and  Value  It  surpasses  Gold; 
being  estimated  at  5  and  6  Pound  the  Ounce,  if  not  adul 
terated.  What  it  is  I  shall  not  decide,  leaving  it  to  the  Judg 
ment  of  the  more  Learned,  whether  it  be  the  Excrement  of 
the  Whale,  because  sometimes  in  dissecting  and  opening 
their  Bodies  it's  there  discovered.1  I  think  as  well  it  may 
be  argued  the  Excrements  of  other  Creatures,  Birds  and  some 
Beasts  greedily  desireing  and  affecting  it,  especially  the  Fox, 
who  eating  it,  by  Digestion  it  passes  through  his  Body;  after 
some  Alteration  it's  again  recovered,  and  is  that  which  we  call 
Fox  Ambergrise.  Others,  that  it  is  a  bitumious  Substance, 
ebullating  or  boiling  up  from  the  Bottom  of  the  Sea,  and  float 
ing  on  the  Surface  of  the  Waters,  is  condensed  by  the  circum 
ambient  Air:  of  which  Opinion  is  the  Learned  Sennertus.2 
Some  that  it  is  a  Plant  of  a  viscous  oleaginous  Body,  really 
growing  at  the  bottom  of  the  Sea,  the  swift  and  violent  Motion 
of  the  Waters  in  Storms  causing  an  Eradication  or  Evulsion 
of  the  Plant,  forcing  it  to  the  adjacent  Shoars;  that  its  most 
plentifully  found  after  Storms  is  certain:  if  true,  as  an  intelli 
gent  man  informed  me,  who  lived  many  years  at  the  Bermudaz, 
and  among  the  Behama  Islands,  who  saw  at  the  Behama  a 
piece  of  Ambergrise  weighing  thirty  pound  (for  its  bigness 
famous  in  those  Parts)  having  perfect  and  apparent  Roots, 
equal  to  the  Body  in  worth  and  goodness.  Others,  that  it's 
the  liquid  resinous  Tears  of  some  odoriferous  Tree,  hanging 
over  Seas  or  Rivers,  coagulated  in  that  Form  which  we  find 
it.  Dr.  Trapham,  an  ingenious  Physician  in  Jamaica,  differs 

1  It  is  in  fact  a  morbid  secretion  of  the  liver  or  intestines  of  the  sperm  whale. 
*A  famous  German  physician  (1572-1637). 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  149 

little  from  this  last  opinion,  thinking  it  the  Gummous  Juice 
of  some  Fragrant  Plant  which  grows  on  Rocks  near  the  Sea, 
whose  Trunks  broken  by  the  rude  and  boysterous  Waves, 
emit  that  precious  Liquor.  In  Medicinal  and  Physical  uses 
it  has  a  high  esteem,  being  prescribed  in  the  richest  Cordials, 
admirable  in  the  languishes  of  the  Spirit  Faintings,  and 
Deliquium  of  the  Heart;  given  as  the  last  remedy  to  agoniz 
ing  Persons.  In  Perfumes  of  Linnen,  Wollen,  Gloves,  etc., 
there  is  none  esteemed  more  costly  or  precious.  It's  of  differ 
ent  Colors,  Black,  Red,  the  Nutmeg,  and  Gray  Color  are  held 
the  best. 

The  great  encrease  of  their  Cattel  is  rather  to  be  admired 
than  believed:  not  more  than  six  or  seven  years  past  the 
Country  was  almost  destitute  of  Cows,  Hogs  and  Sheep,  now 
they  have  many  thousand  Head.  The  Planter  in  Winter 
takes  no  care  for  their  Provision,  which  is  a  great  Advantage; 
the  Northern  Plantations  obliging  the  Planters  to  spend  great 
part  of  their  Summer  to  provide  Fodder  and  Provision  for 
their  Cattle,  to  preserve  them  from  starving  in  the  Winter. 
The  Cows  the  Year  round  brouzing  on  the  sweet  Leaves  grow 
ing  on  the  Trees  and  Bushes,  or  on  the  wholesome  Herbage 
growing  underneath:  They  usually  call  them  home  in  the 
Evening  for  their  Milk,  and  to  keep  them  from  running  wild. 
Hogs  find  more  than  enough  of  Fruits  in  the  Summer,  and 
Roots  and  Nuts  in  the  Winter;  from  the  abundance  of  their 
Feeding,  great  numbers  forsake  their  own  Plantations,  run 
ning  wild  in  the  Woods,1  the  Tyger,  Wolf,  and  wild  Cat,2 
by  devouring  them,  oftentimes  goes  Share  with  the  Planter; 
but  when  the  Stock  encreases  and  grows  strong,  the  older 
surround  the  younger,  and  boldly  oppose,  and  oftentimes 
attack  their  Invaders.  Their  Sheep  bears  good  Wooll;  the 
Ewes  at  a  time  often  have  2  or  3  Lambs;  they  thrive  very 
well,  the  Country  being  so  friendly  to  their  Natures,  that  it's 
observed,  they  are  neither  liable  or  incident  to  any  known 
Disease  or  Distemper.  Of  Beasts  bearing  Furrs,  they  have 

1  This  condition  is  occasionally  to  be  found  in  the  lower  part  of  South  Caro 
lina  now. 

2  The  only  member  of  the  tiger  family  still  to  be  found  in  South  Carolina  is 
an  occasional  catamount,  the  smallest  member  of  the  family.     The  wolf  is  ex 
tinct.     Wild  cats  are  still  plentiful. 


150  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

great  store  of  Variety,  whose  Skins  serve  the  Indians  for 
Cloathing  and  Bedding,  and  the  English  for  many  uses,  besides 
the  great  Advantage  made  of  them,  by  their  being  sent  for 
England.  Deer,  of  which  there  is  such  infinite  Herds,  that  the 
whole  Country  seems  but  one  continued  Park,  insomuch,  that 
I  have  often  heard  Captain  Matthews,  an  ingenious  Gentleman, 
and  Agent  to  Sir  Peter  Colleton  for  his  Affairs  in  Carolina, 
that  one  hunting  Indian  has  yearly  kilFd  and  brought  to  his 
Plantation  more  than  an  100,  sometimes  200  head  of  Deer.1 
Bears  there  are  in  great  numbers,  of  whose  Fat  they  make 
an  Oyl  which  is  of  great  Vertue  and  Efficacy2  in  causing  the 
Hair  to  grow,  which  I  observed  the  Indians  daily  used,  by 
which  means  they  not  only  keep  their  Hair  clear  and  pre 
served  from  Vermine,  but  by  the  nourishing  faculty  of  the 
Oyl,  it  usually  extended  in  length  to  their  middles.  There 
are  Bevors,3  Otters,  Foxes,  Racoons,  Possums,  Musquasses,* 
Hares  and  Coneys,  Squirrels  of  five  kinds,  the  flying  Squirrel, 
whose  delicate  Skin  is  commended  for  comforting,  if  applied 
to  a  cold  Stomack,  the  Red,  the  Grey,  the  Fox  and  Black 
Squirrels.  Leather  for  Shoes  they  have  good  and  well  tann'd : 
The  Indians  have  also  a  way  of  dressing  their  Skins  rather 
softer,  though  not  so  durable  as  ours  in  England. 

Birds  the  Country  yields  of  differing  kinds  and  Colours: 
For  Prey,  the  Pelican,  Hawk,  and  Eagle,  etc.  For  Pleasure, 
the  red,  copped  and  blew  Bird,  which  wantonly  imitates  the 
various  Notes  and  Sounds  of  such  Birds  and  Beasts  which  it 
hears,  wherefore,  by  way  of  Allusion,  it's  calPd  the  mocking 
Bird ;  for  which  pleasing  Property  it 's  there  esteemed  a  Rarity. 
Birds  for  Food,  and  pleasure  of  Game,  are  the  Swan,  Goose, 
Duck,  Mallard,  Wigeon,  Teal,  Curlew,  Plover,  Partridge,  the 
Flesh  of  which  is  equally  as  good,  tho'  smaller  than  ours  in 

1  Deer  are  still  plentiful  in  the  lower  part  of  South  Carolina.  On  one  plan 
tation  where  the  shooting  of  does  has  been  long  prohibited  by  the  owner  a  friend 
of  the  editor  counted  fourteen  does  in  one  day's  hunt  and  bagged  a  buck  besides. 

1  See  p.  132,  supra.  Bears  are  also  plentiful  in  some  sections  of  the  lower 
part  of  South  Carolina. 

3  Probably  the  last  beaver  in  South  Carolina  was  killed  in  Edgefield  County 
about  1888,  according  to  newspaper  reports  at  the  time. 

*  "  It's  a  little  creature  feeding  on  Sweet  Herbs,  whose  Codds  scent  as  sweet 
and  strong  as  Musk,  lasting  a  long  time,  if  handsomely  inclosed  in  Cotton  Wooll." 
(Note  in  original.) 


1G82]  THOMAS  ASHE'S   CAROLINA  151 

England.  Pigeons  and  Parakeittoes.1  In  Winter  huge  Flights 
of  wild  Turkies,  oftentimes  weighing  from  twenty,  thirty,  to 
forty  pound.  There  are  also  great  Stocks  of  tame  Fowl,  viz. 
Geese,  Ducks,  Cocks,  Hens,  Pigeons  and  Turkies.  They  have  a 
Bird  I  believe  the  least  in  the  whole  Creation,  named  the 
Humming  Bird;  in  bigness  the  Wren  being  much  superiour, 
in  magnitude  not  exceeding  the  Humble  Bee,  whose  Body  in 
flying  much  resembles  it,  did  not  their  long  Bills,  between 
two  and  three  Inches,  and  no  bigger  than  Needles,  make  the 
difference.  They  are  of  a  deep  Green,  shadow'd  with  a  Murry, 
not  much  unlike  the  color  of  some  Doves  Necks;  they  take 
their  Food  humming  or  flying,  feeding  on  the  exuberant 
Moistures  of  sweet  odoriferous  Leaves  and  Flowers.  I  have 
frequently  seen  them  in  many  parts  of  the  West  Indies,  but 
never  observed  them  to  have  any  Musical  Air,  but  a  loud  Note 
to  Admiration,  crying  Chur,  Chur,  Chur,  etc.,  which  at  the 
distance  of  half  a  mile  is  plainly  heard:  their  Eggs,  of  which 
they  produce  three  or  four  young  at  a  time,  not  unlike  small 
white  Pease:  they  continue  between  the  Tropiques  the  whole 
year  round,  as  I  have  observed  at  Berbadoes  and  Jamaica; 
but  I  am  informed,  that  in  the  more  Northern  parts  of  Amer 
ica  they  sleep  the  whole  Winter;  at  Berbadoes  the  Jews 
curiously  skin  these  little  Birds,  filling  them  with  fine  Sand, 
and  perfuming  their  Feathers,  they  are  sent  into  Europe  as 
pretty  Delicacies  for  Ladies,  who  hang  them  at  their  Breasts 
and  Girdles. 

There  are  in  Carolina  great  numbers  of  Fire  Flies,  who 
carry  their  Lanthorns  in  their  Tails  in  dark  Nights,  flying 
through  the  Air,  shining  like  Sparks  of  Fire,  enlightning  it 
with  their  Golden  Spangles.  I  have  seen  a  larger  sort  at 
Jamaica,  which  Dr.  Heylin  in  his  Cosmography,2  enumerates 
amongst  the  Rarities  and  Wonders  of  Hispaniola,  an  Island 
under  the  King  of  Spain,  distant  between  20  and  30  Leagues 
from  Jamaica:  These  have  two  Lights  above  their  Eyes,  and 
a  third  in  their  Tails;  in  dark  nights  they  shine  like  Candles: 

1  In  December,  1885,  or  1886,  the  editor  saw  a  passenger  pigeon  in  Orange- 
burg  County,  South  Carolina.  Since  that  time  very  few  have  been  seen  in  the 
state.  The  Carolina  paroquet  appears  to  be  extinct  in  South  Carolina.  See 
Arthur  Trezevant  Wayne,  Birds  of  South  Carolina  (Charleston,  S.  C.,  1910). 

*  Peter  Heylin,  Cosmographie  (London,  1657,  and  other  editions). 


152  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

for  which  I  have  often  at  a  distance  mistaken  them,  supposeing 
them  to  have  been  the  Lights  of  some  adjacent  Plantation; 
and  in  this  I  have  not  been  the  first  that  has  been  so  deceived. 
Amongst  large  Orange  Trees  in  the  Night,  I  have  seen  many 
of  those  Flies,  whose  Lights  have  appeared  like  hanging 
Candles,  or  pendant  Flambeaus,  which  amidst  the  Leaves 
and  ripe  Fruit  yielded  a  Light  truly  glorious  to  behold:  with 
3  of  these  included  in  a  Glass  Bottle,  in  a  very  dark  Night  I 
have  read  very  small  Characters:  When  they  are  kill'd,  their 
Igneous  or  Luminous  Matter  does  not  immediately,  (till  half 
an  hour,  or  an  hour  after  their  Deaths)  extinguish.1 

As  the  Earth,  the  Air,  etc.,  are  enrich'd  and  replenished 
with  the  Blessings  of  the  most  High,  the  Seas  and  Rivers  of 
the  same  bounty  equally  participate  in  the  Variety  of  excellent 
and  wholesome  Fish  which  it  produces,  viz.  Sturgeon,  of 
whose  Sounds  Iceing-glass,2  of  whose  Roes  Caviare  are  made: 
Mullet,  a  delicious  sweet  Fish,  of  whose  Roes  or  Spawn  Botargo 
is  made:  Whale,  Salmon,  Trouts,  Bass,  Drum,  Cat-fish,  whose 
Head  and  glaring  Eyes  resemble  a  Cat;  it  7s  esteemed  a  very 
good  Fish;  it  hath  a  sharp  thorny  Bone  on  its  Back,  which 
strikes  at  such  as  endeavour  to  take  it:  which  by  Seamen 
is  held  venemous:  yet  I  saw  one  of  our  Seamen,  the  back  of 
whose  Hand  was  pierced  with  it,  yet  no  poysonous  Symptoms 
of  Inflammation  or  Rancor  appeared  on  the  Wound,  which 
quickly  heaPd,  that  I  concluded  it  was  either  false,  or  that  of 
this  Fish  there  were  more  kinds  than  one :  Plaice,  Eels,  Crabs, 
Prawns  twice  as  large  as  ours  in  England:  Oysters  of  an  Ob 
long  or  Oval  Form;  their  number  inexhaustible;  a  man  may 
easily  gather  more  in  a  day  than  he  can  well  eat  in  a  year; 
some  of  which  are  margiritiferous,  yielding  bright  round 
Oriental  Pearl. 

The  Tortoise,  more  commonly  call'd  by  our  West  Indians 
the  Turtle,  are  of  three  sorts,  the  Hawks-Bill,  whose  Shell  is 
that  which  we  call  the  Turtle  or  Tortoise  Shell;  the  Green 
Turtle,  whose  shell  being  thin  is  little  regarded;  but  its  Flesh 
is  more  esteemed  than  the  Hawks-bill  Tortoise:  The  Logger 
head  Turtle,  or  Tortoise  has  neither  good  shell  or  Flesh,  so  is 

1  A  firefly  swallowed  by  a  toad  has  been  observed  to  illuminate  the  whole 
anatomy  of  the  toad  in  X-ray  fashion. 
*  Isinglass. 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  153 

little  minded  or  regarded.  They  are  a  sort  of  creatures 
which  live  both  on  Land  and  Water.  In  the  day  usually  keep 
ing  the  Sea,  swiming  on  the  surface  of  the  Water,  in  fair 
Weather  delighting  to  expose  themselves  to  the  Sun,  often 
times  falling  asleep,  lying,  as  I  have  seen  several  times,  without 
any  Motion  on  the  Waters,  till  disturbed  by  the  approach  of 
some  Ship  or  Boat,  being  quick  of  hearing,  they  dive  away. 
In  the  Night  they  often  come  ashore  to  feed  and  lay  their 
Eggs  in  the  Sand,  which  once  covered,  they  leave  to  the 
Influence  of  the  Sun,  which  in  due  time  produces  her  young 
ones,  which  dig  their  Passage  out  of  the  sand  immediately 
making  their  way  towards  the  Water.  At  this  Season,  when 
they  most  usually  come  ashore,  which  is  in  April,  May  and 
June,  the  Seamen  or  Turtlers,  at  some  convenient  distance 
watch  their  opportunity,  getting  between  them  and  the  Sea, 
turn  them  on  their  Backs,  from  whence  they  are  unable  ever  to 
rise,  by  which  means  the  Seamen  or  Turtlers  turn  40  or  50 
in  a  night,  some  of  2,  3,  400  weight:  If  they  are  far  distant 
from  the  Harbor  or  Market  to  which  they  design  to  bring 
them,  they  kill,  cutting  them  to  pieces,  which  Salted  they 
Barrel:  This  is  the  way  of  killing  at  the  Caymana's,  an  Island 
lying  to  the  Leeward  of  Jamaica.  Turtle,  BarrePd  and  Salted, 
if  well  conditioned,  is  worth  from  18  to  25  shillings  the  Barrel. 
If  near  their  Market  or  Harbor  they  bring  them  in  Sloops 
alive,  and  afterwards  keep  them  in  Crauls,  which  is  a  par 
ticular  place  of  Salt  Water  of  Depth  and  Room  for  them  to 
swim  in,  pallisado'd  or  staked,  in  round  above  the  Waters 
Surface,  where,  upon  occasion  they  take  them  out,  and  kill 
them,  and  cutting  them  to  pieces,  sell  their  Flesh  for  two 
pence  or  three  pence  the  pound:  the  Belly,  which  they  call 
the  Callope  of  the  Turtle,  pepper 'd  and  salted,  or  roasted  and 
baked,  is  an  excellent  Dish,  much  esteemed  by  our  Nation 
in  the  West  Indies:  the  rest  of  the  Flesh  boiPd,  makes  as 
good  and  nourishing  Broath,  as  the  best  Capon  in  England, 
especially  if  some  of  the  Eggs  are  mixt  with  it;  they  are  some 
white,  and  others  of  a  yellow  or  golden  Colour,  in  largeness 
not  exceeding  a  Walnut,  wrapt  in  a  thin  Skin  or  Membrane, 
sweet  in  Taste,  nourishing  and  wholesome:  and  of  this  prop 
erty,  that  they  never  grow  hard  by  boiling:  the  Liver  is 
black;  it  freely  opens  and  purges  the  Body:  if  little  of  it  be 


154  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

eaten,  it  dies  the  Excrements  of  a  deep  black  Colour:  The 
Fat  in  Color  inclines  to  a  Sea  Green;  in  Taste  it 's  sweet 
and  luscious,  equalling,  if  not  surpassing  the  best  Marrow, 
if  freely  eaten  it  deeply  stains  the  Urine  of  its  Color :  It 's  of 
of  a  very  penetrating  piercing  quality,  highly  comended  in 
Strains  and  Aches :  Of  it  the  Turtlers  oftentimes  make  an  Oyl, 
which  in  Lamps  burns  much  brighter  and  sweeter  than  com 
mon  Lamp  or  Train  Oyl.  In  general, the  Flesh  is  commended 
for  a  good  Antiscorbutique  and  an  Antivenereal  Diet;  many 
in  the  former,  and  some  that  have  been  far  gone  in  Consump 
tions,  with  the  constant  use  alone  of  this  Diet,  have  been 
thoroughly  recovered  and  cured  in  3  or  4  months.  It  hath 
3  Hearts,  by  thin  Pellicules  only  separated,  which  has  caused 
some  to  Philosophize  on  its  Amphibious  Nature,  alluding  to 
those  participating  and  assimulating  Qualities  which  it  has  to 
the  rest  of  the  Universe,  it  swiming  like  a  Fish,  laying  Eggs 
like  a  Fowl,  and  feeding  on  Grass  like  an  Ox.  This  I  am 
assured  of,  that  after  it  7s  cut  to  pieces,  it  retains  a  Sensation 
of  Life  three  times  longer  than  any  known  Creature  in  the 
Creation:  Before  they  kill  them  they  are  laid  on  their  Backs, 
where  hopeless  of  Relief  as  if  sensible  of  their  future  Condi 
tion,  for  some  hours  they  mourn  out  their  Funerals,  the  Tears 
plentifully  flowing  from  their  Eyes,  accompanied  with  passion 
ate  Sobs  and  Sighs,  in  my  Judgment  nothing  more  like  than 
such  who  are  surrounded  and  overwhelmed  with  Troubles, 
Cares  and  Griefs,  which  raises  in  Strangers  both  Pity  and 
Compassion.  Compleatly  six  hours  after  the  Butcher  has 
cut  them  up  and  into  pieces,  mangled  their  Bodies,  I  have 
seen  the  Callope  when  going  to  be  seasoned,  with  pieces  of 
their  Flesh  ready  to  cut  into  Stakes,  vehemently  contract 
with  great  Reluctancy  rise  against  the  Knife,  and  sometimes 
the  whole  Mass  of  Flesh  in  a  visible  Tremulation  and  Concus 
sion,  to  him  who  first  sees  it  seems  strange  and  admirable. 
There  is  farther  to  the  Southward  of  Carolina,  especially  about 
the  Shears  and  Rivers  of  His[pa]niola  and  Cuba  a  Fish  in 
Nature  something  like  the  former,  calFd  the  Manacy  or  Sea- 
Co  w,  of  an  extraordinary  Bigness,  sometimes  of  1000  pound 
weight:  It  feeds  on  the  Banks  and  Shoar  sides  on  the  grassy 
Herbage,  like  a  Tortoise;  but  that  which  is  more  wonderful 
of  this  Creature  is,  that  she  gives  her  young  Ones  Suck  from 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  155 

her  Duggs;  she  is  headed  like  a  Cow,  of  a  green  Colour,  her 
Flesh  by  some  esteemed  the  most  delicate  in  the  World,  sweeter 
than  the  tenderest  Veal,  sold  at  Jamaica,  where  it 's  sometimes 
brought  for  6d.  the  pound:  It  hath  a  stone  in  the  Head  which 
is  a  gallant  Remedy  against  the  Pains  and  Dolors  of  the 
Stone;  so  are  the  Bones  of  its  Body  to  provoke  Urine,  when 
pulverized  and  exhibited  in  convenient  Liquors.  Its  Skin 
makes  excellent  Whips  for  Horses,  if  prudently  us'd,  which 
are  very  serviceable  and  lasting;  with  one  of  these  Manaty 
Strapps,  I  have  seen  a  Bar  of  Iron  cut  and  dented:  It  cuts 
so  severe  and  deep,  that  by  the  Public  Authority  at  Jamaica, 
Masters  are  forbidden  and  prohibited  with  it  to  strike  their 
White  Servants. 

There  is  in  the  mouth  of  their  Rivers,  or  in  Lakes  near 
the  Sea,  a  Creature  well  known  in  the  West  Indies,  calPd  the 
Alligator  or  Crocodile,  whose  Scaly  Back  is  impenitrible,  re 
fusing  a  Musquet  Bullet  to  pierce  it,  but  under  the  Belly, 
that  or  an  Arrow  finds  an  easie  Passage  to  destroy  it;  it  lives 
both  on  Land  and  Water,  being  a  voracious  greedy  Creature, 
devouring  whatever  it  seizes  on,  Man  only  excepted,  which 
on  the  Land  it  has  not  the  courage  to  attacque,  except  when 
asleep  or  by  surprize:  In  the  Water  it's  more  dangerous; 
it  sometimes  grows  to  a  great  length,  from  16  to  20  foot, 
having  a  long  Mouth,  beset  with  sharp  keen  Teeth;  the  Body 
when  full  grown  as  large  as  a  Horse,  declining  towards  the 
Tail;  it 's  slow  in  motion,  and  having  no  Joynt  in  the  Verte- 
braes  or  Back  Bone,  but  with  its  whole  length  is  unable  to 
turn,  which  renders  it  the  less  mischievous;  yet  Nature  by 
Instinct  has  given  most  Creatures  timely  Caution  to  avoid 
them  by  their  strong  musky  Smell,  which  at  a  considerable 
distance  is  perceiveable,  which  the  poor  Cattle  for  their  own 
Preservation  make  good  use  of:  their  Flesh  cuts  very  white; 
the  young  ones  are  eatable;  the  Flesh  of  the  older  smells  so 
strong  of  Musk,  that  it  nauseates;  their  Stones  at  least  so 
called,  are  commended  for  a  rich,  lasting  perfume. 

Mettals  or  Minerals  I  know  not  of  any,  yet  it 's  supposed 
and  generally  believed,  that  the  Apalatean  Mountains  which 
lie  far  up  within  the  Land,  yields  Ore  both  of  Gold  and  Silver, 
that  the  Spaniards  in  their  running  Searches  of  this  Country 
saw  it,  but  had  not  time  to  open  them,  or  at  least,  for  the 


156  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

present  were  unwilling  to  make  any  farther  Discovery  till 
their  Mines  of  Peru  and  Mexico  were  exhausted,  or  as  others, 
that  they  were  politically  fearful  that  if  the  Riches  of  the 
Country  should  be  exposed,  it  would  be  an  Allure  to  encourage 
a  Foreign  Invader,  Poverty  preserving,  Riches  oftentimes  the 
cause  that  Property  is  lost,  usurped  and  invaded;  but  whether 
it  be  this  or  that  reason  time  will  discover. 

The  Natives  of  the  Country  are  from  time  immemorial, 
ab  Origine  Indians,  of  a  deep  Chesnut  Colour,  their  Hair 
black  and  streight,  tied  various  ways,  sometimes  oyPd  and 
painted,  stuck  through  with  Feathers  for  Ornament  or  Gal 
lantry;  their  Eyes  black  and  sparkling,  little  or  no  Hair  on 
their  Chins,  well  limb'd  and  featured,  painting  their  Faces 
with  different  Figures  of  a  red  or  sanguine  Colour,  whether 
for  Beauty  or  to  render  themselves  formidable  to  their  Ene 
mies  I  could  not  learn.  They  are  excellent  Hunters;  their 
Weapons  the  Bow  and  Arrow,  made  of  a  Read,  pointed  with 
sharp  Stones,  or  Fish  Bones;  their  Cloathing  Skins  of  the 
Bear  or  Deer,  the  Skin  drest  after  their  Country  Fashion. 

Manufactures,  or  Arts  amongst  them  I  have  heard  of  none, 
only  little  Baskets  made  of  painted  Reeds  and  Leather  drest 
sometimes  with  black  and  red  Chequers  coloured.  In  Medicine, 
or  the  Nature  of  Simples,  some  have  an  exquisite  Knowledge; 
and  in  the  Cure  of  Scorbutick,  Venereal,  and  Malignant  Dis 
tempers  are  admirable:  In  all  External  Diseases  they  suck 
the  part  affected  with  many  Incantations,  Philtres  and  Charms: 
In  Amorous  Intrigues  they  are  excellent  either  to  procure  Love 
or  Hatred:  They  are  not  very  forward  in  Discovery  of  their 
Secrets,  which  by  long  Experience  are  religiously  transmitted 
and  conveyed  in  a  continued  Line  from  one  Generation  to 
another,  for  which  those  skilPd  in  this  Faculty  are  held  in 
great  Veneration  and  Esteem.  Their  Religion  chiefly  consists 
in  the  Adoration  of  the  Sun  and  Moon:  At  the  Appearance  of 
the  New  Moon  I  have  observed  them  with  open  extended 
Arms  then  folded,  with  inclined  Bodies,  to  make  their  Adora 
tions  with  much  Ardency  and  Passion:  They  are  divided  into 
many  Divisions  or  Nations,  Governed  by  Reguli,  or  Petty 
Princes,  which  our  English  call  Cacicoes.1  Their  Diet  is  of 
Fish,  Flesh,  and  Fowl,  with  Indian  Maiz  or  Corn;  their  Drink 

1  Cassiques. 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  157 

Water,  yet  Lovers  of  the  Spirits  of  Wine  and  Sugar.  They 
have  hitherto  lived  in  good  Correspondence  and  Amity  with 
the  English,  who  by  their  just  and  equitable  Cariage  have 
extreamly  winn'd  and  obliged  them;  Justice  being  exactly 
and  impartially  administred,  prevents  Jealousies,  and  main 
tains  between  them  a  good  Understanding,  that  the  Neigh 
bouring  Indians  are  very  kind  and  serviceable,  doing  our 
Nation  such  Civilities  and  good  Turns  as  lie  in  their  Power. 

This  Country  was  first  discovered  by  Sir  Sebastian  Cabott, 
by  the  order,  and  at  the  expence  of  King  Henry  VII.  from 
which  Discovery  our  Successive  Princes  have  held  their  Claim, 
in  pursuance  to  which  in  the  Seventeenth  Year  of  His  Majesties 
Reign  it  was  granted  unto  his  Grace  George  Duke  of  Albe- 
marle,  unto  the  Right  Honourable  Edward  Earl  of  Clarendon, 
William  Earl  of  Craven,  John  Lord  Berkley,  Anthony  Lord 
Ashley  now  Earl  of  Shaftsbury,1  to  the  Honourable  Sir  George 
Carteret,  and  Sir  John  Colleton,  Knights  and  Baronetts,  to 
Sir  William  Berkeley  Knight,  with  a  full  and  plenipotentiary 
Power,  to  Colonize,  Enact  Laws,  Execute  Justice,  etc.  The 
Regalia's  of  Premier  Sovereignty  only  reserved.  The  Principal 
place  where  the  English  are  now  settled  lies  scituated  on  a 
point  of  Land  about  two  Leagues  from  the  Sea,  between 
Ashly  and  Cooper  Rivers,  so  named  in  Honour  to  the  Right 
Honourable  the  Earl  of  Shaftsbury,  a  great  Patron  to  the 
Affairs  of  Carolina.  The  place  called  Charles  Town,  by  an 
express  Order  from  the  Lord  Proprietors  in  the  Year  One 
thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty,  their  Ordnance  and  Ammu 
nition  being  removed  thither  from  Old  Charles  Town,  which 
lay  about  a  League  higher  from  Ashly  River,  both  for  its 
Strength  and  Commerce  It 's  very  commodiously  scituated 
from  many  other  Navigable  Rivers  that  lie  near  it  on  which 
the  Planters  are  seated;  by  the  Advantage  of  Creeks,  which 
have  a  Communication  from  one  great  River  to  another,  at 
the  Tide  or  Ebb  the  Planters  may  bring  their  Commodities 
to  the  Town  as  to  the  Common  Market  and  Magazine  both 

1  George  Monck  was  the  family  name  of  the  Duke  of  Albemarle;  Edward 
Hyde  that  of  the  Earl  of  Clarendon;  William  Craven  that  of  the  Earl  of  Craven; 
John  Berkeley  that  of  Lord  Berkeley,  and  Anthony  Ashley  Cooper  that  of  Lord 
Ashley.  The  other  three  proprietors  being  only  baronets  or  knights  bore  only 
their  family  names. 


158  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

for  Trade  and  Shipping.  The  Town  is  regularly  laid  out  into 
large  and  capacious  Streets,  which  to  Buildings  is  a  great 
Ornament  and  Beauty.  In  it  they  have  reserved  convenient 
places  for  Building  of  a  Church/  Town-House  and  other 
Publick  Structures,  an  Artillery  Ground  for  the  Exercise  of 
their  Militia,  and  Wharfs  for  the  Convenience  of  their  Trade 
and  Shipping.  At  our  being  there  was  judged  in  the  Country 
a  1000  or  1200  Souls;  but  the  great  Numbers  of  Families  from 
England,  Ireland,  Berbadoes,  Jamaica,  and  the  Caribees, 
which  daily  Transport  themselves  thither,  have  more  than 
doubled  that  Number.  The  Commodities  of  the  Country  as 
yet  proper  for  England,  are  Furrs  and  Cedar :  For  Berbadoes, 
Jamaica  and  the  Caribbee  Islands,  Provisions,  Pitch,  Tarr 
and  Clapboard,  for  which  they  have  in  Exchange  Sugar,  Rumm, 
Melasses  and  Ginger,  etc.,  such  things  which  are  proper  and 
requisite  for  the  Planter  to  be  stored  with  before  he  leaves 
England  for  his  better  Settlement  there  at  his  Arrival,  chiefly 
Servants:  All  kind  of  Iron  Work  for  the  clearing  of  Land, 
pruning  of  Vines,  for  the  Kitchen  and  for  Building.  Commodi 
ties  proper  for  the  Merchant  to  Transport  thither  for  his 
Advantage,  Cloathing  of  all  kinds,  both  Linnen  and  Woollen, 
Hats,  Stockins,  Shoes;  all  kind  of  Ammunition,  Guns,  Fowling- 
pieces,  Powder,  Match,  Bullet,  Nails,  Locks  and  Knives;  all 
Haberdashers  Ware;  Cordage,  and  Sails  for  Shipping,  Spirits 
and  Spices,  viz.,  Cloves,  Nitmegs  and  Cinnamon.  Finally,  to 
encourage  People  to  Transport  themselves  thither,  the  Lord 
Proprietors  give  unto  all  Masters  and  Mistresses  of  Families, 
to  their  Children,  Men-Servants  and  Maid-Servants  if  above 
sixteen  years  of  Age,  fifty  to  all  such  under  forty  Acres  of 
Land  to  be  held  for  ever,  annually  paying  a  Peny  an  Acre 
to  the  Lord  Proprietors  to  commence  in  2  Years  after  it 's 
surveyed. 

Sir,  Thus  in  an  Abstract  I  have  given  you  the  Draught 
of  this  excellent  Country,  begining  with  its  Name,  Scituation, 
etc.,  and  when  first  settled,  regularly  proceeding  to  the  Nature 

1  At  the  southeast  corner  of  the  streets  now  known  as  Meeting  and  Broad. 
A  church  was  erected  soon  after  and  called  St.  Philip's.  St.  Michael's  Church 
now  stands  on  the  spot,  a  new  St.  Philip's  having  been  built  elsewhere  at  a  sub 
sequent  date. 


1682]  THOMAS  ASHE'S  CAROLINA  159 

of  the  Soil,  Quality  of  the  Air,  the  Diseases  and  Longevity  of 
its  Inhabitants,  the  Rarity  of  its  produce  in  Trees,  Fruits, 
Roots  and  Herbs,  Beasts,  Fish,  Fowl  and  Insects;  the  Nature 
and  Disposition  of  the  Indians,  the  Progress  the  English 
have  made  since  their  first  Settlement,  what  Commodities 
they  abound  with,  in  what  defective;  in  all  which  from  the 
Truth  I  have  neither  swerved  nor  varied :  Indeed  in  some  other 
things  I  might  have  farther  enlarged  and  expatiated,  which 
I  shall  refer  to  a  Personal  Discourse,  when  I  have  the  Honour 
fco  wait  upon  you  again;  in  the  mean  time  I  am 

Your  humble  Servant 

T.A. 


AN   ACCOUNT   OF   THE    PROVINCE    OF 
CAROLINA,  BY  SAMUEL  WILSON,  1682 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina  evidently  believed  in 
advertising,  if  we  judge  by  the  frequency  (for  their  time) 
with  which  they  published  pamphlets  extolling  the  virtues 
of  their  province  as  a  place  for  settlers.  In  1682  one  of  these 
was  published  in  London,  giving  a  history  of  the  Ashley 
River  settlement  in  Carolina,  an  account  of  the  natural  re 
sources  of  that  part  of  the  province,  the  advancement  which 
the  settlers  had  made,  the  methods  of  obtaining  lands  there, 
the  necessary  articles  for  settlers  to  take  with  them,  and  the 
mode  of  getting  there.  Its  author  was  Samuel  Wilson,  who 
had  been  secretary  to  the  Earl  of  Craven,  one  of  the  Lords 
Proprietors,  for  his  Carolina  affairs  for  four  years  preceding, 
and  had  thoroughly  familiarized  himself  with  conditions  in 
South  Carolina.  While  the  pamphlet  is  written  with  the 
enthusiasm  of  a  partisan,  it  can  be  corroborated  from  many 
contemporaneous  sources,  and  is  good  history.  It  is  copied 
into  Richard  Blome's  Present  State  of  His  Majesty1  s  Isks  and 
Territories  in  America  (London,  1685)  and,  in  a  garbled  form, 
into  the  1687  edition  of  that  work. 

This  pamphlet  was  reprinted  in  1836  in  Historical  Collections 
of  South  Carolina  (New  York),  by  B.  R.  Carroll.  Carroll's 
text  varies  from  that  of  the  original  pamphlet  so  often  that 
it  would  seem  that  he  used  a  different  edition  in  making  his 
copy,  possibly  a  later  edition  of  the  pamphlet. 


AN   ACCOUNT   OF   THE    PROVINCE    OF 
CAROLINA,  BY  SAMUEL  WILSON,  1682 

An  Account  of  the  Province  of  Carolina,  in  America :  together 
with  an  Abstract  of  the  Patent,  and  several  other  Necessary 
and  Useful  Particulars,  to  such  as  have  thoughts  of  trans 
porting  themselves  thither.  Published  for  their  Information. 

LoriJon:  Printed  by  G.  Larkin,  for  Francis  Smith,  at  the  Ele 
phant  and  Castle  in  Cornhil.  1682.1 

To  the  Right  Honourabk  William  Earl  of  Craven  Pallatine, 
and  the  rest  of  the  true  and  absolute  Lords  and  Proprietors 
of  the  Province  of  Carolina. 

MAY  it  please  your  Lordships, 

Finding  by  my  Conversation  with  People  who  have  an 
Inclination  to  try  their  Fortunes  in  America,  that  your 
Province  of  Carolina  had  not  its  due  valuation  for  want  of 
being  made  known  to  the  World,  and  not  hearing  of  any 
that  had  undertaken  it,  I  looked  upon  it  as  a  Duty  incum- 
bunt  upon  me,  who  have  had  the  Honour  to  be  your  Secre 
tary  in  your  Carolina- Affairs  now  four  years,  to  Publish  the 
ensuing  Treatise;  whereby  is  made  known  the  Greatness  of 
your  Soveraign's  Gift  to  your  Selves,  and  to  the  World  the 
Greatness  of  your  Trust  and  Favour  with  Him;  and  to  those 
that  have  a  desire  of  settling  there,  to  what  kind  of  Countrey 
and  Climate  they  Transport  Themselves:  Wherein  I  have 
most  strictly  kept  to  the  Rules  of  Truth,  there  not  being  any 
thing  that  I  have  written  in  Commendation  of  your  Province, 
which  I  cannot  prove  by  Letters  from  thence  now  in  my 
possession,  and  by  Living  Witnesses  now  in  England. 

I  should  not  have  been  thus  presumptuous  to  adventure  upon 
this  Work,  and  to  have  crav;d  for  it  your  Lordships  Patronage, 

1  Title-page  of  original. 
164 


1663]  WILSON'S  ACCOUNT  OF  CAROLINA  165 

had  not  the  Employment  I  have  under  you  (which  hath  given 
me  frequent  Opportunities  of  discovering  the  Humanity  and 
Softness  with  which  you  Treat  all  Those  who  apply  to  you, 
your  constant  Endeavours  for  the  Good  of  all  those  who 
come  under  your  Government  in  Carolina,  and  the  great  care 
you  have  taken  by  your  admirable  Constitution  of  Govern 
ment,  which  you  have  there  settled,  for  the  lasting  security, 
peace  and  well  being  of  all  the  Inhabitants  of  your  Province) 
induced  me  to  beleive  that  the  same  goodness  with  which 
you  treat  others,  will  be  extended  to  me,  and  that  you  will 
pardon  my  present  presumption,  and  all  the  other  Imper 
fections  of, 

May  it  please  your  Lordships, 
Your  Lordships  most  Faithful  and 
Obliged,  Humble  Servant, 

SAMUEL  WILSON. 


An  Account  of  the  Province  of  Carolina,  in  America. 

CAROLINA  is  that  part  of  Florida  *  which  lies  between 
twenty  nine  and  thirty  six  Degrees  and  thirty  Minutes  of 
Northern  Latitude :  On  the  East  it  is  washed  with  the  Atlantick 
Ocean,  and  is  bounded  on  the  West  by  Mare  Pacificum  (or  the 
South  Sea)  and  within  these  bounds  is  contained  the  most 
healthy  Fertile  and  pleasant  part  of  Florida,  which  is  so  much 
commended  by  the  Spanish  Authors. 

This  Province  of  Carolina,  was  in  the  Year  1663  Granted 
by  Letters  Pattents  in  Propriety  of  his  most  Gracious  Majesty, 
unto  the  Right  Honourable  Edward  Earl  of  Clarendon,  George 
Duke  of  Albemarle,  William  Earl  of  Craven,  John  Lord  Berkely, 
Anthony  Lord  Ashly,  now  Earl  of  Shaftsbury,  Sir  George 
Carteret,  and  Sir  John  Colleton,  Knights  and  Barronets,  Sir 
William  Berkeley  Knight,  by  which  Letters  Pattents  the 
Laws  of  England  are  to  be  of  force  in  Carolina:  but  the  Lords 

1  While  the  Atlantic  coast  of  North  America  was  first  discovered  and  par 
tially  explored  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  it  was  the  Spanish  explorer,  Juan  Ponce  de 
Leon,  who  gave  the  name  Florida  to  the  southern  portion  of  it,  and  despite  the 
fact  that  the  English  were  able  to  defend  their  claim  to  it  and  gave  it  the  name 
Virginia,  many — even  of  the  British  empire — continued  to  call  it  Florida  long 
after  the  English  had  laid  out  their  provinces  and  established  governments  there. 


166  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

Proprietors  have  power  with  the  consent  of  the  Inhabitants 
to  make  By-Laws  for  the  better  Government  of  the  said 
Province:  So  that  no  Money  can  be  raised  or  Law  made, 
without  the  consent  of  the  Inhabitants  or  their  Representa 
tives.  They  have  also  power  to  appoint  and  impower  Gov- 
ernours,  and  other  Magistrates,  to  Grant  Liberty  of  Con 
science,  make  Constitutions,  etc.,  With  many  other  great 
Priviledges,  as  by  the  said  Letters  Pattents  will  more  largely 
appear.  And  the  said  Lords  Proprietors  have  there  setled 
a  Constitution  of  Government,  whereby  is  granted  Liberty 
of  Conscience,  and  wherein  all  possible  care  is  taken  for  the 
equal  Administration  of  Justice,  and  for  the  lasting  Security 
of  the  Inhabitants  both  in  their  Persons  and  Estates. 

By  the  care  and  endeavours  of  the  said  Lords  Proprietors, 
and  at  their  very  great  charge,  two  Colonys  have  been  setled 
in  this  Province,  the  one  at  Albemarle  in  the  most  Northerly 
part,  the  other  at  Ashly  River,  which  is  in  the  Latitude  of 
thirty  two  Degrees  odd  Minutes. 

Albemarle  bordering  upon  Virginia,  and  only  exceeding  it 
in  Health,  Fertility,  and  Mildness  of  the  Winter,  is  in  the 
Growths,  Productions  and  other  things  much  of  the  same 
nature  with  it:  Wherefore  I  shall  not  trouble  the  Reader 
with  a  perticular  Description  of  that  part;  but  apply  my  self 
principally  to  discourse  of  the  Collony  at  Ashly-River,  which 
being  many  Degrees  more  Southward  than  Virginia,  differs 
much  from  it  in  the  Nature  of  its  Clymate  and  Productions. 

Ashly-River  was  first  setled  in  April  1670,  the  Lords  Pro 
prietors  having  at  their  sole  charge,  set  out  three  Vessels,  with 
a  considerable  number  of  able  Men;  eighteen  Moneths  Victuals, 
with  Clothes,  Tools,  Ammunition,  and  what  else  was  thought 
necessary  for  a  new  Settlement,  and  continued  at  this  charge 
to  supply  the  Collony  for  divers  years  after,  until  the  Inhabi 
tants  were  able  by  their  own  Industry  to  live  of  themselves; 
in  which  condition  they  have  been  for  divers  years  past,  and 
are  arrived  to  a  very  great  Degree  of  Plenty  of  all  sorts  of 
Provisions.  Insomuch,  that  most  sorts  are  already  cheaper 
there,  than  in  any  other  of  the  English  Collonys,  and  they 
are  plentifully  enough  supplied  with  all  things  from  England 
or  other  Parts. 

Ashly-River,  about  seven  Miles  in  from  the  Sea,  divides 


16801  WILSON'S  ACCOUNT  OF  CAROLINA  167 

it  self  into  two  Branches;  the  Southernmost  retaining  the  name 
of  Ashly-River,  the  North  Branch  is  called  Cooper-River.  In 
May  1680,  the  Lords  Proprietors  sent  their  Orders  to  the 
Government  there,  appointing  the  Port-Town  for  these  two 
Rivers  to  be  Built  on  the  Poynt  of  Land  that  divides  them, 
and  to  be  called  Charles  Town,  since  which  time  about  an 
hundred  Houses  are  there  Built,1  and  more  are  Building  daily 
by  the  Persons  of  all  sorts  that  come  there  to  Inhabit,  from 
the  more  Northern  English  Collonys,  and  the  Sugar  Islands, 
England  and  Ireland;  and  many  persons  who  went  to  Caro 
lina  Servants,  being  Industrious  since  they  came  out  of  their 
times  with  their  Masters,  at  whose  charge  they  were  Trans 
ported,  have  gotten  good  Stocks  of  Cattle,  and  Servants  of 
their  own;  have  here  also  Built  Houses,  and  exercise  their 
Trades:  And  many  that  went  thither  in  that  condition,  are 
worth  several  Hundreds  of  Pounds,  and  live  in  a  very  plentiful 
condition,  and  their  Estates  still  encreasing.  And  Land  is 
become  of  that  value  near  the  Town,  that  it  is  sold  for  twenty 
Shillings  per  Acre,  though  pillaged  of  all  its  valuable  Timber, 
and  not  cleared  of  the  rest,  and  Land  that  is  clear'd  and 
fitted  for  Planting,  and  Fenced,  is  let  for  ten  Shillings  per 
annum  the  Acre,  though  twenty  miles  distant  from  the 
Town,  and  six  men  will  in  six  weeks  time,  Fall,  Clear,  Fence  in, 
and  fit  for  Planting,  six  Acres  of  Land. 

At  this  Town,  in  November  1680.  There  Rode  at  one 
time  sixteen  Sail  of  Vessels  (some  of  which  were  upwards  of 
200  Tons)  that  came  from  divers  parts  of  the  Kings  Dominions 
to  trade  there,  which  great  concourse  of  shipping,  will  un 
doubtedly  in  a  short  time  make  it  a  considerable  Town. 

The  Eastern  Shore  of  America,  whether  it  be  by  reason 
of  its  having  the  great  Body  of  the  Continent  to  the  Westward 
of  it,  and  by  consequence  the  North-west  Wind  (which  Flows 
contrary  to  the  Sun)  the  Freezing- Wind,  as  the  North-East  is 

1  A  town  was  laid  out  there  in  1672,  and  some  of  the  lots  had  been  granted 
out  and  a  few  had  been  built  upon  prior  to  1680,  when,  by  order  of  the  Proprietors, 
the  seat  of  government  was  removed  to  the  new  site,  and  the  removal  of  the  in 
habitants  rapidly  followed.  The  site  of  the  old  town  is  now  upon  the  plantation 
of  Mr.  E.  T.  Legare,  and  the  society  of  Children  of  the  American  Revolution  has 
lately  erected  a  stone  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  site  to  mark  it.  The 
stone,  however,  contains  the  erroneous  statement  that  it  marks  the  site  of  the 
old  town. 


168  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

in  Europe,  or  that  the  Frozen  Lakes  which  Lye-in,  beyond 
Canada,  and  lye  North  and  West  from  the  Shore,  Impregnate 
the  Freezing  Wind  with  more  chill  and  congealing  qualities, 
or  that  the  uncultivated  Earth,  covered  for  the  most  part 
with  large  shading  Trees,  breathes  forth  more  nitrous  Vapours, 
than  that  which  is  cultivated;  or  all  these  Reasons  together, 
it  is  certainly  much  more  cold  than  any  part  of  Europe,  in 
the  same  Degree  of  Latitude  of  thirty  nine  and  forty,  and 
England  and  those  parts  of  America  about  the  Latitude  of 
thirty  nine  and  forty,  and  more  North,  though  about  six 
hundred  Miles  nearer  the  Sun  than  England;  is  notwithstand 
ing  many  degrees  colder  in  the  Winter. 

The  Author  having  been  informed  by  those  that  say  they 
have  seen  it,  that  in  those  Parts  it  Freezeth  above  six  Inches 
thick  in  a  Night,  and  great  Navigable  Rivers  are  Frozen  over 
in  the  same  space  of  time;  and  the  Country  about  Ashly- 
River,  though  within  nine  Degrees  of  the  Tropick,  hath  seldom 
any  Winter  that  doth  not  produce  some  Ice,  though  I  cannot 
yet  learn  that  any  hath  been  seen  on  Rivers  or  Ponds,  above 
a  quarter  of  an  Inch  thick,  which  vanisheth  as  soon  as  the 
Sun  is  an  hour  or  two  high;  and  when  the  Wind  is  not  at 
North-west,  the  Weather  is  very  mild.  So  that  the  December 
and  January  of  Ashly  River,  I  suppose  to  be  of  the  same 
Temperature  with  the  latter  end  of  March,  and  beginning  of 
April  in  England.  This  small  Winter  causeth  a  fall  of  the 
Leaf,  and  adapts  the  Country  to  the  Production  of  all  the 
Grains  and  Fruits  of  England,  as  well  as  those  that  require 
more  Sun;  insomuch,  that  at  Ashly-river  the  Apple,  the  Pear, 
the  Plum,  the  Quince,  Apricock,  Peach,  Medlar,  Walnut,  Mul 
berry  and  Chesnut,  thrive  very  well  in  the  same  Garden  to 
gether  with  the  Orange,  the  Lemon,  Olive,  the  Pomgranate, 
the  Fig  and  Almond;  Nor  is  the  Winter  here  Cloudy,  Overcast 
or  Foggy,  but  it  hath  been  observed  that  from  the  twentieth 
of  August  to  the  tenth  of  March,  including  all  the  Winter 
Months,  there  have  been  but  eight  overcast  days;  and  though 
Rains  fall  pretty  often  in  the  Winter,  it  is  most  commonly  in 
quick  Showers,  which  when  past,  the  Sun  shines  out  clear 
again. 

The  Summer  is  not  near  so  hot  as  in  Virginia  or  the  other 
Northern  American  English  Collonys,  which  may  hardly  gain 


1682]  WILSON'S  ACCOUNT  OF  CAROLINA  169 

belief  with  those  that  have  not  considered  the  reason;  which 
is  its  neerness  to  the  Tropicks,  which  makes  it  in  a  greater 
Measure  than  those  Parts  more  Northward  partake  of  those 
Breezes,  which  almost  constantly  rise  about  eight  or  nine  of 
the  Clock,  within  the  Tropicks,  and  blow  fresh  from  the  East 
till  about  Four  in  the  Afternoon;  and  a  little  after  the  Sea 
breeze  dys  away,  there  rises  a  North-wind,  which  blowing 
all  night,  keeps  it  fresh  and  cool.  In  short,  I  take  Carolina, 
to  be  much  of  the  same  nature  with  those  Delicious  Countries 
about  Aleppo,  Antioch,  and  Smyrna:  but  hath  the  Advantage 
of  being  under  an  equal  English  Government. 

Such,  who  in  this  Country  have  seated  themselves  near 
great  Marshes,  are  subject  to  Agues,  as  those  who  are  so 
seated  in  England;  but  those  who  are  planted  more  remote 
from  Marshes  or  standing  Waters,  are  exceeding  healthy; 
insomuch,  that  out  of  a  Family  consisting  of  never  less  than 
twelve  Persons,  not  one  hath  died  since  their  first  Arrival 
there,  which  is  nine  years;  but  what  is  more,  not  one  hath 
been  sick  in  all  that  time;  nor  is  there  one  of  the  Masters  of 
Families  that  went  over  in  the  first  Vessels,  dead  of  Sickness 
in  Carolina,  except  one,  who  was  seventy  and  five  years  of 
Age  before  he  came  there,1  though  the  number  of  those 
Masters  of  Families  be  pretty  considerable:  divers  persons 
who  went  out  of  England  Ptisical,  and  Consumptive,  have  re 
cover  'd,  and  others  subject  in  England  to  frequent  fits  of  the 
Stone,  have  been  absolutely  freed  from  them  after  they  have 
been  there  a  short  time;  nor  is  the  Gout  there  yet  known.  The 
Ayr  gives  a  strong  Appetite  and  quick  Digestion,  nor  is  it  with 
out  suitable  effects,  men  finding  themselves  apparently  more 
lightsome,  more  prone,  and  more  able  to  all  Youthful  Exer 
cises,  than  in  England,  the  Women  are  very  Fruitful,  and  the 
Children  have  fresh  Sanguine  Complexions. 

The  Soyle  is  generally  very  fertile,  but  hath  some  sandy 

1  Paul  Smith,  who  was  put  down  on  the  list  of  the  passengers  in  the  Carolina, 
one  of  the  ships  that  brought  over  the  first  settlers,  as  a  master,  or  head  of  family, 
died  prior  to  June  29,  1672,  when  the  governor  and  deputies  directed  the  sur 
veyor-general  to  lay  out  fifty  acres  of  land  to  parties  who  had  purchased  it  of  the 
heirs  of  Paul  Smith,  deceased.  Possibly  he  was  the  head  of  family  to  whom 
the  writer  here  refers.  See  A.  S.  Salley,  Jr.,  Warrants  for  Lands  in  South  Caro 
lina,  1672-1679,  pp.  16,  48. 


170  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

tracts  so  as  to  make  an  agreable  variety,  but  even  this  Land 
produceth  good  Corne  and  is  excellent  pasture;  Wheat,  Rye, 
Early,  Oates,  and  Peas,  thrive  exceedingly,  and  the  ground 
yeilds  in  greater  abundance  than  in  England,  Turnips,  Parsnips, 
Carrots,  Potatoes,  and  Edoes,  a  substantial  wholesome  nourish 
ing  Root  grow  well,  and  all  excellent  in  their  kindes,  they  have 
near  twenty  sorts  of  Pulse  that  we  have  not  in  England,  all  of 
them  very  good  food,  insomuch  that  the  English  Garden  Bean 
is  not  regarded. 

Near  the  Sea  the  Trees  are  not  very  large,  they  grow 
pritty  neare  together;  farther  up  they  are  larger,  and  grow 
farther  asunder,  and  are  in  most  parts  free  from  Underwood, 
so  that  you  may  see  near  half  a  mile  amongst  the  bodyes  of 
large  tall  timber  trees,  whose  tops  meeting  make  a  very  pleas 
ing  shade,  yet  hinders  not  grass,  myrtle  and  other  sweet 
scenting  shrubs  here  and  there  from  growing  under  them: 
Amongst  these  Groves  of  Timber  Trees  are  here  and  there 
Savana's,  (or  grassy  plains)  of  several  magnitudes  clear  of 
Trees,  which  have  occasioned  some  that  have  seene  them  to 
compare  Carolina  to  those  pleasant  Parks  in  England,  that 
have  abundance  of  tall  Timber  Trees  unlop'd,  here  you  may 
hunt  the  Hare,  Fox,  and  Deere  all  day  long  in  the  shade,  and 
freely,  spur  your  horse  through  the  Woods  to  follow  the  chase. 

This  Country  hath  the  Oak,  Ash,  Elm,  Poplar,  Beech,  and 
all  the  other  Sorts  of  useful  Timber  that  England  hath,  and 
divers  sorts  of  lasting  Timber  that  England  hath  not,  as  Cedar 
white  and  red,  Cypress,  Locust,  Bay  and  Laurell  Trees,  equal 
to  the  biggest  Oaks,  large  Mirtles,  Hickery,  black  Wallnut  and 
Pynes  big  enough  to  Mast  the  greatest  Ships,  and  divers  other 
sorts,  which  I  cannot  enumerate. 

The  Woods  abound  with  Hares,  Squirrels,  Racoons,  Pos 
sums,  Conyes  and  Deere,  which  last  are  so  plenty  that  an 
Indian  hunter  hath  kilPd  nine  fatt  Deere  in  a  day  all  shott  by 
himself,  and  all  the  considerable  Planters  have  an  Indian 
hunter  which  they  hire  for  less  than  twenty  shillings  a  year, 
and  one  hunter  will  very  well  find  a  Family  of  thirty  people 
with  as  much  Venison  and  Foul,  as  they  can  well  eat.  Here 
are  also  in  the  woods  great  plenty  of  wilde  Turkeys,  Partridges, 
something  smaller  than  those  of  England,  but  more  de[l]icate, 
Turtle  Doves,  Paraquetos,  and  Pidgeons;  On  the  grassy  plaines 


1682]  WILSON'S  ACCOUNT  OF  CAROLINA  171 

the  whistling  Plover  and  Cranes  and  divers  sorts  of  Birds  un- 
knowne  in  England. 

Carolina  doth  so  abound  in  Rivers,  that  within  fifty  miles 
of  the  Sea  you  can  hardly  place  your  self  seven  miles  from  a 
Navigable  River,  and  divers  are  navigable  for  good  big  Ves 
sels  above  three  hundred  miles:1  The  Rivers  abound  with 
variety  of  excellent  Fish,  and  near  the  Sea  with  very  good 
Oysters,  in  many  of  which  are  Pearl :  the  Author  having  seen 
Pearl  that  have  been  taken  out  of  some  of  them  bigger  than 
Rouncival  Pease  and  perfectly  round.  On  the  Rivers  and 
brooks  are  all  the  winter  moneths  vast  quantitys  of  Swan, 
wild  Geese,  Duck,  Widgeon,  Teale,  Curlew,  Snipe,  Shell  Drake 
and  a  certaine  sort  of  black  Duck  that  is  excellent  meat, 
and  stayes  there  all  the  year.2 

Neat  Cattle  thrive  and  increase  here  exceedingly,  there 
being  perticular  Planters  that  have  already  seven  or  eight 
hundred  head,  and  will  in  a  few  years  in  all  probability,  have 
as  many  thousands,  unless  they  sell  some  part;  the  Cattle  are 
not  subject  to  any  Disease  as  yet  perceiv'd,  and  are  fat  all  the 
Year  long  without  Fother,  the  little  Winter  they  have,  not 
pinching  them  so  as  to  be  perceiv'd,  which  is  a  great  advantage 
the  Planters  here  have  of  the  more  Northern  Plantations  who 
are  all  forc'd  to  give  their  Cattle  Fother,  and  must  spend  a 
great  part  of  their  Summers  Labour  in  providing  three  or  four 
Months  Fother  for  the  Cattle  in  the  Winter,  or  else  would  have 
few  of  them  alive  in  the  Spring,  which  will  keep  them  from 
ever  having  very  great  Heards,  or  be  able  to  do  much  in  Plant 
ing  any  Comodity  for  Forreign  Markets;  the  providing  Winter 
Food  for  their  Cattle,  taking  up  so  much  of  their  Summers 
Labour;  So  that  many  Judicious  Persons  think  that  Carolina 
will  be  able  by  Sea,  to  supply  those  Northern  Collonys,  with 
salted  Beef  for  their  Shipping,  cheaper  than  they  themselves 
with  what  is  bred  amongst  them;  for,  considering  that  all  the 
Woods  in  Carolina  afford  good  Pasturage,  and  the  small  Rent 

1  There  are  only  three  rivers  in  South  Carolina  that  extend  inland  from  the 
sea  so  much  as  three  hundred  miles:  the  Edisto,  the  Santee,  and  the  Peedee. 
There  are  about  a  dozen  more  that  are  from  fifteen  to  one  hundred  miles  long 
that  are  navigable  by  steamers  almost  to  their  sources. 

*  The  only  duck  that  stays  in  South  Carolina  all  the  year  now  is  the  wood 
duck,  known  locally  as  the  summer  duck.  See  Wayne,  Birds  of  South  Carolina. 


172  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

that  is  paid  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  for  Land,  an  Ox  is  raised 
at  almost  as  little  expence  in  Carolina,  as  a  Hen  is  in  England. 
And  it  hath  by  experience  been  found  that  Beef  will  take  salt 
at  Ashly-Biver  any  Month  in  the  Year,  and  save  very  well. 

Ewes  have  most  commonly  two  or  three  Lambs  at  a  time ; 
their  Wool  is  a  good  Staple  and  they  thrive  very  well,  but 
require  a  Shepherd  to  drive  them  to  Feed,  and  to  bring  them 
home  at  night  to  preserve  them  from  the  Wolves. 

Hogs  increase  in  Carolina  abundantly,  and  in  a  manner 
without  any  charge  or  trouble  to  the  Planter,  only  to  make 
them  Sheds,  wherein  they  may  be  protected  from  the  Sun  and 
Rain,  and  Morning  and  Evening  to  give  them  a  little  Indian 
Corn,  or  the  pickings  and  parings  of  Potatoes,  Turnips,  or 
other  Roots,  and  at  the  same  time  blowing  a  Horn,  or  making 
any  other  constant  noyse,  to  which  being  us'd,  they  will  after 
wards  upon  hearing  it,  repair  home,  the  rest  of  their  Food  they 
get  in  the  Woods,  of  Masts,  and  Nuts  of  several  sorts;  and  when 
those  fail,  they  have  Grass  and  Roots  enough,  the  ground 
being  never  frozen  so  hard  as  to  keep  them  from  Rooting,  these 
conveniencies  breeds  them  large,  and  in  the  Mast  time  they  are 
very  fat,  all  of  which  makes  the  rearing  of  them  so  easy,  that 
there  are  many  Planters  that  are  single  and  have  never  a 
Servant,  that  have  two  or  three  hundred  Hogs,  of  which  they 
make  great  profit;  Barbados,  Jamaica,  and  New-England,  af 
fording  a  constant  good  price  for  their  Pork;  by  which  means 
they  get  wherewithal  to  build  them  more  convenient  Houses, 
and  to  purchase  Servants,  and  Negro-slaves. 

There  have  been  imported  into  Carolina  about  an  hundred 
and  fifty  Mares,  and  some  Horses  from  New- York  and  Rhoad- 
Island,  which  breed  well,  and  the  Coalts  they  have  are  finer 
Lim'd  and  Headed  than  their  Dams  or  Sires,  which  gives  great 
hopes  of  an  excellent  breed  of  Horses,  as  soon  as  they  have 
gotten  good  Stalions  amongst  them. 

Negros  By  Reason  of  the  mildness  of  the  Winter  thrive  and 
stand  much  better,  than  in  any  of  the  more  Northern  Collonys, 
and  require  less  clothes,  which  is  a  great  charge  sav'd. 

With  the  Indians  the  English  have  a  perfect  freindship, 
they  being  both  usefull  to  one  another.  And  care  is  taken 
by  the  Lords  Proprietors,  that  no  Injustice  shall  be  done 
them;  In  order  to  which  they  have  established  a  Particular 


1682]  WILSON'S  ACCOUNT  OF  CAROLINA  173 

Court  of  Judicature,  (compos'd  of  the  soberest  and  most  dis- 
interessed  Inhabitants)  to  determine  all  differences  that  shall 
happen  between  the  English  and  any  of  the  Indians,  this  they 
do  upon  a  Christian  and  Moral  Consideration,  and  not  out  of 
any  apprehension  of  danger  from  them,  for  the  Indians 
have  been  always  so  engaged  in  Wars  one  Town  or  Village 
against  another  (their  Government  being  usually  of  no  greater 
extent)  that  they  have  not  suffered  any  increase  of  People, 
there  having  been  several  Nations  in  a  manner  quite  extir 
pated  by  Wars  amongst  themselves  since  the  English  setled 
at  Ashly  River:  This  keeps  them  so  thin  of  people,  and  so 
divided,  that  the  English  have  not  the  least  apprehensions 
of  danger  from  them;  the  English  being  already  too  strong 
for  all  the  Indians  within  five  hundred  Miles  of  them,  if  they 
were  united,  and  this  the  Indians  so  well  know,  that  they 
will  never  dare  to  break  with  the  English,  or  do  any  Injury 
to  any  particular  person,  for  fear  of  having  it  reveng'd  upon 
their  whole  Nation. 

The  Lords  Proprietors  do  at  present  grant  to  all  persons 
that  come  there  to  Inhabit  as  follows,  viz.  To  each  Master 
or  Mistriss  of  a  Family  fifty  acres,  and  to  every  able  son  or 
man  servant  they  shall  carry  or  cause  to  be  transported  into 
Carolina  fifty  acres  more,  and  the  like  for  each  Daughter  or 
woman  servant  that  is  marriageable,  and  for  each  child,  man 
or  woman  servant  under  sixteen  years  of  age,  forty  acres, 
and  fifty  acres  of  Land  to  each  servant  when  out  of  their 
time,  this  Land  to  be  injoy'd  by  them  and  their  Heirs  for  ever, 
they  paying  a  Penny  an  Acre  Quit-rent  to  the  Lords  Pro 
prietors,  the  Rent  to  commence  in  two  years  after  their 
taking  up  their  Land.  But  forasmuch  as  divers  persons  who 
are  already  Inhabitants  of  Carolina,  and  others  that  have 
Intentions  to  transport  themselves  into  that  Province,  desire 
not  to  be  cumbered  with  paying  of  a  Rent,  and  also  to  secure 
to  themselves  good  large  convenient  tracts  of  Land,  without 
being  forc'd  to  bring  thither  a  great  number  of  servants  at 
one  time;  The  Lords  Proprietors  have  been  Prevailed  upon, 
and  have  agreed  to  sell  to  those  who  have  a  mind  to  buy 
Land,  after  the  rate  of  fifty  pound  for  a  Thousand  Acres, 
reserving  a  Pepper-Corn  per  annum  Rent  when  demanded. 

The  way  of  any  ones  taking  up  his  Land,  due  to  him 


174  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

either  by  carrying  himself  or  servants  into  the  Country,  or 
by  purchasing  it  of  the  Lords  Proprietors,  is  after  this  manner ; 
He  first  seeks  out  a  place  to  his  mind  that  is  not  already 
possessed  by  any  other,  then  applyes  himself  to  the  Governour 
and  Proprietors  Deputys,  and  shew  what  rights  he  hath  to 
Land,  either  by  Purchase  or  otherwise;  who  thereupon  issue 
out  their  Warrant  to  the  Surveyor-General  to  measure  him 
out  a  Plantation  containing  the  number  of  acres  due  to  him; 
who  making  Certificate  that  he  hath  measur'd  out  so  much 
Land  and  the  Bounds,  a  Deed  is  prepar'd  of  course,  which  is 
signed  by  the  Governour  and  the  Lords  Proprietors  Deputys, 
and  the  Proprietors  Seal  affixed  to  it,  and  Registered,  which 
is  a  good  Conveyance  in  Law  of  the  Land  therein  mentioned 
to  the  party  and  his  Heirs  for  ever. 

I  have  here,  as  I  take  it,  described  a  pleasant  and  fertile 
Country,  abounding  in  health  and  pleasure,  and  with  all 
things  necessary  for  the  sustenance  of  mankind,  and  wherein 
I  think  I  have  written  nothing  but  truth,  sure  I  am  I  have 
inserted  no  wilful  falshood:  I  have  also  told  you  how  men 
are  to  have  Land  that  go  there  to  Inhabit.  But  a  rational 
man  will  certainly  inquire,  When  I  have  Land,  what  shall  I 
doe  with  it?  what  Comoditys  shall  I  be  able  to  produce  that 
will  yeild  me  mony  in  other  Countrys,  that  I  may  be  inabled 
to  buy  Negro  slaves  (without  which  a  Planter  can  never  do 
any  great  matter)  and  purchase  other  things  for  my  pleasure 
and  convenience,  that  Carolina  doth  not  produce?  To  this  I 
answer,  That  besides  the  great  profit  that  will  be  made  by 
the  vast  heards  of  Cattle  and  Swine,  the  Country  appears  to 
be  proper  for  the  Commoditys  following,  viz. 

Wine.  There  are  growing  naturally  in  the  Country  five 
sorts  of  Grapes,  three  of  which  the  French  Vignaroons  who  are 
there,  judge  will  make  very  good  Wine,  and  some  of  the  Lords 
Proprietors  have  taken  care  to  send  plants  of  the  Rhenish, 
Canary,  Clarret,  Muscatt,  Madera,  and  Spanish  Grapes,  of  all 
which  divers  Vinyards  are  planted;  some  wine  was  made  this 
year  that  proved  very  good  both  in  colour  and  taste,  and  an 
indifferent  good  quantity  may  be  expected  the  next  year: 
The  Country  hath  gentle  rising  hills  of  fertile  sand  proper 
for  Vines,  and  further  from  the  Sea,  rock  and  gravel,  on  which 
very  good  grapes  grow  naturally,  ripen  well,  and  together, 


1682]  WILSON'S  ACCOUNT  OF  CAROLINA  175 

and  very  lushious  in  taste,  insomuch  as  the  French  Protestants 
who  are  there,  arid  skill 'd  in  wine,  do  no  way  doubt  of  pro 
ducing  great  quantitys  and  very  good. 

Oyl.  There  are  severall  Olive  trees  growing,  which  were 
carryed  thither,  some  from  Portugal,  and  some  from  Ber 
mudas  and  flourish  exceedingly,  and  the  Inhabitants  take 
great  care  to  propagate  more,  so  that  in  all  probability  it 
will  be  an  excellent  Oyl-Country. 

Silk.  There  is  in  Carolina  great  plenty  of  Mulberry  Trees, 
such  as  are  by  experience  found  to  feed  the  Silk-worm  very 
well,  yea  as  well  as  the  white  Mulberry,  but  there  is  of  that 
sort  also,  which  are  propagated  with  a  great  deal  of  ease,  a 
stick  new  cut  and  thrust  into  the  ground,  seldom  failing  to 
grow,  and  so  likewise  if  the  seed  of  them  be  sown. 

Tobacco.  Tobacco  doth  here  grow  very  well,  and  is  nearer 
to  the  nature  of  the  Spanish  Tobacco  than  that  of  Virginia. 

Indigo.  Indigo  thrives  well  here,  and  very  good  hath  been 
made. 

Cotton.  Cotton  of  the  Cyprus  and  Smyrna  sort  will  grow 
well,  and  good  plenty  of  the  Seed  is  sent  thither. 

Flax  and  Hemp.    Thrives  exceedingly. 

Good  plenty  of  Pitch  and  Tar  is  there  made,  there  being 
particular  persons  that  have  made  above  a  thousand  barrels. 

Here  is  good  plenty  of  Oake  for  Pipe  staves,  which  are 
a  good  Commodity  in  the  Maderas,  Canaryes,  Barbados,  and 
the  Leeward  Islands. 

Sumack.  Sumack  growes  in  great  abundance  naturally,  so 
undoubtedly  would  Woad,  Madder  and  Sa-Flower,  if  planted. 

Drugs.  Jallop,  Sassaparilla,  Turmerick,  Sassafras,  Snake- 
root,  and  divers  others. 

In  short,  This  Country  being  of  the  same  Clymate  and 
Temperature  of  Aleppo,  Smyrna,  Antioch,  Judea,  and  the 
Province  of  Nanking,  the  richest  in  China,  will  (I  conceive) 
produce  any  thing  which  those  Countrys  do,  were  the  Seeds 
brought  into  it. 

The  Tools  that  men  who  goe  thither  ought  to  take  with 
them  are  these,  viz.  An  Ax,  a  Bill,  and  a  Broad  Hoe,  and 
grabbing  Hoe,  for  every  man,  and  a  cross  cut  Saw  to  every 
four  men,  a  Whip-saw,  a  set  of  Wedges  and  Fraus  and 
Betle-Rings  to  every  family,  and  some  Reaping  Hooks  and 


176  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682V 

Sythes,  as  likewise  Nails  of  all  sorts,  Hooks,  Hinges,  Bolts 
and  Locks  for  their  Houses. 

The  Merchandizes  which  sell  best  in  Carolina,  are  Linnen 
and  Woollen,  and  all  other  Stufs  to  make  clothes  of,  with 
Thread,  Sowing  Silk,  Buttons,  Ribbons,  Hats,  Stockings, 
Shoes,  etc.,  which  they  sell  at  very  good  rates,  and  for  these 
goods  any  man  may  purchase  the  Provision  he  hath  need  of. 

The  Passage  of  a  man  or  woman  to  Carolina  is  five  Pound, 
Ships  are  going  thither  all  times  of  the  year.  Some  of  the 
Lords  Proprietors,  or  my  self,  will  be  every  Tuesday  at  11  of 
the  clock  at  the  Carolina-Coffee-house  in  Burching-Lane  near 
the  Royal  Exchange,  to  inform  all  people  what  Ships  are 
going,  or  any  other  thing  whatsoever.1 

1  Then  follows  in  the  pamphlet  a  seven-page  abstract  of  the  patent. 


LETTERS  OF  THOMAS  NEWE,  1682 


INTRODUCTION 

AMONG  those  who  settled  in  South  Carolina  in  the  year 
1682  was  Thomas  Newe,  who  arrived  in  Charles  Town  May  12. 
He  was  the  son  of  William  Newe,  butler  of  Exeter  College, 
Oxford;  a  man  of  excellent  education,  being  a  graduate  of 
Oxford  with  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts/  and  well  equipped 
to  take  a  leading  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  province,  but,  un 
fortunately,  he  died  before  the  year  was  out.  On  December  1, 
1682,  Governor  Morton  appointed  John  Beresford,  Esq., 
administrator  of  his  estate  and,  at  the  same  time,  directed 
Robert  Daniell,  Richard  Codner,  and  John  Norton  to  make  an 
inventory  and  appraisement  of  his  property.  The  inventory 
shows  that  he  had  accumulated  some  cattle,  household  goods 
and  furniture,  and  some  books,2  and  had  also  run  into  debt  to 
the  extent  of  £53.  6s.  Id.3  Three  letters  which  he  wrote  to  his 
father  during  his  brief  sojourn  in  South  Carolina,  and  which 
give  very  interesting  accounts  of  the  province  at  that  time, 
have  been  preserved.  They  are  to  be  found  in  MS.  Rawlinson 
D.  810  in  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford.  MS.  Rawlinson 
D.  810  is  a  volume  of  miscellaneous  collections  partly  tran 
scribed  from  collections  of  Hannibal  Baskerville,  of  Bayworth, 
Berks,  but  chiefly  written  by  his  son  Thomas,  relative  to  their 

1  Foster,  in  his  Alumni  Oxonienses,  p.  1060,  has  this  entry:  "Thomas  Newe, 
s.  William,  of  Oxford  city,  pleb.,  Exeter  Coll.,  matric.  7  March,  1672-3,  aged  17; 
B.  A.  1676,  M.  A.  1679." 

"  These  were  Heylin's  Geography,  appraised  at  £1,  a  dictionary,  at  15s.,  a 
Roman  history,  at  £1.  2s.,  a  Greek  dictionary,  at  5s.,  and  twenty-three  other 
books,  at  £1.  10s. 

3  Records  of  the  Court  of  Ordinary  of  South  Carolina,  1672-1692  (MS.  in 
the  office  of  the  Historical  Commission  of  South  Carolina),  pp.  131-132. 

179 


180  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

family,  their  friends,  and  the  University  of  Oxford,  and  of  the 
most  varied  nature.  Thomas  Newe's  letters  are  imbedded  in 
the  description  of  Exeter  College,  as  follows : 

Exeter  College.  .  .  .  This  Colledge  is  Capacious  and  large 
enough  to  entertaine  and  lodge  120  people  (so  saith  Mr.  Crabb 
and  Mr.  Oliver  Schollers  in't)  but  my  friend  Mr.  Newe  the  present 
Butler  saith  it  is  capacious  enough  for  150  people.  .  .  . 

The  Gentlemen  which  I  can  remember  that  have  been  and 
now  are  of  my  acquaintance  in  this  Colledge  are  these.  .  .  .  Mr. 
Newe  my  loving  friend  and  Butler  of  this  Colledge  as  aforesaid, 
who  had  an  ingenous  son  sometimes  a  Sch oiler  of  this  House; 
who  went  one  of  the  earliest  Planters  to  Carolina  whose  loss,  with 
his  dear  father  I  do  much  lament  as  being  deprived  by  his  death 
of  further  intelligence  from  those  parts;  yet  to  make  him  live  what 
we  can  in  our  Memory  take  here  an  account  of  that  plantation,  as 
it  came  in  letters  from  him  before  any  narrative  of  that  place  was 
put  in  print.1 

These  letters  were  used  by  Professor  Charles  M.  Andrews 
in  his  Colonial  Self-Government.  Professor  Andrews  called 
the  attention  of  Dr.  J.  Franklin  Jameson,  managing  editor  of 
the  American  Historical  Review,  to  them,  and  Doctor  Jameson 
printed  them,  with  an  introduction  and  annotations,  in  the 
Review  for  January,  1907  (vol.  XII.,  pp.  322-S27).2 

1  The  pamphlets  of  both  Ashe  and  Wilson  appeared  in  the  same  year  in 
which  these  letters  were  written,  1682. 

*  The  editor  has  made  liberal  use  here  of  Doctor  Jameson's  introduction  and 
notes,  and  begs  to  acknowledge  his  obligation  to  Doctor  Jameson's  work. 


LETTERS  OF  THOMAS  NEWE,  1682 

May  the  17th,  1682,  from  CHARLES  TOWN  on 
Ashley  River  by  way  of  Barbadoes  in  the 
Samuel. 

Most  Honourd  Father: 

THE  12th  of  this  instant  by  the  providence  of  God  after  a 
long  and  tedious  passage  we  came  to  an  Anchor  against  Charles 
town  at  10  in  the  night  in  3^  fathom  water,  on  the  sixth  we 
made  land  60  miles  to  the  South  of  Ashley  River  against  which 
we  came  the  8  but  could  not  get  in  by  reason  of  contrary  winds 
sooner  then  we  did.  We  had  little  or  nothing  observable  in 
the  whole  voyage,  but  the  almost  continual  S.W.  winds.  God 
be  thanked  I  had  my  health  very  well  except  a  day  or  two  of 
Sea  sickness  but  most  of  the  other  passengers  were  much 
troubled  with  the  scurvy;  Of  62  that  came  out  of  England  we 
lost  3,  two  of  them  were  seamen,  one  dyed  of  the  scurvey,  the 
other  fell  overboard,  the  third  was  a  woman  in  child  bed,  her 
child  died  shortly  after  her.  As  for  the  Countrey  I  can  say 
but  little  of  it  as  yet  on  my  one  [own]  knowledge,  but  what  I 
hear  from  others.  The  Town  which  two  years  since  had  but 
3  or  4  houses,  hath  now  about  a  hundred  houses  in  it,  all 
which  are  wholy  built  of  wood,  tho  here  is  excellent  Brick 
made,  but  little  of  it.  All  things  are  very  dear  in  the  Town; 
milk  2  d  a  quart,  beefe  4  d  a  pound,  pork  3  d,  but  far  better 
then  our  English,  the  common  drink  of  the  Countrey  is  Molos- 
sus  and  water,  I  don't  hear  of  any  mault  that  is  made  hear  as 
yet.  The  English  Barly  and  Wheat  do  thrive  very  well,  but 
the  Indian  corn  being  more  hearty  and  profitable,  the  other  is 
not  much  regarded.  I  am  told  that  there  is  great  plenty  of 
all  things  in  the  Countrey,  whither  I  intend  to  go  as  soon  as 
conveniently  I  can  dispose  of  my  goods,  which  I  fear  will  not 

181 


182  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

be  soon,  nor  to  such  advantage  as  we  expected.1  Severall  in 
the  Country  have  great  stocks  of  Cattle  and  they  sell  so  well 
to  new  comers  that  they  care  not  for  killing,  which  is  the 
reason  provision  is  so  dear  in  the  Town,  whilst  they  in  the 
Country  are  furnisht  with  Venison,  fish,  and  fowle  by  the  In 
dians  for  trifles,  and  they  that  understand  it  make  as  good 
butter  and  cheese  as  most  in  England.  The  land  near  the  sea 
side  is  generally  a  light  and  sandy  ground,  but  up  in  the  Coun 
try  they  say  there  is  very  good  land,  and  the  farther  up  the 
better,  but  that  which  at  present  doth  somewhat  hinder  the 
selling  [settling]  farther  up,  is  a  war  that  they  are  ingaged  in 
against  a  tribe  of  Barbarous  Indians  being  not  above  60  in 
number,  but  by  reason  of  their  great  growth  and  cruelty  in 
feeding  on  all  their  neighbours,  they  are  terrible  to  all  other 
Indians,  of  which,  there  are  above  40  severall  Kingdoms,  the 
strength  and  names  of  them  all  being  known  to  our  Governer 
who  upon  any  occasion  summons  their  Kings  in.  We  are  at 
peace  with  all  but  those  common  enemies  of  mankind,  those 
man  eaters  before  mentioned,  by  name  the  Westos,2  who  have 
lately  killed  two  eminent  planters  that  lived  far  up  in  the 
Country,  so  that  they  are  resolved  now  if  they  can  find  their 
settlement  (which  they  often  change)  to  cut  them  all  off. 
There  is  a  small  party  of  English  out  after  them,  and  the  most 
potent  Kingdome  of  the  Indians  armed  by  us  and  continually 
in  pursuit  of  them.  When  we  came  into  Ashley  river  we  found 
six  small  vessels  in  the  Harbour,  but  great  ones  may  and  have 
come  in  by  the  assistance  of  a  good  Pilot,  and  if  they  can  make 
good  wine  hear,  which  they  have  great  hopes  of,  and  this  year 
will  be  the  time  of  tryall  which  if  it  hits  no  doubt  but  the  place 
will  flourish  exceedingly,  but  if  the  vines  do  not  prosper  I 
question  whither  it  will  ever  be  any  great  place  of  trade.  On 
Sunday  the  14th  of  this  instant  a  small  vessell  that  came  from 
Mewis  3  hither,  was  cast  away  upon  the  Bar,  but  the  men  and 

1  He  evidently  expected  to  do  as  many  of  the  foremost  men  of  South  Caro 
lina  had  done  and  as  many  more  of  them  subsequently  did.    They  accumulated 
capital  in  trade  and  then  took  up  planting  and  grew  wealthy  thereby. 

2  See  Woodward's  Westoe  Voiage,  pp.  130-134,  supra,  for  an  account  of  the 
Westocs.     They  rose  against  the  English  settlements  in  1673,  1680,  and  1681, 
but  were  defeated  each  time.     See  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina  Historical 
Society,  V.  4G1;    Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial,  1681-1685,  pp,  508-510. 

a  Nevis. 


1682]  LETTERS  OF  THOMAS  NEWE  183 

goods  were  all  saved.  This  is  the  first  opportunity  I  have  had 
to  write  since  I  came  from  England  but  I  hope  to  find  more 
opportunityes  here,  then  I  had  at  Sea,  this  with  my  most 
humble  duty  to  yourself  and  my  Mother,  my  kind  love  to  my 
sister  and  Brothers  being  all  from 

Your  most  duetifull  and  obedient  son 

THOMAS  NEWE 

My  duty  to  my  Grandmother  and  my  love  to  all  my  rela 
tions  and  friends  that  enquire  concerning  me. 


May  29th,  1682,  by  way  of 

Barbados. 
Most  Honoured  Father: 

The  17th  of  this  Instant  by  way  of  Barbados  in  the  Samuel, 
being  the  lrst  opportunity  since  my  departure  from  England, 
I  sent  you  a  letter  wherein  I  gave  you  an  account  of  our  safe 
arrival,  but  not  of  the  Voyage,  that  I  leave  to  my  Journall 
which  I  intend  to  send  by  the  first  Ship  that  goes  directly  for 
England,  with  my  knowledge  of  the  Countrey  of  which  I  have 
not  seen  much  yet,  but  one  thing  I  understand  (to  my  sorrow) 
that  I  knew  not  before,  the  most  have  a  seasoning,  but  few 
dye  of  it.  I  find  the  Commonalty  here  to  be  mightily  dissatis 
fied,  the  reason  is  3  or  4  of  the  great  ones,  for  furs  and  skins, 
have  furnished  the  Indians  with  arms  and  ammunitions 
especially  those  with  whome  they  are  now  at  War,  for  from 
those  they  had  all  or  most  of  their  fur,  so  that  trade  which  3 
or  4  only  kept  in  their  hands  is  at  present  gone  to  decay,  and 
now  they  have  armed  the  next  most  potent  tribe  of  the  In 
dians  to  fight  the  former,  and  some  few  English  there  are  out, 
looking  after  them,  which  is  a  charge  to  the  people  and  a  stop 
[to]  the  further  setling  of  the  Countrey.1  The  Soyl  is  gen- 

1  Dr.  Henry  Woodward  had  built  up  a  fine  trade  with  the  Westo  Indians, 
in  which  he  was  personally  interested.  In  1680  the  Savannah  Indians  pushed 
eastward  from  their  towns  near  the  Gulf,  west  of  the  Appalachicola  River,  to 
the  Westoboo  (Savannah).  In  the  same  year,  the  Westoes,  in  violation  of  a 
treaty  they  had  made  with  the  governor,  killed,  or  captured  for  slaves,  some 
Indians  of  the  coastal  tribes  near  Charles  Town,  and  war  was  declared  upon 
them  by  the  whites.  Dr.  Woodward  was  accused  of  having  furnished  the  Westoes 
with  arms  to  use  against  the  friendly  Indians  and  prohibited  from  trading  or 
negotiating  with  them.  He  was  subsequently  fined  for  his  conduct,  but  the 


"184  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

erally  very  light,  but  apt  to  produce  whatsoever  is  put  into  it. 
There  are  already  all  sorts  of  English  fruit  and  garden  herbs 
besides  many  others  that  I  never  saw  in  England,  and  they 
do  send  a  great  deal  of  Pork,  Corn  and  Cedar  to  Barbados, 
besides  the  victualling  of  severall  Vessels  that  come  in  here, 
as  Privateers  and  others  which  to  do  in  the  space  of  12  years 
the  time  from  the  lrst  seating  of  it  by  the  English,  is  no  small 
work,  especially  if  we  consider  the  first  Planters  which  were 
most  of  them  tradesmen,  poor  and  wholy  ignorant  of  husbandry 
and  till  of  late  but  few  in  number,  it  being  encreased  more  the  3 
or  4  last  years  then  the  whole  time  before,  the  whole  at  presen[t] 
not  amounting  to  4000, 1  so  that  their  whole  Business  was  to 
clear  a  little  ground  to  get  Bread  for  their  Familyes,  few  of 
them  having  wherewithall  to  purchase  a  Cow,  the  first  stock 
whereof  they  were  furnished  with,  from  Bermudas  and  New 
England,  from  the  later  of  which  they  had  their  horses  which 
are  not  so  good  as  those  in  England,  but  by  reason  of  their 
scarcity  much  dearer,  an  ordinary  Colt  at  3  years  old  being 
valued  at  15  or  16  Us.  as  they  are  scarce,  so  there  is  but  little 
use  of  them  yet,  all  Plantations  being  seated  on  the  Rivers, 
they  can  go  to  and  fro  by  Canoo  or  Boat  as  well  and  as  soon 
as  they  can  ride,  the  horses  here  like  the  Indians  and  many  of 
the  English  do  travail  without  shoes.  Now  each  family  hath 
got  a  stock  of  Hogs  and  Cows,  which  when  once  a  little  more 
encreased,  they  may  send  of  to  the  Islands  cheaper  then  any 
other  place  can,  by  reason  of  its  propinquity,  which  trade  alone 
will  make  it  far  more  considerable  than  either  Virginia,  Mary 
land,  Pensilvania,  and  those  other  places  to  the  North  of  us. 

I  desire  you  would  be  pleased  by  the  next  opportunity  to 
send  me  over  the  best  herbalist  for  Physical  Plants  in  as  small 
a  Volume  as  you  can  get.  There  was  a  new  one  just  came  out 
as  I  left  England,  if  I  mistake  not  in  8V0.  that  was  much  com 
mended,  the  Author  I  have  forgot,2  but  there  are  severall  in 

Lords  Proprietors  pardoned  him.  See  Journal  of  the  Grand  Council  of  South 
Carolina,  1671-1680  (Columbia,  S.  C.,  1907),  pp.  84-85.  While  hostilities  were 
on  with  the  Westoes  the  English  furnished  the  Savannahs  with  arms  with  which 
to  drive  out  their  rivals,  the  Westoes,  which  they  did  in  1681. 

1  See  p.  158,  supra. 

*  Perhaps  this  was  John  Ray's  Methodus  Plantarum  Nova  (London,  1682, 
octavo).  If  he  received  the  "herbalist"  it  probably  was  included  in  the  twenty- 
three  books  appraised  in  his  inventory  at  £1.  10s.  See  p.  179,  supra. 


1682]  LETTERS  OF  THOMAS  NEWE  185 

the  Colledge  that  can  direct  you  to  the  best.  If  Mr.  Sessions, 
Mr.  Hobart  or  Mr.  White,  should  send  to  you  for  money  for 
the  passage  of  a  servant,  whether  man  or  boy  that  they  Judge 
likely,  I  desire  you  would  be  pleased  to  send  it  them,  for  such 
will  turn  to  good  account  here;  and  if  you  please  to  enquire 
at  some  Apothecarys  what  Sassafrass  (which  grows  here  in 
great  plenty)  is  worth  a  pound  and  how  and  at  what  time  of 
the  year  to  cure  it,  let  me  know  as  soon  as  you  can,  for  if  the 
profit  is  not  I  am  sure  the  knowledge  is  worth  sending  for. 
Pray  Sir  let  me  hear  by  the  next  how  all  our  friends  and  rela- 
cions  do,  what  change  in  the  Colledge,  and  what  considerable 
alteracion  through  the  whole  Town;  I  have  now  nothing  more 
to  speak  but  my  desire  that  you  may  still  retain  (what  I  know 
you  do)  that  love  with  which  I  dayly  was  blest  and  that  readi 
ness  in  pardoning  whatsoever  you  find  amiss,  and  to  believe 
that  my  affections  are  not  changed  with  the  Climate  unless 
like  it  too,  grown  warmer,  this  with  my  most  humble  duety 
to  yourself  and  my  mother,  my  kind  love  to  my  sister  and 
Brothers  and  all  the  rest  of  our  Friends  I  rest 

Your  most  dutifull  and  obedient  son, 

THO:  NEWE. 
From  Charls  Town  in  Carolina. 


From  CHARLS  TOWN,  August  the  23, 

Most  Honourd  Father.  1682' 

In  obedience  to  your  commands,  I  am  ready  to  embrace 
every  opportunity  of  sending  to  you,  this  is  the  3rd,  The  2 
first  by  way  of  Barbados,  the  lrst  of  the  17th,  the  2nd  of  the 
29th  of  May,  which  I  hope  you  will  receive  long  before  this 
comes  to  your  hands.  This  place  affords  little  news,  nothing 
worth  sending.  The  llth  of  June  a  French  Privateer  of  4 
Guns  30  men  whereof  10  were  English  men  brought  in  here  a 
Spanish  prize  of  16  Guns  and  a  100  men,  which  by  the  French- 
mens  confession  they  had  never  taken,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
English,  they  have  allready  spent  most  of  it  and  are  providing 
to  be  gone  againe. 

The  30th  of  July  cam  an  Indian  to  our  Governour  and  told 
him  that  800  Spaniards  were  upon  their  march  coming  from 
St.  Augustine  (a  place  belonging  to  our  Proprietors  about  150 


186  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1682 

miles  to  the  South  of  us,  where  the  Spaniards  are  seated  and 
have  a  pretty  strong  Town)  to  fall  upon  the  English,  upon 
which  the  Council  met  3  times  and  ordered  20  great  Guns 
that  lay  at  a  place  where  the  town  was  first  designed  to  be 
made,  to  be  brought  to  Charls  Town,  and  sent  Scouts  at  a 
good  distance  (knowing  which  way  they  must  come)  to  discover 
their  strength  and  the  truth  of  it,  which  if  they  had  seen  any 
thing  were  to  return  with  all  speed,  and  700  men  were  to  have 
met  them,  which  were  to  lay  in  Ambuscade  in  a  Cave,  swam1 
where  the  Spaniards  were  to  come,  through  a  Marsh,  that 
every  step  they  would  be  up  to  their  middle.  Our  people 
were  so  far  from  being  afraid  that  they  mightily  rejoyced  at 
the  news  of  it,  wishing  that  they  might  have  some  just  cause 
of  War  with  the  Spaniards,  that  they  might  grant  Commis 
sions  to  Privateers,  and  themselves  fall  on  them  at  St.  Augus 
tine.2  as  we  understand  since  this  was  the  ground  of  the  report, 
The  Spaniards  thinking  themselves  to  be  abused  by  a  nation 
of  Indians  that  lived  betwixt  them  and  us,  marched  out  to 
cut  of  that  Nation,  to  which  this  Indian  belonged,  which  (as 
it  is  usual  with  the  Indians)  reported  that  they  were  800, 
whereas  some  of  the  Privateers  have  been  there,  and  say  that 
they  are  not  able  to  raise  above  300  men.  we  have  100  Priva 
teers  here  all  shar  like  though  not  at  the  taking  of  the  prize, 
which  if  our  Governour  would  suffer  them  would  fain  fall  on 
the  Spaniards  at  St.  Augustine;  it  is  not  likely  if  the  Spaniards 
were  so  strong  as  the  Indian  reported,  that  they  would  send 
out  such  strength  against  them,  For  when  the  English  have 
any  war  with  a  Nation  of  the  Indians  tho  at  150  miles  dis 
tance  they  think  20  English  and  30  or  40  friendly  Indians  to 
be  a  sufficient  party.  The  Indians  are  sent  before  to  discover 
where  the  other  Indians  lay  who  if  they  see  but  [gap  in  MS.] 
of  their  enemyes  they  will  returne  with  great  speed  and  greater 
fear  to  the  English  reporting  they  saw  200. 

The  20th  of  August  I  saw  a  Comet  in  the  North  East  about 
2  hours  before  day,  the  21  it  was  seen  in  the  west.3  Sir  of 
those  goods  you  gave  me  of  my  Brothers,  I  have  sold  some, 

lSic. 

1  "These  sentiments  were  vividly  manifested  when  the  Spaniards  actually 
did  attack,  in  1686." — Jameson. 

3  Halley's  comet  was  then  visible. 


1682]  LETTERS  OF  THOMAS  NEWE  187 

and  most  of  them  I  bought  in  London,  but  I  can  not  yet  make 
any  returne;  for  money  here  is  but  little  and  that  Spanish 
which  will  not  go  for  so  much  in  England  by  4  or  5  s  in  the  li. 
Our  pay  is  what  the  Countrey  affords,  as  Corn,  Pork,  Tar  and 
Cedar,  the  3  first  are  fit  only  for  the  Islands.  I  know  not 
whether  the  last  will  pay  charges  to  England  it  can't  be  af 
forded  under  30  or  32  s  profit  in  London,  if  you  please  you 
may  enquire  what  it  will  yield  in  Oxon,  and  if  you  think  it 
worth  sending,  and  know  how  to  dispose  of  it,  I  will  take  care 
to  send  it  by  the  first,  after  I  know  your  mind.  Sir  I  have 
sent  to  Mr.  Sessions  for  these  following  goods  which  are  the 
best  I  can  think  of  and  I  desire  you,  that  you  would  let  him 
have  as  much  money  as  will  buy  them.  Nuttmegs  to  the 
value  of  5  li,  Pepper  50  s,  Cinnamon  25  s,  Cloves  and  Mace  25  s, 
J  a  C  of  large  Beads,  blue  and  white,  or  white  with  streaks  of 
blue  or  black,  or  blew  with  beads  blew  and  white,  or  white 
with  streaks  of  blew  or  black,  1  [gap]  of  blew  Duffals,  a  quarter 
of  a  Cask  of  brandy,  ^  doz  white  Castors,  at  about  8  or  10  s 
per  piece,  and  one  good  French  hat,  2  or  3  [gap]  of  fine  thread 
to  make  lace,  500  small  needles  and  20  [gap]  of  that  tape 
which  is  now  in  fashion  to  make  lace  with,  8  or  10  doz.  of  knives 
from  2  s  06  d  to  5  s  per  doz.,  one  good  \gap]  coat  for  my 
self  and  2  C1  of  pigeon  shot.  Sir  I  desire  you  with  these 
things  to  send  me  J  C  of  Shomakers  thread  and  one  of  my 
Brothers  shop  books  if  you  have  one  that  is  not  used.  Sir  I 
beseech  you  pardon  my  presumption  since  'twas  your  good 
ness  made  me  so  by  your  usuall  readiness  in  granting  my 
former  requests.  Pray  present  my  humble  duety  to  my 
Mother  and  my  Grandmother,  my  kind  love  to  my  sister  and 
Brothers  and  the  rest  of  our  Relations  and  be  confident  that 
I  will  be  industrious  to  improve  whatsoever  you  shall  commit 
to  my  charge  and  to  approve  my  self 

Your  most  Dutifull  and  obedient  Son, 

THOMAS  NEWE. 

*/.  e.t  hundredweight. 


JOURNAL  OF  ELDER  WILLIAM  PRATT 

1695-1701 


INTRODUCTION 

IN  1695  a  small  colony,  or  "church,"  as  its  promoters 
termed  it,  was  organized  in  Dorchester,  Massachusetts,  for 
the  purpose  of  settling  in  South  Carolina.  In  the  records  of 
the  First  Church  at  Dorchester  it  appears  that  on  October  20, 
1695,  Joseph  Lord,  Increase  Sumner,  and  William  Pratt  were 
11  dismissed"  (transferred)  from  that  church  for  "The  gather 
ing  of  A  church  for  the  South  Coralina,"  l  and  in  the  same 
records  for  two  days  later  the  following  appears: 

ocktober  the  22  being  ower  lecktuer  day  was  sett  apart  for  the 
ordering  of  Mr  Joseph  lord  for  to  be  pastuer  to  A  church  gathered 
that  day  for  to  goe  South  Coralina  to  settell  the  gospell  ther  and 
the  names  of  the  men  are  thes 

Joshua  Brooks        )  -  ~  , 

Nathaniel  Billings  \  of  Concord 

William  Norman  Coralina 

William  Adams  Sudbury 

Increase  Sumner  )  ^      , 
William  Pratt        | 

George  Foxe  Reading 

Simon  Daken  Concord 

thes  with  Mr.  Joseph  lord  did  enter  into  a  most  solem  Covenant  to 
sett  up  the  ordinances  of  Jesus  Christ  ther  if  the  lord  caryed  them 
safely  thither  accordin  to  gospell  truth  withe  a  very  large  profeson 
of  ther  faithe.2 

William  Norman  had  been  living  in  South  Carolina  for 
some  years  previously.  On  April  10,  1684,  the  Governor  and 
Lords  Proprietors'  deputies  had  issued  a  warrant  to  the  sur- 

1  Records  of  the  First  Church  at  Dorchester,  New  England  (1891),  p.  13. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  109. 

191 


192  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

veyor-general  to  lay  out  320  acres  of  land  for  him;  that  being 
the  amount  allowed  to  him  under  a  late  concession  of  the 
Lords  Proprietors  for  the  arrival  in  the  province  of  himself, 
his  wife,  his  son  William,  two  servants  and  a  negro  that  had 
been  assigned  to  him  by  Matthew  English,1  and  the  land  so 
allowed  was  laid  out  for  him  on  the  east  side  of  the  Ashley 
River  above  Booshoee  (Dorchester)  Creek,  September  22, 
1684.2  It  is  probable  that,  being  a  Congregationalist,  he 
wanted  a  church  of  that  denomination  near  him  and,  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  it,  suggested  the  organization  of  this 
colony  for  South  Carolina.  The  colony,  or  church,  sailed 
from  Boston  December  5,  1695,  as  is  shown  by  the  following 
entry  on  the  records  of  the  First  Church  at  Dorchester: 

December  5th,  1695 — The  church  for  Carolina  set  sail  from 
Boston  Dec  14th  at  night  the  skiff  was  neer  run  undr  water  the 
Stormy  wind  being  so  boisterous.  They  kept  a  day  of  pray  on 
board:  and  safely  Landed  at  Carolina  Decembr  the  20th  the  other 
vessells  had  a  Moneths  Passage  this  but  about  14  days.3 

William  Pratt,  originally  of  Weymouth,  Massachusetts, 
removed  to  Dorchester  in  that  colony  in  1690.  He  is  named 
in  the  record  of  the  meeting  of  October  22,  1695,  as  a  member 
of  the  "  church  gathered  that  day  for  to  goe  South  Carolina." 
He  kept  a  journal  of  the  voyage  from  Boston  to  South  Carolina 
and  of  various  experiences  in  South  Carolina  for  some  time 
after  his  arrival  therein.  On  February  8,  1695/6,  he  left 
Charles  Town  and  returned  to  Massachusetts,  where  he  re 
mained  for  nearly  a  year.  He  again  sailed  from  Boston  for 
South  Carolina,  January  8, 1696/7,  and  again  he  kept  a  journal 
of  his  voyage  and  of  events  occurring  in  South  Carolina  after 
his  return  thither.  This  journal  is  now  in  the  hands  of  one  of 

1  "Warrants  for  Lands,  1672-1692"  (MS.  in  office  of  Historical  Commission 
of  South  Carolina),  p.  296. 

•  The  South  Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical  Magazine,  VI.  64-65. 
•Records  of  the  First  Church  at  Dorchester,  New  England  (1891),  p.  145. 


INTRODUCTION  193 

Elder  Pratt's  descendants,  Mr.  Joshua  Eddy  Crane,  librarian 
of  the  Taunton  Public  Library,  of  Taunton,  Massachusetts, 
who  very  kindly  allowed  it  to  be  copied  for  publication  here. 
Parts  of  it  have  been  printed  heretofore.  Rev.  James  Stacy 
printed  certain  portions  in  his  History  of  the  Midway  Congrega 
tional  Church,  Liberty  County,  Georgia  (Newnan,  Ga.,  1899), 
and  Mr.  Henry  A.  M.  Smith  quoted  parts  of  it  from  Mr.  Stacy's 
work  in  an  article,  entitled  "The  Town  of  Dorchester,  in 
South  Carolina— A  Sketch  of  Its  History,"  in  The  South 
Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical  Magazine  for  January, 
1905  (vol.  VI.,  no.  1).  The  entries  below,  intermixed  with 
recipes,  etc.,  are  made  on  the  blank  leaves  of  a  pocket  almanac. 
Their  order  is  confused.  The  arrangement  adopted  on  the 
following  pages  is  believed  to  be  chronological.  All  the  his 
torical  entries  are  here  printed. 

Elder  Pratt  (he  became  "ruling  elder"  of  the  Dorchester, 
South  Carolina,  church  in  1697)  returned  to  Weymouth  after 
a  few  years,  then  removed  to  Bridgewater,  then  to  Easton, 
Massachusetts,  where  he  died  in  1713.  The  Puritan  church, 
long  maintained  in  this  New  England  settlement  on  Ashley 
River,  was  in  the  eighteenth  century  transferred  into  Georgia. 


JOURNAL  OF  ELDER  WILLIAM  PRATT, 

1695-1701 

ON  Dec.  the  3.  1695.  We  the  Church  that  was  gathered 
in  order  to  bring  the  gospel  ordinences  to  South  Carolina  at 
this  time  sum  of  us  went  into  a  longbote  to  go  on  board  the 
Brigantine  fnndship  of  boston  in  newingland  in  order  to 
our  passing  to  Carolina  but  mising  the  vessell  at  first  we  by 
reason  of  the  strength  of  the  wind  could  not  come  up  with 
here  again  but  were  constrained  to  endure  the  cold  3  or  4 
hours  before  we  could  get  at  any  land  til  at  length  we  got 
to  dorchester  Neck  and  from  there  returned  to  boston  all  in 
safty 

December  the  5  We  set  sail  in  the  aforesaid  vessell  to  go 
on  our  voyage  and  haveing  a  moderate  and  stedy  gale  on 
the  saboth  evening  which  was  the  8  day  of  the  month  and 
the  4th  day  of  our  being  upon  the  sea  we  were  in  the  latitude 
of  the  capes  of  Virginia,  this  evening  the  wind  began  to  bluster 
being  at  norwast  and  the  day  foloing  blew  hard  continually 
incresing  its  strengh  so  that  on  munday  the  9th  day  of  the 
month,  in  the  evening  we  wer  fain  to  lie  by,  i.  e.  take  in  all 
the  sails  except  the  main  course  which  being  reafed  was  left 
to  give  [illegible]  as  well  as  to  stedy  her,  the  helm  being  lashed 
to  leward.  So  we  continued  til  tusday  night,  and  about  mid 
night  the  wind  was  risen  so  high  that  the  vessel  had  like  to 
have  sunk,  by  reson  that  that  small  sail  was  enough  then  to 
run  her  under  water,  and  had  lik  to  have  don  it  but  the  sea 
men  made  way  for  the  vessel  to  rise,  by  furling  the  mainsail 
and  bearing  up  before  the  wind,  we  were  fain  to  scud  thus, 
excepting  sumtimes  when  the  wind  abated,  as  by  fits  for  a 
short  time  it  did,  at  which  times  we  lay  by  as  before  all  the 
next  day  and  part  of  the  day  folowing.  either  on  wedensday  or 
thursday,  we  agreed  to  set  apart  friday  to  seek  the  lord  by 
fasting  and  prayer  and  to  beg  of  him  prosperous  winds  and 

194 


1695]  JOURNAL  OF  ELDER  PRATT  195 

weather,  on  thursday  about  noon  the  wind  began  to  fall  and 
the  sun  to  shine  out,  which  it  had  not  don  so  as  that  ther 
mit  be  any  observasion  after  our  going  out  before,  so  that  on 
friday  we  could  with  sum  comfort  cary  on  the  work  of  the 
day. 

On  Saturday,  the  10th  day  of  our  voyage,  we  found  that 
we  were  got  on  allmost  as  far  southward  as  the  latitude  of 
31°,  and  wanted  much  westing,  for  the  northwest  wind  had 
driven  us  southestward.  on  sabbath  day  which  was  the 
15th  day  of  the  month,  we  were  so  favered  with  wind  as  that 
we  went  with  great  spead,  on  our  course. 

On  Munday  and  so  forward  the  wind  often  shifted,  yet  not 
so  as  to  hindr  our  going  on  in  our  desired  course  tho  we  could 
not  go  wth  so  much  speed  as  we  desired,  thursday  morning, 
being  the  19th  day  of  the  month,  we  came  in  sight  of  the 
land  of  Carolina,  but  were  by  a  disappointment  hindered  from 
geting  in  that  day:  but  the  next  day  we  got  in  thro7  divine 
goodness,  being  the  20th  day  of  desember. 

when  we  cam  to  the  town  our  vessell  fired  3  guns  and  the 
peopel  to  welcom  us  to  the  land  fired  about  9  guns  which 
was  more  then  usiall  and  when  we  came  to  an  ancor  being 
in  the  evening,  many  of  the  peopel  being  worthy  gentelmen 
came  on  bord  us  and  bid  us  welcom  to  Carolina  and  invited 
many  of  us  ashore  and  to  ther  housis.  I  was  among  the 
rest  kindly  entertained  that  night.  I  keept  in  Charsltoun 
about  a  week  and  then  was  caried  by  water  up  to  mr  normons. 
increce  Sumnor  and  I  war  kindly  reseved  and  entertained  by 
the  lady  Extol1  and  tho  two  other  men  war  indevering  to 
get  into  faviour  with  the  ladey  and  other  neighbers  and  to 
obtain  the  land  at  ashly  rever  and,  that  we  mit  not  obtain 
it,  yet  thay  could  not  prevail:  for  as  soon  as  we  came  the 
lady  and  others  of  the  neigbers  did  more  hily  esstem  of  us 
then  of  the  other  as  thay  told  us  and  rejoysed  at  our  com 
ing  tho  ther  was  no  more  of  the  church  then  increse  sumner 
and  I,  and  after  we  had  discorsed  secretly  with  them,  thay 
war  not  only  very  kind  to  us,  but  allso  used  all  menes  and 
touk  great  pains  to  obtain  our  setteling  upon  ashly  rever  and 

1  Lady  Rebecca  Axtell,  widow  of  Landgrave  Daniel  Axtell,  whose  plantation 
(Newington)  lay  on  Booshoee  Creek.  See  The  South  Carolina  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Magazine,  VI.  174-176. 


196  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1696 

that  we  shuld  indever  to  perswad  our  pastr  and  the  Church 
to  settel  their. 

our  minister l  was  at  this  time  up  at  landgrave  morttons 2 
and  som  of  the  church,  and  others  of  the  chuch  at  Charlstoun. 
our  minister  and  church  war  strongly  perswaded  by  the 
lieut1  generall  blak3  and  many  others  to  go  to  new  london 
to  settel,4  and  upon  that  acount  wer  perswaded  to  go  to 
landgrave  mortons  wc  was  neer  this  place. 

about  a  week  after  we  went  by  land  to  Charlstoun  and  war 
caryed  by  water  up  to  land  grave  mortons,  we,  many  of  us 
together,  went  to  vew  the  land  at  newlundon.  after  two  days 
we  returned  to  land  grave  morttons. 

mr  lord  cald  me  aside  and  I  had  much  discors  with  him 
and  when  he  heard  what  I  had  to  say  consarning  ashly  rever 
and  conserning  new  lundon,  mr  lord  was  wholy  of  my  mind 
and  willing  to  tak  up,  upon  thos  condishons  that  we  discorsed 
about,  at  ashly  rever,  which  condishons  war  keept  privet, 
betwen  to  or  3  of  us.  when  I  sougth  arnestly  to  god  for  wisdom 
and  counsel  god  was  grasious  to  me,  for  which  I  have  great 
caus  to  prais  his  name,  as  well  as  for  many  other  signol  marsys.5 
we  keept  sumthing  secrit  from  others  which  was  greatly  for 
our  benifit. 

we  came  from  there  to  mr  curtesis8  and  from  ther  to  mr 

1  Rev.  Joseph  Lord.  Graduated  from  Harvard  College  in  1691,  he  proba 
bly  taught  school  in  Dorchester,  Massachusetts,  from  1692  to  1695.  In  the 
autumn  of  the  latter  year  he  was  ordained  minister  of  the  emigrating  church. 
After  about  twenty  years  in  South  Carolina  he  returned  to  New  England.  In 
1720  he  was  installed  pastor  of  the  church  in  Chatham,  Massachusetts,  and 
died  there  in  1748.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Governor  Thomas  Hinckley  of 
the  Plymouth  Colony. 

3  Landgrave  Joseph  Morton,  son  of  the  former  Governor  Joseph  Morton, 
whom  he  had  succeeded  as  landgrave  upon  his  death. 

3  Joseph  Blake,  a  nephew  of  the  great  English  admiral,  Robert  Blake,  and 
at  that  time  governor  of  South  Carolina.     He  was  subsequently  made  a  land 
grave  and,  having  purchased  the  share  of  John,  Lord  Berkeley,  in  Carolina  be 
came  a  Proprietor  in  1698.     His  plantation  (Plainsfield)  was  on  Stono  River,  near 
New  Cut. 

4  New  London,  subsequently  called  Willtown,  was  a  town  which  had  been 
founded  on  the  Edisto,  or  Ponpon,  River  a  few  years  previously.     On  May  10, 
1682,  the  Lords  Proprietors  had  directed  the  laying  out  thereof,  directing  that 
it  be  called  London.    See  The  South  Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical  Maga 
zine,  January,  1909  (X.  20-32). 

*  Signal  mercies.  6  Daniel  Courtis. 


1696]  JOURNAL  OF  ELDER  PRATT  197 

gilbosons.1  we  were  very  kindly  entertained  at  every  place 
wher  we  came,  but  wher  we  came  we  herd  of  sum  of  thos  that 
came  from  Newingland  that  had  ben  giltey  of  gros  miscareges 
w°  was  a  trobel  to  us,  but  mr  gilbeson  cald  me  aside  and 
had  much  discors  with  me.  afterward  he  told  me  he  was 
very  glad  that  I  came  to  Carolina  and  that  he  had  seen  me 
and  had  opertunity  to  discors  with  me.  he  told  me  he  was 
much  discureged  to  see  the  il  careg  of  thos  that  came  from 
new  ingland,  but  afterward  he  was  bater  satisfied  and  told 
me  he  did  think  ther  was  a  great  diferenc  betwen  the  par 
sons2  that  cam  from  newingland.  tho  many  did  manifest 
their  dislik  of  bad  parsons  that  came  from  newingland  yet 
thay  wer  glad  of  the  coming  of  good  parsons,  we  tarried  their 
2  or  3.  days  being  kindly  entertained  and  when  we  came 
away  thay  gave  us  provission  for  our  voyag  doun  to  Charls- 
toun  and  wer  very  kind  to  us.  from  thenc  we  came  to  governor 
blakes  wher  we  wer  kindly  entertained  and  we  dind  with  them 
and  after  sum  discors  with  governor  blak  we  came  to  mrs 
bamers 3  wher  we  lodge  all  night  being  very  kindly  entertained, 
next  day  the  peppel  being  very  kind,  we  had  a  comfortable 
voyag  doun  to  Charlstoun,  being  the  14th  of  Janir.4  the 
16th  of  January  was  the  eleksion  day  at  Charlstoun.  after 
this  mr  lord  and  sume  of  the  church  came  up  to  ashley  rever 
and  upon  the  saboth  after,  being  the  26th  day  of  Janry,  mr 
lord  precht  at  mr  normons  hous  upon  that  texte  in  8  rom  1 
vrs.  ther  was  many  that  came  to  hear,  of  the  neigbers  round 
about  and  gave  diligent  atension. 

the  second  day  of  feburary  being  sabath  day  mr  lord 
preched  at  ashly  rever  upon  that  texte  1  pet  3.  18.  most 
of  the  neightbors  came  to  hear,  all  the  next  neigbrs  and 
severell  parsons  came  about  10  mils  to  hear,  the  sacriment 
of  the  lords  supper  was  administered  that  day  and  2  decons 
chosen. 

at  this  time  ther  was  great  Joy  among  the  good  pepel  tho  I 
have  sumtims  ben  il  and  afraid  of  sicknes  or  of  on  troble  or 
other  that  would  happen,  yet  god  hath  ben  very  grasious  to 
me  and  hath  heard  my  request  from  time  to  time  and  helped 
me  and  shoed  me  great  marsy  and  when  I  was  redy  to  be 

1  James  Gilbertson.  2  Persons.  3  Mrs.  Beamer. 

*  1696. 


198  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [ico? 

discureged  many  tims  god  incureged  me  again  and  delivered 
out  of  my  trobles. 

the  first  day  of  feburary  being  the  last  day  of  the  week 
and  the  sacriment  to  be  administred  and  many  of  us  wer 
to  come  away  on  second  day  morning  to  Charlstoun  to  com 
to  newingland,  we  set  apart  sum  time  in  the  afternoun  to 
pray  unto  god  and  ther  was  much  of  the  spirit  of  good  brethe- 
ing  in  that  ordinenc  and  when  we  touk  our  leves  of  our  Chris 
tian  frinds  ther  was  weeping  eyes  at  our  departuer  and  we 
had  many  a  blesing  from  them. 


the  6th  of  feburary1  we  went  over  the  water  to  mr  revers2 
and  from  thenc  to  mr  wm  Russels  and  7th  day  of  the  month 
we  traveld  about  James's  island  as  it  is  called  and  saw  a  place 
wher  ther  seemed  to  have  ben  a  fort  mad  for  [illegible]  an 
acre  of  land  and  the  walls  about  it  was  made  with  oister- 
shels  and  earth  [illegible]  that  came  from  north  Carolina  is 
John  meers. 

An  account  of  our  Voyage  From  S°  Carrolina  to  Boston 
New  England  with  Capt  Hill  In  the  Brigantien  Friendship. 

on  Saturday  Feb:  8th  1695/6  In  the  afternoone  wee  fell 
downe  as  far  as  the  look-out  on  Suilifunts 3  Island. 


when  I  came  from  newengland  to  South  Carolina  with  my 
family  we  came  out  of  boston  the  8th  day  of  Janeuery  in  the 
year  1696/7  and  we  sat  sail  from  nantasket,  for  Carolina,  the 
11th  day  the  2nd  day  of  the  week,  the  15th  day  of  the  month, 
the  6.  day  of  the  week  it  began  to  be  stormmy  wind  and  Rain, 
and  the  16  day  being  the  7th  day  of  the  week  it  began  in 
the  morning  to  be  very  violent  and  we  shipt  in  abundenc  of 
water,  at  that  time  we  lost  the  bolsplet,4  and  it  continued  very 
stormy,  we  then  sat  to  praying  espesially  on  saterday  night, 
but  on  the  saboth  we  had  sum  mettegasion  but  afterward  it 
gru  mor  stormmy  again  and  much  rain  and  on  the  4th  day  of 
the  week  being  the  20th  day  of  the  month  about  midnight 
our  mast  fel  doun.  but  in  all  these  trobles  ther  was  much  of 

1 1696. 

1  Mr.  Rivers.     The  name  Rivers  is  still  identified  with  James  Island. 
*  Sullivan's.  4  Bowsprit. 


1698]  JOURNAL  OF  ELDER  PRATT  199 

marsy  mixed  with  it  for  alltho  the  wind  was  very  high  and 
stormy  yet  it  was  very  fair  for  us,  and  that  we  sumtims  [had?] 
sum  metigasion  espesially  after  earnest  prayer,  allso  that  when 
our  mast  fel  doun,  it  fel  Right  along  about  the  medel  of  the 
vesell  toward  the  storn  and  did  not  break  the  pump  but  fel 
just  by  it,  the  mast  being  so  ex  ceding  heavy  if  falen  over 
the  sid  of  the  vesel  we  mit  have  ben  all  lost. 

on  the  6th  day  of  the  week  22nd  day  of  the  month,  we  with 
the  free  consent  of  the  master  and  mat  and  marchant,  we  all 
of  us  together  keept  a  solum  day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  and  on 
the  next  day  we  had  calm  wether  and  a  comfortable  oper- 
tunity  to  gat  up  an  other  smal  mast  which  was  a  great  help  to 
us.  we  had  allso  a  fair  wind  and  on  the  saboth  day  we  had 
a  frash  gal  and  fair  and  had  much  caus  to  prais  god  and  on 
munday  the  wind  was  fair  but  so  much  of  a  calm  that  ther 
was  opertunity  to  lenkthen  our  mast  and  mad  it  beter  for 
sailing,  after  this  much  calm  wether  but  fair  winds  until  we 
came  in  sight  of  the  land,  but  god  haveing  a  design  to  try 
and  prove  us  furdor  and  to  sho  his  pour  and  faithfullnes  and 
yet  furder  to  humble  us  and  to  mak  us  to  pris  marsys  the  mor 
ca[u]sed  a  violent  storm  to  aris  and  drive  us  of  from  land 
again  for  above  a  fortnite,  but  on  the  23rd  of  feburary  brought 
us  all  safe  to  land,  for  which  we  promised  to  prais  his  holy 
name. 

the  23.  day  of  march  in  the  year  1697.1  the  church  and 
others  that  wer  concarnd  did  draw  loots,  the  24th  day  that  all 
meet  together  to  stak  out  and  mark  ther  loots  in  the  trading 
town,  on  both  days  when  thay  meet  to  gether  on  thos  ocasions 
ther  was  love  and  unity  and  pece  in  what  was  acted. 

The  Reverent  Mr  Peairpoint2  dyed,  in  Charlstown  in 
Carolina  the  third  day  of  January  in  the  year  1698. 

A  letel  after  this  ther  was  many  dyed  with  the  smal  pox 

1 1696/7.  Elder  Pratt  adopted  the  "new  style"  of  dating  here.  For  a 
table  showing  the  result  of  the  drawing  of  lots  see  The  South  Carolina  Historical 
and  Genealogical  Magazine,  VI.  73-75. 

3  Rev.  Benjamin  Pierpont,  pastor  of  the  Independent  Congregational  meet 
ing  (White  Meeting)  in  Charles  Town.  In  recording  his  death  Elder  Pratt 
again  adopted  the  "new  style"  of  dating. 


200  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1699 

that  distemper  groing  mor  mortal  then  before,1  and  the  24th 
day  of  feburary  foloing  ther  was  a  great  fire  in  Charlstown 
which  burnt  doun  a  great  part  of  the  town  and  a  few  days 
before  the  fire  ther  was  an  earth  quak  in  Charlstown. 

A  fast  in  secret. 

the  28  day  of  august  in  the  year  1699  I  keept  a  day  of 
fasting  and  prayer  in  secret  alltho  at  the  begining  of  my  enter 
ing  upon  the  work  of  the  [day?]  I  found  much  unability  and 
discuragings  in  my  self  and  lettel  liklihoud  that  I  shuld  hold 
out  to  go  thorow  the  work  of  the  day  alon.  but  at  the  begin 
ing  i  beged  gods  help  and  asistants  and  god  was  pleased  so  to 
help  me  so  that  I  hild  out  comfortablely  until  it  was  near 
night  alltho  I  begun  under  discuragments  yet  gd.  was  pleased 
so  to  asist  and  incuragment  me  afterward  as  that  I  was  much 
incuraged  and  ended  the  work  of  the  day  with  much  comfort. 


A  fast,  the  20th  day  of  Jun.  1700  the  church  of  christ  at 
dor  chest,  keep  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  to  seek  unto  god 
for  rain,  the  next  day  it  pleased  god  to  send  great  showers  of 
rain  and  much  refreshed  the  earth  and  revived  the  corn. 

The  3rd  day  of  September  or,  the  4  day  [  ] 2  1700 

ther  was  A  haurricane  in  South  Carolina. 

governer  blak  dyed  the  6th  of  September  1700.3 

the  8th  day  of  October  in  the  year  1700  was  apointed  to 
chous  men  for  an  asembly. 

the  25.  of  Jun.  1701  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  for  rain. 

1  See  McCrady,  History  of  South  Carolina  under  the  Proprietary  Govern 
ment,  1670-1719,  p.  308. 

*  Blank  in  manuscript. 

3  Langdon  Cheves,  Esq.,  in  his  genealogy  of  the  Blake  family  in  The  South 
Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical  Magazine  for  April,  1900  (I.  153-166), 
puts  it  on  the  7th. 


LETTER  OF  EDWARD  RANDOLPH  TO  THE 
BOARD  OF  TRADE,  1699 


v.V 


INTRODUCTION 

IN  1698-1699  Edward  Randolph,  Surveyor-General  of  His 
Majesty's  Customs  for  North  America,  arrived  in  Charles 
Town,  South  Carolina,  on  one  of  his  official  visits.  He  soon 
sent  a  report  on  his  work  to  the  Board  of  Trade  and  Planta 
tions,  into  which  he  incorporated  his  personal  observations 
as  to  conditions  in  South  Carolina,  thereby  giving  his  report 
considerable  value  as  a  narrative  of  contemporaneous  history. 
His  account  contains  some  erroneous  observations,  due, 
doubtless,  to  the  fact  that  he  had  been  but  a  short  time  in 
the  province  and  had  not  become  fully  conversant  with  its 
affairs.  He  seems,  however,  to  have  been  very  highly  im 
pressed  with  the  natural  resources,  commercial  advantages, 
existing  industries,  and  general  prospects  of  the  province,  for 
he  not  only  wrote  enthusiastically  as  to  them,  but  requested 
that  he  be  allowed  to  make  Charles  Town  his  chief  place  of 
residence.  It  is  likely  that  he  saw  the  ease  with  which  the 
merchants  and  planters  of  South  Carolina  acquired  wealth 
and  desired  to  "try  his  fortune." 

This  report  is  preserved  in  the  British  Public  Record  Office 
in  the  records  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  Proprieties,  volume  25, 
pp.  448  to  459,  and  a  transcript  of  it  constitutes  pp.  88-95 
of  volume  4  of  Public  Records  of  South  Carolina,  a  series  of 
transcripts  of  papers  in  the  British  Public  Record  Office 
relating  to  South  Carolina,  now  in  the  custody  of  the  Historical 
Commission  of  South  Carolina.  It  was  printed  in  full  by 
Professor  William  J.  Rivers  in  A  Sketch  of  the  History  of  South 
Carolina  (Charleston,  1856),  pp.  443-447,  and  an  abstract 
of  it  was  printed  in  volume  I.  of  Collections  of  the  South  Carolina 
Historical  Society  (Charleston,  1857),  pp.  210-211. 

203 


LETTER  OF  EDWARD  RANDOLPH  TO  THE 
BOARD  OF  TRADE,  1699 

E.  Randolph  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,   16  March,   1698-1699. 

May  it  please  yT  Lordships, 

After  a  dangerous  voyage  at  Sea,  I  landed  at  Charles 
Town,  in  the  Province  of  So.  Carolina,  and  soon  after  my 
arrival,  I  administered  the  Oath  to  Mr.  Jos.  Blake,  one  of  the 
Proprietors  and  Governor  of  this  Province.1  But  he  is  not 
allowed  of  by  his  Matya  Order  in  Council  to  be  Govr.,  the 
Act  of  Parlt.  for  preventing  frauds  being  not  taken  notice  of 
by  the  Proprietors.2 

There  are  but  few  settled  Inhabitants  in  this  Province, 
the  Lords  have  taken  up  vast  tracts  of  land  for  their  own 
use,  as  in  Colleton  County  and  other  places,  where  the  land 
is  most  commodious  for  settlement,  which  prevents  peopling 
the  place,  and  makes  them  less  capable  to  preserve  themselves.3 
As  to  their  civil  Governt.,  'tis  different  from  what  I  have  met 
with  in  the  other  Proprieties.  Their  Militia  is  not  above 
1500  Soldiers  White  men,  but  have  thro'  the  Province  gener 
ally  4  Negroes  to  1  White  man,  and  not  above  1100  families, 
English  and  French.4 

1  About  the  middle  of  the  year  1696  John  Archdale,  one  of  the  Proprietors 
of  Carolina  and  Governor  of  South  Carolina,  retired  to  England,  appointing 
Joseph  Blake  deputy  governor  to  serve  in  his  stead.  By  a  letter,  dated  April  25, 
1697,  the  Proprietors  appointed  him  governor.  (Public  Records  of  South  Caro 
lina,  197-198.) 

s  Parliament  had  passed  an  act  in  1695,  in  order  to  prevent  frauds,  requiring 
the  consent  of  the  King  to  such  appointments  by  proprietary  governments;  the 
Proprietors  of  Carolina  had  appointed  Blake  without  complying  with  that  act. 

3  This  was  a  most  pessimistic  view.     While  it  is  true  that  the  Proprietors 
had  taken  up  a  matter  of  forty-eight  to  sixty  thousand  acres  (four  or  five  baronies) 
for  themselves  in  Colleton  County,  there  were  still  a  few  hundred  thousand  acres 
of  excellent  planting  lands  left  in  that  county. 

4  Estimating  one  soldier  for  every  five  white  inhabitants  would  make  the 
white  population  of  the  province  7,500 — a  number  which  the  editor  believes  from 

204 


1699]  LETTER  OF  EDWARD  RANDOLPH  205 

Their  Chief  Town  is  Charles  Town,  and  the  seat  of  Govt. 
in  this  Province,  where  the  Governor,  Council  and  Triennial 
Parliamt.  set,  and  their  Courts  are  holden,  being  above  a 
league  distance  from  the  entrance  to  their  harbour  mouth, 
wch  is  barred,  and  not  above  17  foot  water  at  the  highest 
tide,  but  very  difficult  to  come  in.  The  Harbour  is  called 
by  the  Spaniards,  St.  George;  it  lyes  75  leagues  to  the  North 
ward  of  St.  Augustine,  belonging  to  the  Spaniards.  It  is 
generally  laid  down  in  our  English  maps  to  be  2  deg.,  45  min., 
within  the  southern  bounds  of  this  Province.  In  the  year  1686, 
one  hundred  Spaniards,  wth  Negroes  and  Indians,  landed  at 
Edistoe,  (50  miles  to  the  southward  of  Charles  Town,)  and 
broak  open  the  house  of  Mr.  Joseph  Moreton,1  then  Governor 
of  the  Province,  and  carried  away  Mr.  Bo  well,2  his  Brother- 
in-law,  prisoner,  who  was  found  murdered  2  or  3  days  after; 
they  carried  away  all  his  money  and  plate,  and  13  slaves,  to 
the  value  of  £1500  sterling,  and  their  plunder  to  St.  Augustine. 
Two  of  the  Slaves  made  their  escape  from  thence,  and  returned 
to  their  master.  Some  time  after,  Govr.  Moreton  sent  to 
demand  his  slaves,  but  the  Govr.  of  St.  Augustine  answered  it 
was  done  without  his  orders,  but  to  this  day  keeps  them,  and 
says  he  can't  deliver  them  up  wthout  an  ordr  from  the  King 
of  Spain.  About  the  same  time  they  robbed  Mr.  Grimball's 
House,  the  Sec.  of  the  Province,  whilst  he  attended  the  Council 
at  Charles  Town,  and  carried  away  to  the  value  of  over  £1500 
sterlg.  They  also  fell  upon  a  settlement  of  Scotchmen  at 
Port  Royal,  where  there  was  not  above  25  men  in  health  to 
oppose  them.  The  Spaniards  burnt  down  their  houses, 
destroyed  and  carried  away  all  that  they  had,  because  (as 
the  Spand8  pretended)  they  were  settled  upon  their  land, 
and  had  they  at  any  time  a  superior  force,  they  would  also 
destroy  this  town  built  upon  Ashley  and  Cooper  Rivers. 

many  years'  study  of  the  public  records  to  be  about  the  correct  one.  The  pro 
portion  of  negroes  to  whites  was  nothing  like  four  to  one  in  1699.  It  was  scarcely 
two  to  one.  Governor  Johnson  and  his  council  estimated  in  1708  that  the  total 
population  of  the  province  was  8,180,  almost  equally  divided  between  whites  and 
negroes.  In  the  same  year  Oldmixon  estimated  the  population  at  12,000.  The 
editor  is  of  opinion  that  the  total  population  at  this  time  was  about  16,000 — 
7,500  whites  and  8,500  negroes. 

1  Joseph  Morton.     The  name  is  pronounced  as  if  spelled  Moreton. 

3  Edward  Bowell. 


206  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA          [1699 

This  whole  Bay  was  called  formerly  St.  George's,  which  they 
likewise  lay  claim  to.  The  Inhabitants  complained  of  the 
wrong  done  them  by  the  Spaniards  to  the  Lords  Proprietors, 
and  humbly  prayed  them  (as  I  have  been  truly  informed)  to 
represent  it  to  His  Maty,  but  they  not  hearing  from  the  Lord 
Prop",  fitted  out  two  vessels  with  400  stout  men,  well  armed, 
and  resolved  to  take  St.  Augustine.  But  Jas.  Colleton  came 
in  that  time  from  Barbadoes  with  a  Commission  to  be  Govr., 
and  threatn'd  to  hang  them  if  they  proceeded,  whereupon 
they  went  on  shore  very  unwillingly.  The  Spaniards  hearing 
the  English  were  coming  upon  them  for  the  damages,  they 
left  their  Town  and  Castle,  and  fled  into  the  woods  to  secure 
themselves.  The  truth  is,  as  I  have  been  credibly  informed, 
there  was  a  design  on  foot  to  carry  on  a  Trade  with  the 
Spaniards. 

I  find  the  Inhabitants  greatly  alarmed  upon  the  news 
that  the  French  continue  their  resolution  to  make  a  settling 
at  Messasipi  River,  from  [whence]  they  may  come  over  land 
to  the  head  of  Ashley  River  wthout  opposition,  'tis  not  yet 
known  what  care  the  Lords  Prop™  intend  to  take  for  their 
preservation.  Some  ingenious  gentlemen  of  this  Province 
(not  of  the  Council)  have  lately  told  me  the  Deputies  have 
talked  of  makg  an  Address  to  the  Lords  Proprs  for  relief, 
But  'tis  apparent  that  all  the  time  of  this  French  War 
they  never  sent  them  one  barrel  of  powder  or  a  pound  of 
lead  to  help  them.  They  conclude  they  have  no  reason  to 
depend  upon  them  for  assistance,  and  are  resolved  to  for 
sake  this  Country  betimes,  if  they  find  the  French  are  settled 
at  Meschasipi,  or  if  upon  the  death  of  the  King  of  Spain 
these  Countries  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  French,1  as  in 
evitably  they  will  (if  not  timely  prevented),  and  return  with 
their  families  to  England  or  some  other  place  where  they  may 
find  safety  and  protection.  It  was  one  of  the  first  questions 
asked  by  several  of  the  Chief  men  at  my  arrival,  whether  His 
Maty  will  please  to  allow  them  half  pay  for  2  or  3  years  at 
furthest,  that  afterwards  they  will  maintain  themselves  and 

1  In  1699  the  death  of  King  Charles  II.  of  Spain  was  daily  expected  (he  died 
in  1700),  and  it  was  known  that  his  death  would  be  the  signal  for  aggressive  move 
ments  on  the  part  of  the  French,  whence  came  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession, 
called  in  the  colonies  Queen  Anne's  War. 


1699]  LETTER  OF  EDWARD  RANDOLPH  207 

families  (if  they  have  any)  in  making  Pitch  and  Tar  and  plant 
ing  of  Indian  Corn.  His  Majesty  will  thereby  have  so  many 
men  seasoned  to  the  Country  ready  for  service  upon  all  occa 
sions,  five  such  men  will  do  more  service  by  sea  or  land  then 
20  new  raisd  men  from  home,  they  may  be  brought  hither 
in  the  Virginia  outward  bound  ships,  100  or  150  men  in  a 
year,  till  they  are  made  up  1000,  it  will  save  the  charge  of 
transporting  so  many  another  time  2  or  3000  leagues  at  sea. 
I  heard  one  of  the  Council  (a  great  Indian  Trader,1  and  has 
been  600  miles  up  in  the  Country  west  from  Charles  Town) 
discourse  that  the  only  way  to  discover  the  Meschasipi  is 
from  this  Province  by  land.  He  is  willing  to  undertake  it  if 
His  Maty  will  please  to  pay  the  charge  wch  will  not  be  above 
£400  or  £500  at  most;  he  intends  to  take  with  him  50  white 
men  of  this  Province  and  100  Indians,  who  live  2  days  journey 
east  from  the  Meschasipi,  and  questions  not  but  in  5  or  6 
months  time  after  he  has  His  Maty'8  commands  and  instruc 
tions  to  find  out  the  mouth  of  it  and  the  true  latitude  thereof. 

The  great  improvement  made  in  this  Province  is  wholly 
owing  to  the  industry  and  labour  of  the  Inhabitants.  They 
have  applied  themselves  to  make  such  commodities  as  might 
increase  the  revenue  of  the  Crown,  as  Cotton,  Wool,  Ginger, 
Indigo,  etc.  But  finding  them  not  to  answer  the  end,  they 
are  set  upon  making  Pitch,  Tar  and  Turpentine,  and  planting 
rice,  and  can  send  over  great  quantityes  yearly,  if  they  had 
encouragement  from  England  to  make  it,  having  about  5,000 
Slaves  to  be  employed  in  that  service,2  upon  occasion,  but 
they  have  lost  most  of  their  vessels,  which  were  but  small, 
last  war  by  the  French,  and  some  lately  by  the  Spaniards,  so 
that  they  are  not  able  to  send  those  Commodities  to  England 
for  a  market,  neither  are  sailors  here  to  be  had  to  man  their 
vessels. 

I  humbly  propose  that  if  His  Maty  will  for  a  time  suspend 
the  Duties  upon  Commodities,  and  that  upon  rice  also,  it  will 

1  James  Moore. 

8  This  estimate  is  about  right.  This  was  considerably  over  half  the  negro 
population  of  the  province.  The  remaining  slaves  were  used  as  servants  and 
tradesmen  and  as  laborers  about  Charles  Town.  A  misprint  in  Rivers 's  work 
(A  Sketch  of  the  History  of  South  Carolina}  makes  this  figure  50,000  instead  of 
5,000. 


208  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1699 

encourage  the  Planter  to  fall  vigilantly  upon  making  Pitch 
and  Tar,  etc.,  wch  the  Lords  Propre  ought  to  make  their 
principal  care  to  obtain  from  His  Maty,  being  the  only  way 
to  draw  people  to  settle  in  their  Province,  a  place  of  greatest 
encouragement  to  the  English  Navy  in  these  parts  of  the 
world.  Charles  Town  Bay  is  the  safest  port  for  all  vessels 
coming  thro7  the  gulf  of  Florida  in  distress,  bound  from  the 
West  Indies  to  the  Northern  Plantations;  if  they  miss  this 
place  they  may  perish  at  sea  for  want  of  relief,  and  having 
beat  upon  the  coast  of  New  England,  New  York,  or  Virginia 
by  a  North  West  Wind  in  the  Winter,  be  forced  to  go  to 
Barbadoes  if  they  miss  this  Bay,  where  no  wind  will  damage 
them  and  all  things  to  be  had  necessary  to  refitt  them.  My 
Lords,  I  did  formerly  present  Your  Lordships  with  proposals 
for  supplying  England  with  Pitch  and  Tar,  Masts  and  all  or 
Naval  Stores  from  New  England.  I  observed  when  I  were  at 
York  in  Septr.  last,  abundance  of  Tar  brot.  down  Hudson's 
River  to  be  sold  at  New  York,  as  also  Turpentine  and  Tar 
in  great  quantities  from  the  Colony  of  Connecticut.  I  was  told 
if  they  had  encouragement  they  could  load  several  Ships 
yearly  for  England.  But  since  my  arrival  here  I  find  I  am 
come  into  the  only  place  for  such  commodities  upon  the 
Continent  of  America;  some  persons  have  offered  to  deliver 
in  Charlestown  Bay  upon  their  own  account  1000  Barrels  of 
Pitch  and  as  much  Tar,  others  greater  quantities  provided 
they  were  paid  for  it  in  Charles  Town  in  Lyon  Dollars  l  passing 
here  at  5s.  pr  piece,  Tar  at  8s.  pr  Barrel,  and  very  good  Pitch 
at  12s.  pr  Barrel,  and  much  cheaper  if  it  once  became  a  trade. 
The  season  for  making  those  Commodities  in  this  Province 
being  6  mos.  longer  than  in  Virginia  and  more  Northern 
Plantations,  a  planter  can  make  more  tar  in  any  one  year 
here  with  50  slaves  than  they  can  do  with  double  the  number 
in  those  places,  their  slaves  here  living  at  very  easy  rates 
and  with  few  clothes.2 

The  inclosed  I  received  from  M.  Girard,3  a  French  Prot- 

1  Dutch  dollars,  bearing  as  a  symbol  the  lion  of  Brabant  or  of  the  Netherlands. 

*  This  description  of  the  naval  stores  business,  then  in  its  infancy,  in  Charles 
Town  doubtless  contributed  a  mite  toward  the  splendid  development  it  reached 
thirty  or  forty  years  later. 

a  Guerard.     See  p.  143,  note  1,  supra. 


1699]  LETTER  OF  EDWARD  RANDOLPH  209 

estant  living  in  Carolina.  I  find  them  very  industrious  and 
good  husbands,  but  are  discouraged  because  some  of  them 
having  been  many  years  Inhabitants  in  this  Province  are 
denied  the  benefit  of  being  Owners  and  Masters  of  Vessels, 
which  other  the  Subjects  of  His  Majesty's  Plantations  enjoy, 
besides  many  of  them  are  made  Denizons.1  If  this  Place  were 
duly  encouraged,  it  would  be  the  most  useful  to  the  Crown 
of  all  the  Plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America.  I 
herewith  enclose  to  Your  Lordships  a  Draft  of  the  Town  and 
Castle  of  St.  Augustine,  with  a  short  description  of  it  by  a 
Gentleman  who  has  been  often  there,  It's  done  exactly  true, 
more  for  service  than  for  show.  The  Spaniards  now,  the 
French,  if  ever  they  get  it,  will  prove  dangerous  neighbours  to 
this  Province,  a  thing  not  considered  nor  provided  against  by 
the  Lords  Proprietors.  I  am  going  from  hence  to  Bermuda, 
with  His  Matys  Commissioners,  to  administer  the  Oath  to 
the  Govr.  of  that  Island,  with  a  Commission  for  the  Judge 
and  other  Officers  of  the  Court  of  Admiralty  erected  there, 
from  whence  I  believe  it  necessary  to  hasten  to  the  Bahamas 
Islands,  where  a  Brigantine  belonging  to  New  England  was 
carried  in  as  a  wreck.  The  Master  and  Sailors  being  pursued 
by  some  persons  who  had  commission  from  Govr.  Webb,2 
believing  they  were  chased  by  Spaniards,  forsook  their  Vessel 
and  went  on  shore  among  the  Natives  to  save  their  lives. 
All  which  is  humbly  submitted  by 

Your  Lordship's 

Most  humble  Servant, 

ED.  RANDOLPH. 

The  want  of  a  small  Vessel  to  support  the  loss  of  the 
Frigate,  which  was  appointed  by  the  Lords  Commissrs  of  the 

1  Many  of  the  French  Protestants,  or  Huguenots,  were  naturalized  in  Eng 
land  before  coming  to  America,  but  in  1696  the  General  Assembly  of  South  Caro 
lina  passed  "An  Act  for  Making  Aliens  Free"  by  which  nearly  all  of  the  rest  of 
them  were  naturalized.  Many  of  the  French  Protestants  had  been  serving  in 
the  General  Assembly  before  that  time  and  some  of  them  were  members  of  the 
same  assembly  that  naturalized  their  countrymen.  See  Journals  of  the  Commons 
House  of  Assembly  for  1692,  1693,  and  1696,  and  of  the  Grand  Council  for  1692, 
all  recently  printed  by  the  Historical  Commission  of  South  Carolina  and  edited 
by  the  editor  of  this  volume. 

a  Colonel  Nicholas  Webb,  governor  of  the  Bahama  Islands. 


210  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1699 

Admiralty  to  transplant  me  from  one  Plantation  to  another, 
makes  me  stay  a  great  while  at  one  place  for  a  passage  to 
another,  which  is  uncertain,  difficult  and  dangerous. 

I  have  by  the  extreme  of  cold  last  Winter  in  Maryland 
and  Pennsylvania,  and  by  my  tedious  passage  in  the  Winter 
time  from  New  York  to  this  place,  got  a  great  numbness  in 
my  right  leg  and  foot.  I  am  in  hopes  this  warm  climate  will 
restore  me  to  my  health.  I  have  formerly  wrote  to  your 
Board  and  the  Commissrs  of  H.  M.  Customs,  the  necescity  of 
having  a  Vessel  to  transport  me  from  one  Plantation  to  another. 

I  humbly  pray  Your  Lordships  favour  to  direct  that  the 
little  residence  I  am  to  make  in  these  parts  of  the  World, 
may  be  in  this  Province,  and  that  a  Vessel  well  manned  may 
be  sent  me  hither,  which  may  answer  all  occasion,  my  inten 
tions  being  not  to  lye  idle,  for  when  the  Hurricane  times  come 
in  these  parts  of  the  World,  I  can  go  securely  to  Virginia, 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  and  New  England,  without  fear 
of  being  driven  from  those  Plantations  by  North  West  Winds, 
and  when  they  come  I  can  pass  from  one  Plantation  to  another 
without  difficulty. 


REVEREND  JOHN  BLAIR'S  MISSION  TO 
NORTH  CAROLINA,  1704 


INTRODUCTION 

IN  1703  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in 
Foreign  Parts  authorized  John  Blair  to  go  as  a  missionary  to 
the  settlers  of  North  Carolina,  and  he  was,  accordingly, 
ordained  to  the  ministry  for  that  purpose  April  12,  1703.  He 
set  out  for  his  mission  in  October  following  and  on  January 
14,  1704,  landed  in  Virginia;  ten  days  later  he  arrived  at  his 
destination  in  North  Carolina.  He  found  the  people  among 
whom  he  labored  backward  in  religious  matters  and  little  dis 
posed  to  aid  in  the  support  of  a  minister  of  the  Established 
Church — if  of  any  at  all.  After  a  hard  struggle  for  some 
months,  during  which  he  spent  nearly  all  of  the  little  bounties 
he  had  received  from  Queen  Anne  and  other  philanthropic 
sources,  he  returned  to  England  and  wrote  a  narrative  of  his 
experiences  for  the  information  of  the  Society.  It  is  very 
indefinite  as  to  the  locality  of  his  place  of  residence  while  in 
North  Carolina,  but  from  some  slight  indications  given  on 
that  point  it  would  appear  to  have  been  in  the  Pamlico 
settlement  on  Pamlico  Sound. 

Mr.  Blair's  narrative  is  preserved  in  London  in  the  North 
Carolina  letter  book  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts.  A  transcript  of  it  has  been  printed 
in  The  Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina,  I.  600-603,  which 
has  been  followed  here. 


REVEREND  JOHN  BLAIR'S  MISSION  TO 
NORTH  CAROLINA,  1704 

I  WAS  ordained,  in  order  to  go  to  the  plantations,  12th 
April,  1703,  and  then  received  the  queen's  bounty  of  £20, 1 
and,  soon  after,  my  Lord  WeymouthV  bounty  of  £50;  upon 
which  I  lived  in  England  till  the  1st  of  October  following, 
which,  together  with  my  fitting  out  for  such  a  voyage  and 
country,  consumed  the  most  part  of  my  money.  I  had  like 
wise  £5  sent  me  by  my  lord  of  London  to  Portsmouth,  and 
when  I  landed  in  Virginia  I  had  no  more  than  £25. 

I  landed  in  Virginia,  14th  of  January,  1704;  and,  as  soon 
as  I  could  conveniently  travel,  I  waited  upon  the  governor, 
and  immediately  after  made  the  best  of  my  way  into  the 
country  where  I  was  bound. 

I  arrived  amongst  the  inhabitants,  after  a  tedious  and 
troublesome  journey,  24th  ditto.  I  was  then  obliged  to  buy 
a  couple  of  horses,  which  cost  me  fourteen  pounds, — one  of 
which  was  for  a  guide,  because  there  is  no  possibility  for  a 
stranger  to  find  his  road  in  that  country,  for  if  he  once  goes 
astray  (it  being  such  a  desert  country)  it  is  a  great  hazard 
if  he  ever  finds  his  road  again.  Beside,  there  are  mighty 
inconveniences  in  travelling  there,  for  the  roads  are  not  only 
deep  and  difficult  to  be  found,  but  there  are  likewise  seven 
great  rivers  in  the  country,  over  which  there  is  no  passing 
of  horses,  except  two  of  them,  one  of  which  the  Quakers  have 
settled  a  ferry  over  for  their  own  conveniency,  and  nobody 
but  themselves  have  the  privilege  of  it ;  so  that  at  the  passing 
over  the  rivers,  I  was  obliged  either  to  borrow  or  hire  horses, 
which  was  both  troublesome  and  chargeable,  insomuch  that 

1  Queen  Anne's  Bounty  was  instituted  in  1704  for  the  benefit  of  the  poorer 
clergy,  the  Queen  appropriating  to  their  relief  a  branch  of  her  income  which  had 
originally  come  to  the  Crown  from  the  "first-fruits  and  tenths"  of  church  livings 
in  Henry  VIII. 's  time. 

1  Viscount  Weymouth,  a  benevolent  privy-councillor  of  Queen  Anne. 

214 


1704]  REV.   JOHN  BLAIR'S  MISSION  215 

in  little  more  than  two  months  I  was  obliged  to  dispose  of  the 
necessaries  I  carried  over  for  my  own  use,  to  satisfy  my  creditors. 

I  found  in  the  country  a  great  many  children  to  be  bap 
tized,  where  I  baptized  about  a  hundred;  and  there  are  a 
great  many  still  to  be  baptized,  whose  parents  would  not  conde 
scend  to  have  them  baptized  with  god-fathers  and  god-mothers. 

I  married  none  in  the  country,  for  that  was  a  perquisite 
belonging  to  the  magistrates,  which  I  was  not  desirous  to 
deprive  them  of. 

I  preached  twice  every  Sunday,  and  often  on  the  week-days, 
when  their  vestries  met,  or  could  appoint  them  to  bring  their 
children  to  be  baptized. 

I  called  a  vestry  in  each  precinct,  in  my  first  progress 
through  the  country,  to  whom  I  gave  an  account  of  my  Lord 
Weymouth's  charitable  bounty  in  supporting  my  mission 
among  them,  and  likewise  of  the  good  designs  the  honorable 
society  had  for  them,  as  I  was  informed  by  Mr.  Amy1  that 
they  had  settled  £50  per  annum  for  the  maintenance  of  two 
clergymen  amongst  them;  and  likewise  a  proposal  that  Dr. 
Bray2  desired  me  to  make  to  them,  that,  upon  their  procuring 
good  glebes,  he  doubted  not  that  there  might  be  a  settlement 
made  for  the  advantage  of  the  Church,  such  as  there  is  in  the 
island  of  Bermudas,  viz.,  two  slaves  and  a  small  stock  in  each 
precinct,  and  that  to  be  continued  good  by  the  incumbent 
to  his  successor,  which  will  be  a  lasting  estate  to  the  Church. 

They  have  built  in  the  country  three  small  churches,  and 
have  three  glebes. 

In  the  three  chief  precincts,  there  is  a  reader  established  in 
each,  to  whom  they  allow  a  small  salary,  who  reads  morning 
and  evening  prayer  every  Lord's  day,  with  two  sermons,  and 
I  took  care  to  furnish  them  with  books  from  the  library3 
before  I  came  away. 

I  remained  very  well  satisfied  in  the  country  till  their 
Assembly  sat,  which  was  on  1st  March,  where  I  expected  they 

1  An  officer  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts. 

2  Rev.  Dr.  Thomas  Bray,  who  practically  founded  the  Society  for  the  Prop 
agation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts  and  who  for  years  labored  assiduously 
for  its  success. 

3  Meaning  no  doubt  the  library  which  had  been  established  in  the  province 
by  the  Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge,  founded  by  Dr.  Bray.    See 
Steiner,  in  American  Historical  Review,  II.  72. 


216  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

would  propose  a  settlement  for  my  maintenance;  and  they 
taking  no  care  of  it,  together  with  my  then  circumstances, 
which  were  but  very  indifferent,  discouraged  me  very  much, 
and  occasioned  my  first  thoughts  of  returning  to  England; 
for  I  was  informed  before  I  went  thither  that  there  was  £30 
per  annum,  settled  by  law,1  to  be  paid  in  each  precinct  for 
the  maintenance  of  a  minister,  which  law  was  sent  over  hither 
to  be  confirmed  by  their  lords  proprietors,  and  it  being  supposed 
not  to  be  a  competency  for  a  minister  to  live  on,  was  sent 
back  again  without  confirmation,  whereof  the  Quakers  took 
the  advantage,  and  will  endeavor  to  prevent  any  such  law 
passing  for  the  future,  for  they  are  the  greatest  number  in 
the  Assembly,  and  are  unanimous,  and  stand  truly  to  one 
another  in  whatsoever  may  be  to  their  interest.  For  the 
country  may  be  divided  into  four  sorts  of  people:  first,  the 
Quakers,  who  are  the  most  powerful  enemies  to  Church 
government,  but  a  people  very  ignorant  of  what  they  pro 
fess.  The  second  sort  are  a  great  many  who  have  no  re 
ligion,  but  would  be  Quakers,  if  by  that  they  were  not  obliged 
to  lead  a  more  moral  life  than  they  are  willing  to  comply 
to.  A  third  sort  are  something  like  Presbyterians,  which 
sort  is  upheld  by  some  idle  fellows  who  have  left  their  law 
ful  employment,  and  preach  and  baptize  through  the  country, 
without  any  manner  of  orders  from  any  sect  or  pretended 
Church.  A  fourth  sort,  who  are  really  zealous  for  the  interest 
of  the  Church,  are  the  fewest  in  number,  but  the  better  sort 
of  people,  and  would  do  very  much  for  the  settlement  of  the 
Church  government  there,  if  not  opposed  by  these  three  pre 
cedent  sects;  and  although  they  be  all  three  of  different  pre 
tensions,  yet  they  all  concur  together  in  one  common  cause 
to  prevent  any  thing  that  will  be  chargeable  to  them,  as  they 
allege  Church  government  will  be,  if  once  established  by  law. 
And  another  great  discouragement  these  poor  people  have, 
is  a  governor  who  does  not  in  the  least  countenance  them  in 
this  business,  but  rather  discourages  them.2 

Finding  it  impossible  to  travel  through  the  country  at 
that  rate  I  began,  I  was  resolved  to  settle  in  one  precinct, 
but  the  people,  all  alleging  that  my  Lord  Weymouth's  charity 

1  Act  of  1701. 

1  Governor  Henderson  Walker  (d.  April  14,  1704)  is  probably  meant 


1704]  REV.  JOHN  BLAIR'S  MISSION  217 

was  universally  designed  for  the  whole  country,  would  not 
consent  to  it;  which  bred  some  disturbance  amongst  them, 
upon  which  I  was  advised,  by  some  of  the  best  friends  of  the 
Church,  to  come  over  and  represent  their  condition  to  the 
honorable  society,  not  only  of  their  want  of  ministers  but 
likewise  of  inhabitants  to  maintain  them;  and  their  desires, 
they  complying  with  my  necessities,  was  a  powerful  argument, 
considering  I  was  then  reduced  to  my  last  stake,  and  knew 
not  where,  or  upon  what  account,  to  be  further  supplied. 
Besides,  such  a  solitary,  toilsome,  and  hard  living  as  I  met 
with  there  were  very  sufficient  discouragements.  I  was  dis 
tant  from  any  minister  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles,  so  that 
if  any  case  of  difficulty  or  doubt  should  happen,  with  whom 
should  I  consult?  And  for  my  travelling  through  the  country, 
I  rode  one  day  with  another,  Sundays  only  excepted,  about 
thirty  miles  per  diem  in  the  worst  roads  that  ever  I  saw; 
and  have  sometimes  lain  whole  nights  in  the  woods. 

I  will  now  endeavor  to  show  you  how  inefficient  a  single 
man's  labors  would  be  amongst  so  scattered  a  people.  In  the 
first  place,  suppose  him  minister  of  one  precinct  (whereas 
there  are  five  in  the  country),  and  this  precinct,  as  they  are 
all  bounded  with  two  rivers,  and  those  rivers  at  least  twenty 
miles  distant,  without  any  inhabitants  on  the  road,  for  they 
plant  only  on  the  rivers,  and  they  are  planted  at  length  upon 
those  rivers  at  least  twenty  miles,  and  to  give  all  those  inhabi 
tants  an  opportunity  of  hearing  a  sermon,  or  bringing  their 
children  to  be  baptized,  which  must  be  on  the  Sabbath,  for 
they  won't  spare  time  of  another  day,  and  must  be  in  every 
ten  miles  distant,  for  five  miles  is  the  furthest  they  will  bring 
their  children,  or  willingly  come  themselves;  so  that  he 
must,  to  do  his  duty  effectually,  be  ten  or  twelve  weeks  in 
making  his  progress  through  one  precinct. 

You  may  also  consider  the  distance  that  the  new  colony 
of  Pamtico  is  from  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  country, 
for  any  man  that  has  tried  it  would  sooner  undertake  a  voyage 
from  this  city  to  Holland  than  that,  for  beside  a  pond  of  five 
miles  broad,  and  nothing  to  carry  one  over  but  a  small  perry- 
auger,1  there  are  about  fifty  miles  desert  to  pass  through, 
without  any  human  creature  inhabiting  in  it.  I  think  it 
likewise  reasonable  to  give  you  an  account  of  a  great  nation 

1  Periagua. 


218  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

of  Indians  that  live  in  that  government,  computed  to  be  no 
less  than  100, 000,  *  many  of  which  live  amongst  the  English, 
and  all,  as  I  can  understand,  a  very  civilized  people. 

I  have  often  conversed  with  them,  and  have  been  frequently 
in  their  towns:  those  that  can  speak  English  among  them 
seem  to  be  very  willing  and  fond  of  being  Christians,  and  in 
my  opinion  there  might  be  methods  taken  to  bring  over  a 
great  many  of  them.  If  there  were  no  hopes  of  making  them 
Christians,  the  advantage  of  having  missionaries  among  them 
would  redound  to  the  advantage  of  the  government,  for 
if  they  should  once  be  brought  over  to  a  French  interest  (as 
we  have  too  much  reason  to  believe  there  are  some  promoters 
amongst  them  for  that  end  by  their  late  actions),  it  would 
be,  if  not  to  the  utter  ruin,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  all  the 
English  plantations  on  the  continent  of  America. 

I  have  here  in  brief  set  down  what  I  have  to  say,  and 
shall  be  ready  to  answer  to  any  questions  the  honorable 
society  shall  think  convenient  to  ask  me  concerning  the 
country;  and  shall  be  both  ready  and  willing  to  serve  them 
anywhere  upon  such  encouragement  as  I  can  live,  according 
to  my  education,  after  my  Lord  Weymouth  ceases  to  lay  his 
commands  on  me. 

I  have  made  a  considerable  losing  voyage  of  it  this  time, 
both  by  my  troublesome  travelling  in  America,  and  likewise 
by  being  taken  into  France,  where  I  was  a  prisoner  of  war 
nine  weeks,  and  was  forced  to  make  use  of  my  credit  for  my 
sustenance;  and  have  lived  in  the  same  circumstances  since  I 
came  to  England,  without  any  manner  of  relief,  which  has  been 
very  troublesome  to  me,  all  of  which  has  brought  me  con 
siderably  in  debt,  near  £35,  and  now  in  no  way  to  pay  it, 
without  my  charitable  benefactor  or  the  honorable  society 
judge  my  labors  worthy  a  reward. 

1  This  estimate  is  far  in  excess  of  the  correct  figure.  There  was  no  nation 
of  Indians  in  that  quarter  at  that  time  that  contained  more  than  a  tenth  of  that 
number,  and  all  neighboring  tribes  combined  scarcely  a  fourth  thereof.  Mr. 
James  Mooney,  in  The  Simian  Tribes  of  the  East  (Washington,  1894),  pp.  8-9, 
says:  "On  the  lower  Neuse  and  its  tributaries,  the  Contentnea  and  the  Trent, 
and  extending  up  about  as  far  as  the  present  site  of  Raleigh,  were  the  Tuskarora, 
the  most  important  tribe  of  North  Carolina  east  of  the  mountains.  Before  they 
rose  against  the  whites  in  1711  they  were  estimated  at  1,200  warriors,  or  perhaps 
5,000  souls,  but  their  terrible  losses  in  the  ensuing  war,  amounting  to  400  in  one 
battle  and  1,000  in  another,  completely  broke  their  power." 


PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE,  1705 


INTRODUCTION 

No  sooner  had  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina  effected  a 
settlement  in  that  part  of  the  province  subsequently  known 
as  South  Carolina  than  it  became  an  object  of  jealousy  to  the 
Spaniards  in  Florida,  and  several  attempts  to  destroy  it  were 
made  by  them.1  This  hostile  attitude  of  the  Spaniards  soon 
provoked  a  counter  spirit  in  the  people  of  South  Carolina  and 
a  determination  on  their  part  to  invade  Florida  and  destroy 
St.  Augustine  at  the  first  favorable  opportunity. 

Upon  the  death  of  Governor  Blake,  September  7,  1700, 
the  Lords  Proprietors'  deputies  met  on  the  llth  of  that  month 
and  elected  ("according  to  the  Instructions  or  Rules  of  Gov 
ernment  from  the  Lords  proprs.  to  Coll  Phill  Ludwell") 
James  Moore,  one  of  the  deputies,  governor.2  Governor 
Moore  had  for  many  years  cherished  an  ambition  to  invade 
Florida.  The  opportunity  came  now  while  he  was  governor. 

1  See  pp.  185,  186,  205,  supra;   and  McCrady,  History  of  South  Carolina 
under  the  Proprietary  Government. 

2  The  account  of  the  election  of  Moore  given  by  various  historians  from 
Hewat  to  McCrady  is  entirely  erroneous.    The  Proprietors  having  furnished  a 
mode  of  procedure  in  instructions  on  the  subject  to  Governor  Ludwell  it  was 
strictly  followed  and  the  election  of  Moore  was  entirely  consistent  therewith. 
There  were  two  landgraves  and  four  other  deputies  at  the  meeting.    The  name 
of  the  senior  landgrave  in  the  province,  Bellinger,  was  presented  first  and  he 
received  one  vote,  that  of  Landgrave  Morton.     Deputies  LeNoble,  Gibbes, 
Daniell,  and  Moore  voted  against  him.     The  name  of  Landgrave  Morton  "was 
then  presented  and  he  received  the  votes  of  Landgrave  Bellinger  and  Deputies 
LeNoble  and  Gibbes,  Deputies  Daniell  and  Moore  voting  against  him.     Both 
landgraves  were  objected  to  on  the  ground  that  they  had  accepted  offices  from 
the  Crown  while  still  holding  commissions  as  Lords  Proprietors'  deputies.    There 
being  no  other  landgrave  in  the  province  the  deputies,  following  their  instructions, 
proceeded  to  elect  one  of  the  deputies  governor,  and  James  Moore  received  a 
majority  of  the  votes  and  was  declared  governor.     ("Public  Records  of  South 
Carolina,"  V.  70-71.) 

221 


222  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

He  learned  in  1702,  before  he  had  any  knowledge  of  Queen 
Anne's  declaration  of  war  against  Spain,  that  the  Spaniards 
in  Florida  had  planned  to  invade  South  Carolina  by  land  with 
900  Indians.  The  plot  was  discovered  by  friendly  Creek 
Indians  and  disclosed  to  South  Carolina  traders  in  their  nation. 
These  traders  gathered  500  Creeks  and  defeated  the  invaders. 
A  land  and  naval  expedition  was  then  sent  by  the  General 
Assembly  of  South  Carolina  to  invade  Florida.  Governor 
Moore  led  the  land  forces  and  Robert  Daniell,  one  of  the 
Proprietors7  deputies,  led  the  naval  armament,  but  they  did 
not  accomplish  their  undertaking  and  returned  in  disappoint 
ment.1 

In  January,  1703,  the  General  Assembly  met,  and  imme 
diately  entered  into  discussion  of  plans  for  again  invading 
Florida,  and  for  paying  the  expenses  of  the  late  expedition. 
A  bill  to  raise  £4000  was  passed  in  the  Commons  House  over 
the  opposition  of  certain  Dissenters  in  that  body,  who  forth 
with  withdrew  therefrom  in  anger.  The  next  day  they 
returned  to  the  House  and  offered  to  resume  their  seats  if 
the  other  members  of  the  Commons  House  would  join  them 
in  the  assertion  of  their  rights.  The  other  members  spurned 
their  offers  and  insulted  them.  Their  withdrawal  broke  a 
quorum  and  thereby  estopped  legislation  that  was  very 
important  for  the  welfare  of  the  province.  This  enraged  the 
populace  of  Charles  Town  and  when  the  obstructing  members 
appeared  on  the  streets  they  were  set  upon  by  a  mob.  They 
sought  redress  at  the  hands  of  Governor  Moore  and  other 
local  officials,  but  obtained  no  sympathy.  They  then  tried 
petitioning  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  for  redress  at  their  hands. 
They  sent  one  of  their  number,  John  Ash,  to  England  to  lay 
their  petition  before  and  plead  their  cause  with  the  Lords 
Proprietors,  but  the  Proprietors  gave  little  attention  to  their 
complaint.  Ash  then  began  to  prepare  a  pamphlet  giving 

1  McCrady,  History  of  South  Carolina  under  the  Proprietary  Government. 


INTRODUCTION  223 

the  Dissenters7  side  of  the  controversy,  but  died  before  he  had 
completed  it.  Ash's  place  was  soon  taken  by  Joseph  Boone, 
another  of  the  leaders  of  the  Dissenters  in  South  Carolina, 
who  came  with  a  new  petition  and  new  complaints  to  the 
Proprietors.  He  met  with  no  better  success  in  convincing 
the  Proprietors  of  the  wickedness  of  their  government  than 
had  Ash.  Boone  next  enlisted  the  sympathy  of  Daniel  Defoe, 
the  noted  fiction-writer  and  publicist,  who  prepared  the  succeed 
ing  brief  of  the  Dissenters'  case  for  the  information  of  Par 
liament.  Defoe's  case  is  based  entirely  on  the  ex  parte  state 
ments  of  the  discontented  Dissenters,  who,  while  respectable 
people,  constituted  a  very  small  portion  of  the  population  of 
South  Carolina.  A  decided  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
province  were  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  aligned  with 
them  were  the  French  Protestants,  several  hundred  in  number, 
and  a  few  Jews  and  persons  of  other  religious  persuasions; 
nor  were  all  of  the  Dissenters  in  the  province  opposed  to 
Governor  Moore  and  his  governmental  policies.  Defoe  had 
never  lived  in  South  Carolina  and  was  not  familiar  with  con 
ditions  in  the  province.  His  narration  of  the  preceding  and 
current  political  history  of  the  province,  therefore,  cannot  be 
given  full  credence  as  such,  although  it  is  interesting.  His 
pamphlet  was  printed  in  London  in  1705,  and  has  become 
the  principal  source  for  this  episode  in  the  history  of  South 
Carolina,  notwithstanding  the  existence  of  the  journals  of  the 
Commons  House  of  Assembly  of  South  Carolina,  the  corre 
spondence  of  the  public  officials  of  the  province,  and  the  records 
of  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina,  all  of  which  fail  to  sus 
tain  his  and  the  Dissenters'  statements  concerning  this  noted 
controversy. 


PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE,  1705 

Party-Tyranny,  or  an  Occasional  Bill  in  Miniature;  as  now 
Practiced  in  Carolina.  Humbly  offered  to  the  Consideration 
of  both  Houses  of  Parliament. 

London,  Printed  in  the  Year  1705.1 

As  it  has  been  always  the  Care  of  the  Commons  of  England, 
to  Defend  the  English  Subjects  from  all  manner  of  Invasions 
of  their  Liberty;  the  Authors  of  this,  thought  it  a  Duty,  and 
it  seems  to  be  the  Duty  of  every  part  aggrieved,  to  apply  to 
their  Common  Remedy  in  all  their  Oppressions;  where  they 
have  reason  to  expect  Relief  in  all  Cases  that  merit  their 
Cognizance,  and  who  are  indeed  proper  Judges,  whether  the 
Cases  of  which  they  Complain,  merit  their  Cognizance,  or  no. 

The  Doors  of  the  House  of  Commons  are  ever  Open  to 
receive  the  just  Complaints  of  the  People,  and  no  Man  how 
ever  Mean  or  Despicable  he  be,  but  has  a  full  Liberty  to 
bring  his  Grievances  to  their  Feet,  and  has  Reason  to  expect 
suitable  Redress. 

If  it  be  the  proper  Business  of  the  House  of  Commons,  to 
Redress  the  Subject's  Grievances,  it  must  be  the  proper  Duty 
of  the  Subjects,  to  lay  that  Grievance  they  Expect  Redress 
in,  before  them:  The  House  of  Commons  are  but  Men;  they 
are  a  Select  Number  chosen  from  the  General  Body,  to  rep 
resent  the  whole,  and  due  Deference  ought  to  be  paid  to  both 
their  Dignity  and  Capacity;  but  still  they  are  but  Men,  and 
cannot  be  supposed  to  know  the  Grievances  of  the  Subject 
they  should  relieve,  'till  they  are  laid  before  them,  and  till 
they  are  fairly  and  properly  represented. 

And  this  is  both  the  Reason,  and  we  hope  the  sufficient 
Justification  of  this  Book:  It  contains  a  short,  but  true 
Abridgement  of  High-Church-Tyranny,  it  is  an  Occasional 

1  Title-page  of  original. 
224 


PARTY-TYRANNY 


in  OCCAS 


CAROLINA 


Humbly  ofl  be  Conf 

both  Houics  of  PA  R 


TITLE-PAGE  OF  DANIEL  DEFOE'S  "PARTY-TYRANNY,"  1705 

From  a  copy  in  the  Library  of  Congress 


1705]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  225 

Bill  in  Miniature;1  'tis  a  Compendium  of  Various  Kinds  of 
Oppressions  practised  on  the  English  Subjects,  by  Fellow- 
Subjects  in  the  Face  of  that  Government,  which  being  Estab- 
lish't  on  the  Neck  of  Tyranny,  has  openly  declared  against  all 
sorts  of  Invasion  of  English  Liberty. 

If  any  Man  shall  say  this  Matter  is  not  Cognizable  in 
Parliament,  and  that  the  People  of  Carolina  are  not  rep 
resented  here,  having  a  Parliament  of  their  own,  by  whom 
they  are  to  be  Determined,  that  they  are  therein  entirely 
under  the  Government  of  themselves,  and  that  these  Oppres 
sions  are  the  Act  and  Deed  of  their  own  Representative,  and 
therefore  their  own  Act  and  Deed,  I  shall  take  leave  to  Answer. 

'Tis  true,  by  the  Constitution  of  Carolina,  they  are  under 
the  Government  of  themselves,  and  perhaps  if  their  Consti 
tution  were  rightly  Administred,  it  may  be  allowed  the  best 
Settlement  in  America.  But  as  the  Wisdom  of  their  Con 
stitution  is  known,  and  unquestioned,  without  doubt  those 
able  Heads  that  settl'd  their  Government,  did  not  forget, 
that  even  those  Representative  Assemblies,  especially  in  the 
Infancy  of  the  Government,  might  be  corrupt,  or  might  by 
Bribery  or  other  ill  Practices,  be  ModelPd  and  Influenc'd  in 
Matters  of  Parties,  to  Oppress  and  Injure  the  People  they 
acted  for.  That  especially  in  their  Infancy  and  the  Paucity 
of  Electors,  they  might  be  Obtruded  upon  the  People  by 
Clandestine  Methods,  the  Management  and  Artifices  of  Gov 
ernors,  and  Men  of  Design,  might  have  great  Opportunities 
from  the  Power  and  Purse  of  the  People  to  byass  and  awe  the 
Elections;  and  having  filPd  their  Assembly  with  Men  of  their 
own  Principles,  all  manner  of  Mischiefs  might  ensue  to  the 
Destruction  of  the  Colony,  Overthrow  of  the  Settlement  and 
Ruin  of  the  Inhabitants. 

And  if  any  Man  ask  me,  why  then  did  they  not  make 
Laws,  to  direct  the  People  in  such  Cases  what  to  do,  I  cannot, 
but  Answer  for  them,  as  I  verily  believe  they  would  have 
Answered  for  themselves  had  they  been  alive. 

That  when  any  Body  of  Men  Representative,  or  other 
Acting  by,  or  for  a  Constitution,  from  whom  they  receive  their 

1  The  Occasional  Bills  of  the  period  from  1702  to  1719  in  English  history  were 
bills  against  occasional  conformity  to  the  Established  Church,  intended  to  pre 
vent  Dissenters  from  securing  municipal  office. 


226  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1705 

Power,  shall  Act,  or  do,  or  make  Laws  and  Statutes,  to  do 
anything  destructive  of  the  Constitution  they  Act  from,  that 
Power  is  Ipso  facto  dissolved,  and  revolves  of  Course  into  the 
Original  Power,  from  whence  it  was  derived. 

From  hence  it  must  follow,  that  upon  known  Depredations 
of  Common  Liberty,  Breach  of  the  Capitulations  of  Govern 
ment,  between  the  Governors  and  the  People  of  Carolina; 
the  People  without  doubt,  by  Right  of  Nature  as  well  as  by 
the  Constitution,  revolves  under  the  immediate  Direction  and 
Government  of  the  English  Empire,  whose  Subjects  they  were 
before,  and  from  whom  their  Government  was  deriv'd. 

It  remains  here,  to  lay  down  what  these  Capitulations  I 
speak  of  are,  by  which  the  people  of  Carolina  ought  to  be 
governed,  and  in  the  Breach  whereof  they  are  Oppress't; 
and  then  to  descend  to  the  black  Relation,  how  those  Postu 
late  are  broken  and  unregarded,  how  these  people  are  Injured 
and  Tyrannized  over,  what  Redress  ought  to  be  given  them 
by  their  Governours  the  Proprietors,  How  that  Redress  has 
been  legally  sought  for,  and  humbly  petitioned  for  but  in 
Vain. 

I  shall  then  Examine,  not  only,  how  far  the  People  have  a 
Right  to  dispence  the  Engins  of  this  Sub-Tyranny;  but  how 
far  the  Constitution  it  self  is  dissolved,  and  the  People  have  a 
Right  to  Establish  their  being  there  so  far  as  their  Free-hold 
extends;  Upon  such  Foundations  of  Justice  and  Liberty,  as 
that  it  may  no  more  be  in  the  Power  of  Usurping  Thieves  and 
Oppressors,  to  injure  and  disturb  them. 

In  Order  to  the  first,  the  Reader  may  please  to  take  the 
following  Abridgement  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Collony,  as 
the  Ground  Plot  by  which,  tho'  it  be  short,  he  will  plainly 
Discover,  upon  what  Exact  Basis  of  Right  and  Property  this 
Government  was  Erected,  and  how,  plainly,  by  the  Encroach 
ments  of  the  present  Gentlemen,  the  People  are  Injured,  the 
Constitution  in  it  self  Destroyed  and  Inverted,  and  the  People 
left. 

Free  .  .  .  To  Choose  for  their  Own  share, 
What  Case  of  Government  they  please  to  wear, 
If  to  this  Lord,  or  that,  they  do  Commit 
The  Reins  of  Rule.  .  .  . 
All  Men  are  bound  in  Conscience  to  submit; 


1663]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  227 

But  then  that  Lord  must  give  his  free  assent, 
To  Postulata's  of  the  Government. 
Which  if  he  breaks,  he  Cuts  off  the  Entail, 
And  Right  retreats  to  it's  Original. 

An  Abridgement  of  the  Settlement  of  Carolina. 

To  Understand  the  true  Foundation  and  Establishment  of 
the  present  Plantation  of  Carolina,  it  is  necessary  to  Observe: 

That  this  Colony,  tho'  discovered,  and  in  part  possest,  even 
before  that  part  of  America,  call'd  Virginia,  to  which  it  is 
contiguous;  yet  lay  for  several  Ages  of  Time  unimproved  and 
neglected,  till  about  the  Year  ,  When  a  particular  Account 
of  its  Fertility,  the  wonderful  agreableness  of  the  Climate,  the 
Pleasantness  and  Health  of  its  Scituation,  Advantages  of 
Produce,  Fitness  for  Trade,  and  all  Manner  of  Improvement, 
being  brought  to  some  Gentlemen  of  Quality  and  Estates  in 
England,  they  resolv'd  to  encourage  the  planting  this  Country, 
and  in  particular,  resolv'd  to  settle  it  upon  some  better  Foun 
dations  of  Government,  than  the  rest  of  the  English  Colonies 
seem'd  to  stand  upon;  as  the  only  Thing,  .which  added  to 
the  rest  of  its  Advantages,  wou'd  best  encourage  the  speedy 
Planting  it,  and  draw  Inhabitants  in  great  Numbers  from 
other  Plantations  to  this  New  Settlement;  These  Gentlemen 
being  truly  sensible  of  that  known  and  undisputed  Maxim 
of  Government,  That  the  Number  of  Inhabitants,  is  both  the 
Wealth  and  Strength  of  a  Nation. 

In  Order  to  this,  they  first  obtain  a  Grant  of  the  Province 
from  King  Charles  the  Second,  to  them  and  their  Heirs,  as 
Absolute  Lords  and  Proprietors  of  the  Country. 

But  the  Reader  is  desir'd  not  to  forget,  that  this  Grant 
or  Charter  of  King  Charles  the  Second,  had  two  Restrictions 
or  Saving  Articles  in  it,  which,  indeed,  were  not  Proviso's 
of  Capitulation,  but  Proviso's  of  Necessity.  I'll  explain  my 
self  presently,  the  Salvo's  were  these, 

1.  Saving  always  the  Faith,  Allegiance,  and  Soveraign 
Dominion  due  to  us,  our  Heirs,  and  Successors  for  the  same. 
And, 

2.  Saving  also  the  Right,  Title  and  Interest,  of  all,  and 
every  our  Subjects  of  the  English  Nation,  which  are  now 
planted  within  the  Limits  and  Bounds  aforesaid. 

See  the  Printed  Charter,  p.  3. 


228  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

These  I  call  Proviso's  of  Necessity,  because  nothing  can 
depute  more  Power,  than  it  possesses. 

I.  The  King  could  not  part  with  the  Allegiance  and  Do 
minion  due  to  the  English  Crown,  without  consent  of  Parlia 
ment.  For, 

1.  That  had  been,  to  have  alienated  Part  of  the  English 
Government  from  the  Crown. 

2.  It  had  been,  to  consign  some  of  his  Subjects  over  to 
the  Government  of  another  Prince  without  their  Consent. 

II.  The  King  could  not  grant  the  Right,  Title  and  Inter 
est  of  those  of  his  Subjects  already  planted  there,  for  that 
was  none  of  his  own;  and  he  could  no  more  transfer  their 
Property,  than  their  Allegiance. 

I  bespeak  the  Reader,  bearing  with  this  Digression,  as  what 
he  will  see  just  Reason  for,  and  a  good  use  made  of  by  and  by: 
But  for  the  present  he  may  Observe. 

1.  That  the  Government  of  Carolina  is  dependant  upon 
England,  and  subject  to  the  Laws,  Government  and  Direction 
of  the  English  Crown;  and  consequently  their  Grievances  are 
cognizable  in  the  Parliament  of  England. 

2.  There  were  Inhabitants  in  Carolina  before  the  Grant 
made  to  the  present  Proprietors1  which  Inhabitants  had  a 
Right  both  to  the  Government  as  well  as  Possession;   which 
King  Charles  the  Second,  neither  did,  nor  cou'd  grant  by 
Charter,  or  otherwise  to  any  Body. 

3.  As  their  Allegiance  to  the  English  Crown  cou'd  not  be 
transfer'd  by  Gift  or  Charter,  so  neither  could  the  Protection 
of  the  English  Government  be  deny'd  them;   and  therefore, 
the  Parliament  of  England  has  an  undoubted  Right  to  redress 
their  Grievances,  and  to  relieve  them  against  all  the  Oppressions 
of  their  pretended  Governours  of  what  kind  soever.    And  this 
is  my  Reason  for  the  Argument. 

This  Charter  is  a  Creation  of  the  Proprietors,  both  Tem 
poral  and  Spiritual  Lords  of  the  Country,  and  gives  them  full 
Spiritual  Dominion,  as  to  Building  and  Forming  Churches, 
with  the  Patronage,  and  Advowsion  of  them,  the  Dedication, 
Consecration,  but  limited  to  the  Rites  of  the  Church  of  Eng 
land  ;  a  Continued  Badge  of  their  Dependance  on  this  Kingdom, 

1  At  Chowan,  in  what  is  now  North  Carolina.  A  few  New  Englanders  had 
also  tried  to  raise  cattle  on  the  Charles  (Cape  Fear)  River,  but  did  not  effect  a 
permanent  settlement. 


1663]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  229 

both  in  Spiritual  Matters,  as  well  as  Temporal.  The  Tenure 
of  this  Regality  is  also  held  of  the  Mannor  of  Greenwich  in 
the  County  of  Kent,  in  Free  and  Common  Soccage,  paying 
to  the  Crown,  as  of  the  said  Mannor,  twenty  Marks  Yearly 
as  a  Quit-Rent,  and  a  Fourth  part  of  all  Gold  and  Silver  Oar, 
which  shall  be  found. 

Nor  was  the  Proviso  for  the  Right  of  the  People  already 
planted,  or  to  be  planted,  at  all  forgot  in  this  Charter  of  the 
King;  for  in  the  first  Empowering  Clause  of  the  Charter,  it  is 
expressly  said, 

"To  ordain,  make,  enact,  and  under  their  Seals  to  publish 
any  Laws  whatsoever.  But  how, 

By  and  with  the  Advice,  and  Assent,  and  Approbation  of 
the  Freemen  of  the  said  Province,  or  the  greater  Part  of  them. 

Vide  the  printed  Charter,  p.  4. 

This  is  incerted  to  remind  those  Gentlemen,  that  Assem 
bling  the  Freemen  of  Carolina  to  make  Laws,  etc.,  was  not  a 
Voluntary  Act  of  their  own  Clemency,  but  what  they  were 
oblig'd  to,  by  the  very  Charter  from  whence  they  derive 
their  Authority. 

Nor  was  it  a  Restriction  of  the  meer  Grace  of  the  King, 
but  according  to  the  Native  Right  of  the  Freemen,  Inhabi 
tants  of  Carolina  settled  there  before,  provided  for  in  the 
Clause  before-mentioned,  whose  Right,  even  the  King  him 
self,  had  no  Power  to  Dissolve  or  Transfer. 

In  making  the  Laws  these  Assemblies  are  empowered  to 
Enact  and  Execute,  It  is  further  Remarkable,  and  of  which, 
I  hope,  good  Use  will  be  made,  His  Late  Majesty  Charles  the 
Second,  lays  another  Double  Restriction. 

1.  "Provided  such  Laws  be  consonant  to  Reason. 

2.  "As  near  as  may  be  conveniently,  agreeable  to  the 
Laws  of  England." 

His  Majesty  knew,  that  Law  is  the  Result  of  Reason,  and 
that  the  Sovereignty  of  Reason  over  all  the  Actions  of  Men, 
cannot  be  invaded,  but  that  Laws  offered  by  whatever  Society 
of  Men  against  Reason,  are  void  of  course,  and  therefore  ex 
pressly  prepared  them  to  expect  it. 

In  the  next  place,  His  Majesty  plainly  signifies,  that  all 
their  Laws  ought  to  be  corresponding  with  the  English  Consti 
tution,  Convenience  of  the  People,  Anglice,  The  Publick  Good 


230  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA       [16G5-1GG7 

only  excepted;  by  which  is  inferr'd,  that  Reason  and  the 
Publick  Good  are  the  principal  Ends  of  all  Law,  and  are  to 
supersede  all  the  Power  granted  to  the  Proprietors  of  Carolina, 
as  indeed  they  ought  to  do  all  Humane  Power  committed  to 
Man  in  the  World. 

Upon  these  and  Sundry  other  Conditions  was  the  first 
Charter  or  Grant  made  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  Carolina, 
dated  the  24th  of  March,  15  Car.  II.  A  Second  Grant  or 
Charter  verbatim  by  the  first,  only  Enlarging  the  Bounds,  was 
granted  to  the  same  Lords  Proprietors,  dated  the  30th  of 
June  17  Car.  II.  and  the  Proprietors  by  these  Two  Charters 
are,  Edward,  Earl  of  Clarendon;  George,  Duke  of  Albemarle; 
William,  Earl  of  Craven ;  John,  Lord  Berkeley ;  Anthony,  Lord 
Ashley,  afterwards  Earl  of  Shaftsbury;  Sir  George  Carteret, 
Sir  John  Colleton  and  Sir  William  Berkeley. 

Pursuant  to  these  Charters,  The  Proprietors  went  on  with 
the  Settlement  of  this  Colony,  and  knowing  that  on  the  good 
Government  of  the  Province,  and  the  large  Priviledges  granted 
to  the  Inhabitants,  depended  very  much  the  Encouragement 
to  Strangers  of  all  Nations,  as  well  as  to  the  English,  to  Trans 
port  themselves,  Families,  and  Estates  thither,  and  conse 
quently  the  Prosperity  of  the  Colony, 

They  form'd  the  Government  of  the  said  Province  into  a 
Publick  Instrument,  which  they  call  the  Fundamental  Consti 
tution  of  Carolina,  consisting  of  120  Articles,  which  in  the 
last  Article  are  declared,  shall  be  and  remain,  the  Sacred  and 
Unalterable  Form  and  Rule  of  Government  of  Carolina  for  ever.1 

These  Articles  are  afterwards  abridg'd  into  One  and  Forty, 
containing  the  full  Substance,  Intent  and  Meaning  of  the 
aforesaid  One  Hundred  and  Twenty,  and  being  first  sign'd 
and  sealed  to  by  the  Lords  Proprietors,  as  the  Pacta  Con- 
venta  of  Government,  are  presented  to,  and  accepted  by  the 
Freemen,  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants,  and  agreed  to  be  past, 
in  a  Full  and  Free  Parliament  or  Assembly,  as  the  Sacred 
and  Unalterable  Conditions,  on  which  they  Consent  to  be 
Governed  and  Directed,  and  to  which  they  submit. 

1  Of  the  various  forms  in  which  the  Fundamental  Constitutions  exist,  that 
first  printed  was  one  (in  120  articles)  bearing  date  March  1,  1669/70.  This  is 
reprinted  in  N.  C.  Col.  Rec.,  I.  187-205,  in  Thorpe's  Federal  and  State  Consti 
tutions,  V.  2772-2786,  in  Old  South  Leaflets,  no.  172,  and  elsewhere.  The  origi 
nal  draft,  preserved  among  the  Shaftesbury  papers,  is  printed  in  the  Thirty-third 
Report  of  the  Deputy-Keeper  of  the  Public  Records  (London,  1872),  pp.  258-269. 


1667]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  231 

An  Abridgement  of  the  Constitutions,  Consisting  of  41  Articles. 

The  Preamble  sets  forth,  That  K.  Cha.  the  lid.  having 
Granted  to  the  Proprietors  the  Province  of  Carolina,  with  all 
the  Royalties  Privileges,  etc., 

For  the  better  Settlement  of  the  Government  of  the  said 
Province,  the  said  Lords  Proprietors  agree  to  the  following 
Form  of  Government  to  be  perpetually  Establish't,  and  which 
they  oblige  themselves  to  in  the  most  binding  Ways  that  can 
be  Devis'd. 

The  First  five  Articles  contain  the  Regulation  of  Authority 
and  Division  of  the  Government  into:  1.  The  Proprietors 
Court,  to  Consist  of  the  Palatine,  and  seven  Proprietors,  and 
in  the  Absence  of  the  Governor,  and  such  Deputies  as  they 
Assign:  This  Court  to  have  all  the  Supream  Power  Granted 
to  the  Proprietors  in  the  Charter,  as  Calling  and  Dissolving 
Parliaments,  Pardoning  Offences,  etc. 

The  6th  to  the  19th  Article  regulates  the  Parliament,  to 
Consist  of  the  Proprietors  or  their  Deputies  by  themselves; 
The  Landgraves  and  Casticks1  in  the  Upper-House,  and  Free 
holders  in  the  Lower-House;  this  is  their  King,  Lords,  and 
Commons,  and  the  Manner  Exactly  Regulated  to  the  Simily, 
with  Limitations  and  Quallifications  for  Electing,  and  being 
Elected,  and  the  Privileges  and  Office  of  each  House  settled. 

To  the  22d  Article  Exclusive  is  settled  the  Division  of  the 
Province  into  Counties,  the  Limitation  of  every  ones  Quantity 
in  Possession,  the  Tryal  of  Causes  and  Crimes  per  Pares,  the 
Choosing  and  Deputing  the  Governour,  the  Admitting  Free 
men,  Establishing  Religion,  Churches,  etc. 

To  the  38th  Article  they  determine  what  Society  of  Men, 
and  on  what  Terms  shall  be  Esteemed  a  Church,  and  the 
Regulating  Religious  Matters,  wherein  the  only  Religious 
Quallifications,  by  which  any  Man  is  Admitted  a  Member  of 
any  Church,  and  of  the  Government  are  these  two: 

1.  That  he  believes  there  is  a  God, 

2.  That  God  is  Publickly  to  be  Worshiped. 

A  Third  Article  Obliging  all  People  to  bear  Witness  in 
Cases  Required  to  Truth,  either  by  Oath  or  some  Equivalent, 
is  added. 

1  Cassiques. 


232  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1667 

The  39th  Article  is  positive. 

"No  Person  whatsoever  shall  Disturb,  Molest,  or  Perse 
cute  another  for  his  Opinion  in  Religion,  or  Way  of  Worship." 
The  two  last  Articles  settle  the  Freemens  Power  over  their 
Slaves,  and  the  Form  of  Signing  the  Constitutions  by  all 
Persons  admitted  into  Office  or  Trust. 

And  the  Conclusion  of  these  Articles  are  thus, 
Those  Fundamental  Constitutions  in  Number  Forty  One, 
and  every  Part  thereof  shall  be  and  remain  the  inviolable 
Form  and  Rule  of  Government  of  Carolina  for  ever. 

Witness  our  Hands  and  Seals  11  April,  1698. 
BATH,  Palatine,1  WILLIAM  THORNBUGH, 

A.  ASHLEY,  for  Sir  John  Colleton. 

CRAVEN,  THO.  AMY, 

BATH  for  Ld.  Cartaret,      WILLIAM  THORNBURGH. 

These  Constitutions  I  know  have  obtain'd  upon  the  World, 

to  be  the  Contrivance  of  the  Old  Earl  of  S bury;2  but  I 

think,  I  have  very  good  Authority,  to  assure  the  World  Mr. 
Lock 3  had  the  Right  of  Parentage  to  the  former;  whether  I 
ought  to  contend  for  either  the  Policy  or  Humane  Understand 
ing,  in  Right  of  either  of  these  Great  Men  in  the  Contrivance 
or  no,  I  shall  not  debate.  I  am  certain  of  this,  they  handed 
the  Infant  Government  into  the  World  without  Leading- 
strings,  and  turn'd  it  loose  before  it  cou'd  stand  alone;  by 
which  means,  like  young  Romulus,  it  has  got  a  Wolf  to  its 
Nurse,  and  is  like  to  be  bred  up  a  Monster. 

'Tis  true,  these  Constitutions  were  not  actually  past  in  any 
Assembly,  and  so  may  be  objected  against,  as  not  so  binding 
as  in  other  Cases  they  would  be. 

But  they  were  sign'd  by  the  Proprietors,  and  in  the  Infancy 
of  the  Settlement  by  the  Inhabitants,  as  they  came  there  to 
Settle;  and  were  only  referr'd  to  a  Parliament  or  Assembly 
when  the  Colony  was  considerable  enough  to  require  it. 

In  these  Parliaments,  these  People  have  always  opposed 
passing  the  Constitutions,  fearing  without  doubt,  to  come 
under  the  Fetters  of  the  Law,  and  a  just  Government;  and 
knowing  the  Measures  they  designed  to  take,  were  destructive 

1  The  eldest  proprietor,  at  this  time  Lord  Bath,  was  called  the  palatine. 
*  Shaftesbury.  3  John  Locke  the  philosopher. 


1667]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  233 

of  the  very  Being  and  Nature  of  the  Government;  and  there 
fore  being  unwilling  to  have  the  Obstruction  of  any  Settled 
Constitutions,  they  always  rendred  the  Proposal  contemptible, 
and  banter'd  the  Colony  with  the  frequent  Attempts  to  pass 
them,  laying  them  by,  as  useless  Trifles  not  worth  Notice, 
tho'  they  were  indeed  the  Fundamentals  of  the  Government. 
It  remains  now  to  examine,  how  the  Gentlemen  now  con- 
cern'd  have  acted  in  Correspondence  to 

1.  The  Powers  granted  to  the  Proprietors, 

2.  The  Pacta  Conventa  with  the  People,  and  in  this  En 
quiry  it  will  come  to  be  examined: 

1.  Whether  the  Powers  assembled  there,  have  been  sum- 
mon'd  according  to  the  Constitution. 

2.  Whether  the  Freeholders,  and  none  but  such  have 
elected  the  Persons,  who  have  imposed  these  Laws,  and  have 
had  a  Free  Choice. 

3.  Whether  these  Laws  have  the  due  Qualification  re- 
quir'd  by  the  Charter,  viz. 

1.  To  be  consonant  to  Reason. 

2.  To  the  Utility  of  the  Subject. 

3.  To  the  Preservation  of  Right  and  Property:    The 
Words  expressly  set  down  in  the  Charter. 

4.  Whether  if  not,  they  are  not  void  in  their  own  Nature. 

5.  Whether  the  Lords  Proprietors  not  redressing  these 
Abuses  when  humbly  addrest  to  by  the  Inhabitants,  have 
not  broken  the  sacred,  unalterable  Conditions  of  the  Govern 
ment. 

6.  Whether  this  Fracture  of  the  Constitution,  does  not 
empower  the  Inhabitants  of  Carolina  who  purchased  Estates, 
and  settPd  there  on  these  Conditions,  and  of  whose  Right  his 
Late  Majesty  made  such  Provision  in  his  Charter,  have  not  a 
full  Power  to  settle  such  other  Government  and  Constitutions, 
as  shall  correspond  with  the  Freedom  and  just  Rights  of  the 
Province,  tho'  without  the  Consent  of  the  said  Lords. 

7.  Whether  all  this  Matter  is  Cognizable  in  the  Parlia 
ment  of  England,  and  the  Proprietors,  of  Carolina  subject  to 
such  Determination  as  shall  be  made  there. 

It  lies  before  us  now,  to  Examine,  How  these  Gentlemen 
have  acted,  in  Correspondence  to  the  Powers  granted  by  the 


234  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1667 

Charters  to  the  Propritors,  and  the  Constitutions  or  Pacta 
Conventa  made  with  the  People. 

Before  this  is  enter 'd  upon,  I  must  determine,  who  I 
mean  by  those  Gentlemen;  for  this  Paper,  as  'tis  a  Complaint 
of  Fact,  may  be  also  expected  to  be  a  Charge  against  particular 
Persons  also. 

To  this  is  answer 'd,  The  Proprietors  in  one  Sence  may 
be  the  Persons  charg'd  here,  as  being  answerable  for  all  the 
irregular  Practices  of  those  that  act  under  them;  since  every 
Man  is  really  the  Actor  of  what  is  done  by  his  Authority, 
and  every  Man  is  tacitely  the  Author  of  what  is  in  his  Power 
to  hinder,  and  which  he  ought  to  hinder. 

But  as  here  is  no  Need  to  fly  to  a  speculative  Charge, 
when  the  Agents  and  Instruments  of  these  Mischiefs  are  known 
and  plain,  and  to  be  found  upon  the  Spot;  so  let  the  Charge 
lye  in  its  constructive  Part  where  it  will,  'tis  plain,  where  it 
more  immediately  lies,  by  the  following  Instances  to  which  I 
refer,  and  the  Persons  will  be  but  too  easily  known  there. 

But  yet  this  Account  cannot  pretend  to  clear  the  Pro 
prietors,  from  being  both  Agents  and  Principals,  at  least 
some  of  them,  in  that  they  have  constantly  had  the  particu 
lars  of  these  Things,  laid  before  them  in  the  humble  Petitions 
of  the  Inhabitants;  which  they  to  their  great  Charge  and 
Trouble,  have  sent  over  to  England  by  Members  of  their  own 
Body,  purposely  Deputed  as  Embassadors  to  the  Proprietors; 
viz.  John  Ash,  Esq;  who  died  here  in  the  Negotiation  of  those 
Affairs,  and  is  now  succeeded  by  Mr.  Jos.  Boon,  as  will  appear 
in  the  Prosecution  of  this  Paper. 

The  submissive  Letters,  the  humble  Applications,  the  Pe 
titions  and  Remonstrances  of  the  People  of  all  Perswations, 
and  of  the  Conforming  Minister  of  the  Place,  demonstrate,  that 
the  Oppression  is  universal,  the  Grievance  extraordinary,  and 
that  the  Proprietors  have  been  duely  informed  of  it  all. 

I  think,  it  will  most  naturally  occur,  that  if  these  Gentle 
men,  who,  God  knows,  are  ill  qualified  for  Government,  do  not 
redress  the  Grievances  of  the  People,  some  Body  else  must; 
and  for  that  purpose,  the  present  Application  is  made  to  the 
Commons  of  England  assembled  in  Parliament;  where  pub- 
lick  Grievances  never  fail  of  Redress,  and  where  all  sorts  of 
Tyranny  has  been  the  Sacrifice  to  Justice. 


1667]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  235 

The  Government  of  this  Province  has  had  the  usual  Mis 
fortune  of  those  People,  who  are  left  to  the  Conduct  of  Mer 
cenaries;  the  Gentlemen-Proprietors,  or  Lords  (call  them  what 
you  will)  are  very  honest  Gentlemen;  but  are  here  plac'd 
above  their  Sphere;  they  are  Gentlemen  of  Birth  and  Fort 
unes,  and  well  enough  instructed  in  Things  within  their 
Quality,  but  they  never  learnt  to  be  kings;  they  have  not 
taken  in  the  Hint  of  Pater  Patrice,  they  don't  know,  that  a  King 
must  be  the  Father  of  his  People;  and  that  there  is  a  sort  of 
Patriarcal  Affection,  as  well  as  Obligation,  between  a  King 
on  the  Throne,  and  the  People  He  Governs,  which  obliges 
them  to  treat  them  with  Gentleness,  listen  to  their  Complaints, 
and  redress  their  Grievance;  they  need  have  gone  no  farther, 
than  to  their  own  Sovereign,  to  have  seen  a  Pattern  of  this 
Pious  Care,  and  have  reflected,  how  Sollicitous  Her  Majesty 
appears  for  the  General  Good;  how  pleas'd  and  thankful, 
when  Prosperity  Crowns  their  Affairs;  how  affectionately 
Concerned,  when  any  Calamity  attends  Her  People,  either 
publick  as  in  the  Great  Storm,  or  private  in  the  Case  of  Trade; 
as  in  the  Disaster  of  Mr.  Pitkin's  ill  treating  them:  How  con- 
cern'd  did  Her  Majesty  appear  for  the  Widows  and  distressed 
Families  of  the  Seamen  that  perisht  in  the  Storm !  how  bounti 
fully  relieve  them!  and  the  like.  Whence  does  this  proceed? 
God  Almighty,  for  the  Good  of  Nations,  furnishes  Princes, 
born  to  Crowns  and  Kingdoms,  with  the  suited  Affections 
for  these  Circumstances  of  Government,  and  thereby  fullfils 
the  promise  of  making  them  Nursing  Fathers,  and  Nursing 
Mothers. 

The  Propriety-Monarchs  are  born  without  these  Affections, 
like  a  Landlord  to  his  Tenant,  they  have  their  Eyes  upon  the 
Rent;  their  Concern/if  any,  is  not  of  Affection,  but  of  Interest; 
they  are  Step-fathers  and  Strangers  in  the  Government,  and 
they  have  shown  it;  for  their  Ears  have  been  stopt,  and  shut 
to  the  Complaints  of  their  Oppressed  People;  they  govern 
them  by  Sub-Tyrants,  and  connive  at  their  Tyrannies,  because 
they  are  not  furnished  with  the  Affection  of  Love  to  the 
People  they  govern. 

That  this  is  no  Scandal,  and  I  hope,  no  needless  Digression 
I  shall  refer  to  the  Judgment  of  the  Impartial  Part  of  Mankind, 
after  Reading  the  true  State  of  the  Colony,  as  now  suppressed, 


236  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1703 

and  under  the  Government  of  a  Party,  and  of  the  Tyranny 
practised  there,  and  this  will  be  best  represented  by  themselves. 

I  shall  then  describe  the  true  Posture  of  it,  as  it  would  rea 
sonably  be  allowed  to  be,  under  a  State  of  Liberty  and  En 
couragement;  in  the  Result  of  which,  the  Imprudence  and  ill 
Policy,  as  well  as  Injustice  of  the  Proprietors,  will  appear  in 
suffering  a  flourishing  Colony,  thus  to  languish  under  their 
Hands. 

The  first  thing  I  shall  refer  to  for  a  Prospect  of  the  Griev 
ance  before  us,  is  the  Representation  of  the  Inhabitants, 
directed  to  the  Proprietors,  sign'd  by  above  100  of  the  principal 
Merchants,  Freeholders  and  Planters,  with  several  Members 
of  the  Assembly;  and  sent  over  by  John  Ash,  Esq;  who,  with 
great  Difficulty  and  Hazzard,  got  away  to  Virginia,  where  his 
Powers  and  Instructions  were  Convey'd  after  him;  the  Govern 
ment  there  using  all  possible  Endeavours  to  prevent  him. 
The  Address  is  as  follows. 


To  the  Right  Honourable  John  Granvill,  Esq;  Palatine,1  and  to 
the  rest  of  the  true  and  absolute  Lords  and  Proprietors  of 
the  Province  of  Carolina. 

The  Representation  and  Address  of  several  of  the  Members  of 
this  present  Assembly  returned  for  Collet  on  County,  and 
other  Inhabitants  of  this  Province,  whose  Names  are  here 
unto  Subscribed. 

May  it  please  your  Lordships, 

Altho'  the  miserable  Estate  of  this  Colony  will  be  suffi 
ciently  known  to  your  Lordships,  from  the  Relation  of  John 
Ash,  Esq;  who  is  fully  intrusted  by  us  to  remonstrate  our 
grievances  to  your  Lordships;  yet  we  think  our  selves  exceed 
ingly  bound  and  obliged  to  lay  before  you,  what  we  think 
does  concern  your  Lordships  Honours,  and  the  Peoples  Rights 
and  Priviledges:  For  if  the  Question  were  about  matters  of 
small  moment,  we  should  be  asham'd  to  be  importunate,  and 
unwilling  to  give  the  least  trouble  to  your  Lordships;  but 
considering  that  the  very  Foundation  of  our  lawful  Rights, 
hath  of  late  been  struck  at  by  Persons,  who  have  more  regard 

1  Granville,  afterward  Lord  Granville,  had  succeeded  Lord  Bath  as  palatine. 


1700]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  237 

to  their  private  Interest  than  the  Publick  good,  we  humbly 
conceive,  that  it  cannot  stand  with  the  Duty  we  owe  to  our 
selves  as  English-men,  or  to  our  Posterity,  to  sit  down  contented 
with  less  than  that  which  every  Liege  and  Freeborn  Subject 
of  the  Crown  of  England  may,  and  of  Right  ought  to  have. 
And  therefore  least  our  silence  should  be  prejudicial  to  so 
important  a  Cause,  we  humbly  crave  your  Lordships  leave, 
faithfully  and  impartially  to  represent  to  you  the  great  and 
notorious  Violations  and  Infringments  of  our  Laws  and 
Liberties,  under  which  we  suffer. 

We  shall  go  no  further  back,  but  date  the  unhappy  Causes 
and  Grounds  of  our  Complaints  from,  and  immediatly  after, 
the  Death  of  the  late  Governor  Blake;  for  the  Choice  and 
Election  of  a  Governor  to  succeed  him  being  intrusted  with 
your  Lordships  Deputies  here,  that  Person  amongst  your  said 
Deputies  who  made  the  strongest  party  in  the  Councel,  did 
carry  the  Government,  by  perverting  the  Design,  and  breaking 
through  the  Rules  and  Instructions  agreed  to  by  your  Lord 
ships  for  such  Election.1  And  this  manifestly  appeared  in 
the  unjust  Election  of  the  late  Governor  Moore,  in  prejudice 
of  Landgrave  Morton's  Title,  who  (after  he  was  Elected  by  a 
Majority  of  the  Councel  then  present)  was  objected  against 
by  the  said  Moore,  and  excluded,  only  because  he  had  ac 
cepted  of  a  Commission  from  the  King:2  And  as  the  said 
Moore  acquired  and  obtained  the  Government  of  this  Province 
by  Fraud,  Flattery  and  trifling  Exceptions,  as  aforesaid,  so 
has  he  endeavour'd  ever  since  to  manage  all  things  by  base 
and  indirect  Methods,  and  crafty  Projects,  which  made  his 
Government  miserably  unfortunate  to  us  all.  The  great 
and  Personal  Debts  and  Necessities  which  the  said  late  Gov- 
ernour  Moore  had  to  struggle  with,  may  well  be  thought  to 
have  put  him  upon,  and  prompted  him  to  Designs,  to  enrich 
himself  at  the  hazard  of  publick  Peace  and  Welfare:  And 
because  these  his  designs  could  not  possibly  be  effected  by 

1  They  scrupulously  followed  the  Proprietors'  instructions,  as  the  minutes 
of  the  Council  show.  If  the  proceedings  were  improperly  recorded  on  the  journal 
it  is  strange  that  Landgraves  Bellinger  and  Morton  of  the  minority  party  made 
no  complaint  of  it. 

'The  same  objection  was  made  to  Bellinger.  The  objection  was  a  valid 
one;  the  logical  position  for  loyal  deputies  of  the  Proprietors  to  take. 


238  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1700 

himself  alone,  he  knew  very  well,  that  to  engage  the  Council 
to  his  Interest,  and  to  have  an  Assembly  chosen  to  his  liking, 
would  be  the  way  effectually  to  compleat  and  accomplish 
his  Ends  and  Purposes;  Thereupon  'tis  manifest,  there  being 
Vacancies  in  the  Council,  for  Persons  fit  and  worthy  to  rep 
resent  your  Lordships,  and  your  Lordships  Pleasure  not  being 
then  signifi'd  and  known  therein,  those  very  Vacancies  were 
supply'd  by  such  Persons  whom  he  beforehand  knew,  and 
was  well  satisfy'd  and  assured,  would  be  for  his  Use  and 
Purpose;  and  it's  as  well  known,  that  the  Debates  and  Con 
sultations  of  the  Council  have  all  along  been  carry'd  on,  and 
managed  to  the  ends  aforesaid. 

And  pursuant  to  his  said  Design,  he  did  by  indirect  Prac 
tices  endeavour,  that  such  an  Assembly  might  be  chosen,  as 
would  be  agreeable  in  their  Temper  and  Disposition  with  his 
Designs  and  Resolutions;  This  was  to  be  brought  about, 
though  the  very  Foundation  of  our  English  Rights  and  Liber 
ties  were  undermined,  and  utterly  subverted  in  the  attempt. 

I.  We  therefore,  in  the  first  place,  humbly  represent  to 
your  Lordships,  and  we  do  Assert  and  Maintain,  That  it  is 
one  of  the  Fundamental  Rights  and  unquestionable  Privi- 
ledges  belonging  to  Englishmen,  That  all  Elections  of  their 
Representatives  to  serve  in  Parliament,  ought  to  be  free  and 
indifferent,  without  any  Prayer  or  Commandment  to  the 
contrary,  and  that  no  Alien  born  out  of  the  Allegiance  to  the 
Crown  of  England,  unless  he  be  otherwise  especially  qualify'd, 
ought  to  Elect  for,  or  be  Elected  to  serve  as  a  Member  of 
Assembly;1  all  which,  notwithstanding,  at  the  Election  of 
Members  of  Assembly  to  serve  for  Berkly  County  made  in 

1  So  early  as  1692,  perhaps  earlier,  six  out  of  the  twenty  members  of  the 
Commons  House  were  French  Protestants  who  had  settled  in  the  province  after 
the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  their  return  had  been  made  by  a 
French  Protestant  sheriff.  Each  subsequent  House  up  to  Moore's  administra 
tion  contained  several  French  Protestants,  and  one,  Henry  LeNoble,  who  had 
anglicised  his  name  to  Noble,  sat  in  Blake's  council  as  a  Proprietor's  deputy  and 
afterward  participated  in  the  election  of  Moore  as  governor  and  was  a  member 
of  his  council.  During  the  intervening  years  three  Dissenters,  Smith,  Archdale, 
and  Blake,  governed  the  province.  It  was  only  when  a  Churchman  became  the 
head  of  the  government  and  his  administration  was  supported  by  the  Frenchmen 
that  the  Dissenters  raised  any  serious  objection  to  Frenchmen  voting  for  officers 
and  being  elected  to  offices. 


1701]  PARTY-TYRANNY,   BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  239 

the  Month  of  November,  1701,  There  were  several  great 
Abuses  made  and  committed,  against  the  ancient  Usages  and 
Customs  of  this  Province,  and  contrary  to  Law,  particularly 
an  Act  Intituled,  An  Act  for  Regulating  Elections,  etc.,  and 
to  the  great  dissatisfaction,  and  manifest  Prejudice  of  the 
several  Inhabitants  of  this  Province,  Candidates  and  others. 
For  so  it  was,  may  it  please  your  Lordships,  that  at  the  said 
Election,  much  Threatnings,  many  Intreaties,  and  other 
unjustifiable  Actions  were  made  use  of,  and  illegal  and  un 
qualify 'd  Votes  given  in  to  the  Sheriff;  and  by  him  Receiv'd 
and  Return'd,  particularly  the  Votes  of  very  many  unqualify'd 
Aliens  were  taken  and  enter 'd,1  the  Votes  of  several  Members 
of  the  Council  were  filed  and  Received,  a  great  number  of 
Servants  and  Poor  and  indigent  Persons,  voted  promiscuously 
with  their  Masters  and  Creditors,  as  also  several  free  Negroes 
were  Receiv'd,  and  taken  for  as  good  Electors  as  the  best 
Freeholders  in  the  Province.2  So  that  we  leave  it  with  your 
Lordships  to  Judge,  whether  admitting  Aliens,  Strangers, 
Servants,  Negroes,  etc.,  as  good  and  qualify'd  Voters,  can  be 
thought  any  ways  agreeable  to  King  Charles's  Patent  to 
your  Lordship's,  or  the  English  Constitution  or  Government. 

II.  We  represent  to  your  Lordships,  that  when  at  the 
Meeting  of  the  Assembly,  divers  Candidates,  by  Petition  by 
them  Exhibited,  pray'd  to  be  heard  against  the  Return  of 
the  Sheriff  for  Berkly  County  of  the  Election  aforesaid,  and 
insisted  upon  their  Right,  and  that  the  Sheriff's  Return  was 
false  and  illegal,  and  the  said  Assembly  the  better  and  more 
impartially,  to  inquire  into  the  ill  Practices  of  the  said  Elec- 

1  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that  there  were  "very  many  unqualify'd  Aliens" 
in  South  Carolina  at  the  time.  The  enabling  act  of  1696  had  naturalized  nearly 
every  alien  in  the  province  who  had  not  been  naturalized  in  England  before  set 
tling  in  South  Carolina,  and  had  made  it  so  easy  for  aliens  to  become  citizens 
that  it  is  hardly  likely  that  any  settled  colonists  of  alien  birth  had  neglected  to 
become  qualified  electors,  especially  when  it  is  shown  by  records  that  when  a 
Frenchman,  who  had  not  yet  been  naturalized,  was  elected  to  the  Commons 
House  in  1692  he  was  not  allowed  to  take  his  seat. 

3  An  early  example  of  pure  democracy.  The  only  requirement  prescribed 
for  an  elector  by  the  Fundamental  Constitutions  was  that  he  own  fifty  acres  of 
land,  or  its  equivalent  in  securities.  As  every  male  settler,  servants  not  excepted, 
received  fifty,  or  more,  acres  for  settling  in  Carolina  it  is  hardly  likely  that  ther« 
were  very  many  illegal  votes  taken. 


240  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1701 

tion,  did  first  of  all  resolve  to  begin  upon  Priviledges  and 
Elections,  that  the  late  Governour  Moore,  to  prevent  such 
Inquiry,  did  several  times  Prorogue  the  said  Assembly.1 

III.  That  when  the  said  Assembly  were  at  last  suffer'd 
to  sit,  the  Inquiry  and  Examination  into  the  Sheriff's  Return 
of  the  last  Election  was  obstructed,  and  industriously  pre 
vented,  by  setting  on  foot  an  ill  laid  design  of  raising  Forces 
to  attaque  St.  Augustine. 

IV.  That  notwithstanding  your  Lordships  repeated  Com 
mands  to  your  Deputies,  to  procure  a  good  regulation  of  the 
Indian  Trade,  on  which  our  friendly  Correspondence  with  all 
our  neighbouring  Indians,  and  the  Peace  and  Safety  of  this 
Colony  chiefly  depends,  yet  the  said  late  Governor  Moore 
has  been  by  his  Artifices,  the  Chief  (if  not  the  Only)  Occasion 
of  obstructing  the  same,  designing  nothing  less  than  ingrossing 
the  same  for  himself  and  Accomplices;  having  already  almost 
utterly  ruin'd  the  Trade  for  Skins  and  Furs  (whereby  we 
held  our  chief  Correspondence  with  England)  and  turned  it 
into  a  Trade  of  Indian  or  Slave-making,  whereby  the  Indians 
to  the  South  and  West  of  us  are  already  involved  in  Blood 
and  Confusion,  a  Trade  so  odious  and  abominable,  that  every 
other  Colony  in  America  (altho'  they  have  equal  temptation) 
abhor  to  follow. 

V.  That  the  said  late  Governor  Moore  did  grant  Commis 
sions  to  Anthony  Dodsworth,  Robert  Mackoone,  and  others, 
to  set  upon,  assault,  kill,  destroy,  and  take  Captive  as  many 
Indians  as  they  possible  could,  the  Profit  and  Produce  of 
which  Indian  Slaves  were  turn'd  to  his  private  use;   whereas 
such  undertakings,  unjust  and  barbarous  in  themselves,  will 
in  all  Probability  draw  upon  us  an  Indian  War,  with  all  the 
dreadful  Consequences  of  it. 

VI.  We  represent  to  your  Lordships,  that  the  late  unfort 
unate,  ill  contrived,  and  worse  Managed  expedition  against 
St.  Augustine,  was  principally  set  on  Foot  by  the  said  late 
Governor  and  his  Adherents;   and  that  if  any  Person  in  the 

1  From  the  journals  of  the  Commons  House  it  appears  that  this  action  was 
taken  more  because  certain  dissatisfied  members  of  that  house  absented  them 
selves  from  the  meetings  thereof  and  thereby  prevented  quorums  than  because 
of  any  effort  to  prevent  inquiring  into  the  behavior  of  the  sheriff  of  Berkeley 
County. 


1702]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  241 

said  late  Assembly  undertook  to  speak  against  it,  and  to 
shew  how  unfit  and  unable  we  were  at  that  time  for  such  an 
Attempt,  he  was  presently  look'd  upon,  by  them,  as  an  Enemy 
and  Traytor  to  his  Country,  and  revil'd  and  affronted  in  the 
said  Assembly,  altho'  the  true  Design  of  the  Expedition, 
was  no  other  then  catching  and  making  Slaves  of  Indians 
for  private  advantage,  and  Impoverishing  the  Country;  And 
this  will  plainly  appear,  when  your  Lordships  know  that  your 
Country  is  brought  more  in  Debt  at  this  time,  and  upon  this 
occasion,  then  ever  since  its  first  Settlement,  if  we  put  all  the 
Debts  we  have  ow'd  together;  and  that  the  Expedition  was 
to  enrich  themselves  will  appear  particularly,  because  what 
soever  Booty,  as  rich  Silks,  great  Quantity  of  Church-Plate, 
with  a  great  many  other  costly  Church  Ornaments  and  Uten 
sils  taken  by  our  Souldiers  as  [at]  St.  Augustine,  are  now  de- 
tain'd  in  the  Possession  of  the  said  late  Governor  and  his 
Officers,  contrary  to  an  Act  of  Assembly  made,  for  an  equal 
Division  of  the  same  among  the  Souldiers. 

VII.  That  the  said  Governor  would  have  had  the  said 
Expedition   against   St.   Augustine   begun   and   undertaken 
before  the  War  with  Spain  was  Proclaim'd  here;    and  this 
was  vehemently  urg'd  by  his  Interest  in  the  said  Assembly, 
but  with  much  ado,  being  put  to  the  Vote,  was  carried  in 
the  Negative.    And  when  at  last  the  Expedition  was  Ordered, 
the  Management  of  the  said  late  Governor  was  such,  in  all 
its  Steps,  particularly  in  relation  to  his  shameful  retreat, 
and  burning  the  Country's  Vessels,  that  we  are  asham'd  to 
mention   the   same   till  we  have  a  Free   Assembly,    before 
which   the  matter  may  be  fairly  try'd,  which  is  the  only 
thing  the  said  late  Governor  and  his  Adherents  are  most 
afraid  of. 

VIII.  That  in  the  said  late  Assembly,  the  Constitutions 
sent  by  Major  Daniel  were  offered  for  their  passing,  Urg'd 
with  great  strength  of  Reason,  for  to  have  them  Pass'd  by 
Mr.  Ash,  but  they  were  opposed  by  Mr.  Trott,  Mr.  Howes, 
and  others  the  said  Governor's  Creatures,  and  several  reflect 
ing  words  used  by  the  said  Trott  and  Howes  concerning  them, 
exposing  the  Constitutions  as  Ridiculous  and  Void  in  them 
selves,  (thereby  endeavouring,  notwithstanding  your  Lordships 
care  of  us)  to  keep  the  People  in  an  unsettled  Condition,  that 


242  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1702 

from  time  to  time,  they  might  the  more  easily  be  imposed  on 
by  them. 

IX.  That  after  the  People  Returned  from  St.  Augustine, 
the  time  for  the  said  Assembly  to  meet,  according  to  the  last 
Prorogation,  was  just  at  hand;    when  they  met,  they  went 
upon  the  Inquiry  of  the  Charges  the  Country  had  been  at  in 
the  said  Expedition,  and  were  upon  Debate  for  the  finding 
out  Ways  and  Means  for  the  Payment  of  the  Countries  Debts, 
for  securing  the  Colony,  for  the  settling  of  Elections  for  the 
future,  and  for  granting  as  much  Freedom  to  the  French,  and 
other  Aliens,  as  could  be  granted  by  the  Assembly,  or  the 
French  reasonably  expect.    A  Bill  for  the  better  Regulating 
Elections,  pass'd  the  lower  House  twice,  and  was  sent  up  to 
the  said  Governor  and  Council,  where  it  was  rejected  without 
so  much  as  a  Conference ;  upon  which  several  of  the  Members, 
jealous  of  their  Priviledges,  and  being  so  order'd  by  those 
that  sent  them,  left  the  House,  first  entring  their  Protestation, 
a  copy  of  which  Mr.  Ash  has  to  shew  your  Lordships,  and  to 
which  we  refer  You. 

X.  But  what  we  have  yet  to  represent  to  your  Lordships, 
makes  very  deep  Impressions  on  us,  and  is  not  to  be  thought 
on  by  us,  but  with  the  greatest  Regret  and  Concern.     For 
altho'  the  Members  of  the  late  Assembly,  who  Protested,  and 
did  leave  the  House  as  aforesaid  (hoping  that  the  next  Day 
they  might  find  things  in  better  order,  and  some  temperating 
Means  found  out,   which  might  have  given  some  tolerable 
Assurance  of  having  their  Liberties  secured)  went  every  one 
of  them  to  the  House  on  the  Morrow,  and  frankly  offer'd 
to  sit  longer,  if  the  rest  of  the  Assembly  would  joyn  with 
them  to  Assert  their  Rights;  but  instead  of  any  compliance, 
they  were  Abus'd,  ReviFd,  and  treated  with  the  most  reflecting 
Language  imaginable,  very  unbecoming  an  Assembly.    And 
we  further  Represent  to  your  Lordships,   that  after  such 
Abuse  given  them  in  the  House,  several  of  the  said  Members, 
viz.  the  said  John  Ash,  Esq;   Landgrave  Thomas  Smith,  and 
others,  were  Assaulted  and  set  upon  in  the  open  Street,  with 
out  any  Provocation  or  Affront  by  them  given,  or  offer 'd. 
The  said  Thomas  Smith  was  set  upon  by  Lieutenant  Colonel 
George  Dearsby,1  who  with  his  Sword  drawn,  and  the  Point 

1  A  misprint  for  Dearsle^v. 


1702]  PARTY-TYRANNY,   BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  243 

held  at  the  said  Smith's  Belly,  swore  he  would  Kill  him,  and 
if  he  had  not  been  prevented,  would  have  done  the  said  Smith 
some  considerable  Mischief  to  the  endangering  of  his  Life. 
The  said  John  Ash  walking  along  the  Street,  was  assaulted 
by  a  rude,  drunken,  ungovernable  Rabble,  headed,  encouraged 
and  abetted  by  the  said  Dearsley,  Thomas  Dalton,  Nicholas 
Nary,  and  other  Persons,  Inhabitants,  who  set  upon  the  said 
Ash,  used  him  Villanously  and  Barbarously,  and  that  Even 
ing,  when  he  the  said  Ash  was  retir'd  into  a  Friend's  Chamber 
for  Security,  the  same  armed  Multitude  came  to  the  House 
where  the  said  Ash  was,  and  demanded  him  down,  assuring 
him  at  the  same  time  that  they  would  do  him  no  hurt,  but 
only  wanted  to  discourse  with  him,  upon  which  Assurance  he 
came  down  to  them;  who  notwithstanding,  being  encourag'd 
and  assisted  by  Captain  Rhett,  and  others,  drew  him  by  Force 
and  Violence  on  board  his  the  said  Rhett's  Ship,  reviling  and 
threatning  of  him  as  they  drag'd  him  along;  and  having  gotten 
him  on  board  the  said  Rhett's  Ship,  they  sometimes  told  him 
they  would  carry  him  to  Jamaica;  and  at  other  times  threat 
ning  to  Hang  him,  or  leave  him  on  some  remote  Island. 

XI.  That   the   said   late   Governor   had  the   same   day 
(immediately  before  the  Riot  began)  treated  a  great  many 
of  the  Persons  concern' d  therein,  and  used  such  Expressions 
to  them,  as  gave  them,  next  their  drink,  the  greatest  Encour 
agements  for  what  they  acted,  by  telling  them,  that  the  pro 
testing  Members  would  bring  the  People  on  their  Heads  for 
neglecting  to  pay  the  Country's  Debts,  which  if  it  should 
happen,  he  knew  not  who  could  blame  them;   in  the  mean 
time  he  thank'd  them  for  their  close  adherence  to  him  in  all 
his  Concerns.    And  after  the  Riot  began  (of  part  of  which  he 
was  an  Eye-witness)  having  first  drank  with  some  of  them, 
he  withdrew  himself  out  of  the  way,  thereby  giving  them 
greater  Incouragement  to  proceed  in  their  Tumultuous  Prac 
tices,  and  by  his  Example  and  Absence,  discouraging  the 
inferior  Officers  from  executing  their  Duty. 

XII.  That  whilst  the  said  Riot  continu'd,   which  was 
four  or  five  Days,  Landgrave  Edmond  Bellinger,  who  was  a 
Justice  of  the  Peace,  there  being  no  other  to  be  seen  that 
understood  his  Office,  went  out  to  Suppress  and  Record  the 
aforesaid  Riot,  bijt  the  Rioters  no  sooner  saw  him,  than  they 


244  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1702 

calFd  him  all  the  opprobrious  Names  they  could  think  of, 
and  the  said  Rhett  came  up  to  him,  and  struck  him  over  the 
Head  with  his  Cane,  and  continu'd  beating  and  striking  of 
him  for  a  considerable  time,  as  by  the  said  Record  herewith 
sent  your  Lordships,  will  more  fully  appear. 

XIII.  That  the  said  Rioters  beat  and  abused  Mr.  Joseph 
Boone,  and  put  him  in  danger  and  fear  of  his  Life,  without 
any  Provocation  by  him  given  or  offer'd;   and  that  for  four 
or  five  days  successively,  and  at  other  times  after,  the  said 
Rioters  unusually  Arm'd  and  Weapon'd,  to  the  great  Terror 
of  the  People,  and  f right ned  and  terrify 'd  Persons,  that  they 
were  forc'd  to  leave  the  Town,  their  Affairs  and  Interests 
exposed  to  the  Mercy  of  a  licentious  Rabble. 

XIV.  That  some  of  the  said  Rioters,  whilst  the  Riot  was 
at  the  Church,  went  one  Night  to  the  House  of  John  Smith, 
a  Butcher  in  Charles  Town;  and  there  being  a  Woman  big 
with  Child  in  the  said  House,  they  with  Force  open'd  the 
door,  threw  her  down,  and  otherwise  mis-used  her,  that  she 
brought  forth  a  dead  Child,  with  the  Back  and  Skull  broken. 

XV.  That  the  said  John  Ash,  Thomas  Smith,   James 
Byres,  Joseph  Boon,  and  others,  complained  to  the  said  late 
Governor  and  his  Council,  setting  forth  the  Abuses  and  Bar 
barous  Usages  they  had  met  withal  from  the  aforesaid  Rioters, 
and  the  Danger  they  were  yet  in,  for  that  the  said  Rioters 
were  still  in  Arms,  etc.,  but  they  met  with  no  other  Satis 
faction  from  them,  then  that  the  said  late  Governor  shifted 
off  the  Matter;   by  saying,  it  was  a  Business  fit  for  a  Justice 
of  the  Peace;   and  being  ask'd  by  James  Byres,  whether  or 
not  he  look'd  on  himself,  as  Governor,  oblig'd  to  keep  the 
Peace  of  the  Province?    He  reply 'd;  that  was  a  Question  he 
was  not  oblig'd  to  Answer. 

XVI.  That  before  the  next  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  holden 
for  the  said  Province,  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson  was  proclaim'd, 
and  took  upon  him  the  Government;    and  then  Mr.  Trott 
had  a  Commission  to  be  Judge,  and  the  said  late  Governor 
was  made  Attorney  General;  so  that  it  was  in  vain  to  expect 
any  Relief  or  Remedy  here:    However,   the  said  Edmond 
Bellinger,  did  what  in  him  lay,  to  have  the  said  Riot  inquired 
into,  gave  in  the  Record  thereof  to  the  Bench,  and  some  of 
the  Grand  Jury  urg'd  to  have  it  presented,  but  to  no  purpose. 


1703]  PARTY-TYRANNY,   BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  245 

for  some  of  the  Abettors  of  the  Rioters  being  of  the  Jury, 
and  making  Friends  there,  stopt  the  whole  Proceeding. 

XVII.  We  further  represent  to  your  Lordships,  that  con 
trary  to  the  Rights  and  Priviledges  which  we  ought  to  Enjoy, 
the  last  Election  of  Members  to  serve  for  Berkly  County,  was 
managed  with  greater  Injustice  to  the  Freemen  of  this  Province 
than  the  former;  For  at  this  last  Election,  Jews,1  Strangers, 
Sailors,  Servants,  Negroes,  and  almost  every  French-man  in 
Craven  and  Berkly  County,  came  down  to  Elect,  and  their 
Votes  were  taken,  and  the  Persons  by  them  Voted  for,  were 
Returned  by  the  Sheriff,  to  the  manifest  wrong,  and  Prejudice 
of  other  Candidates. 

Things  standing  with  us,  as  is  before  faithfully  represented 
to  your  Lordships,  we  thought  it  our  Duty,  since  we  can 
have  no  Remedy  or  Relief  in  Carolina,  to  apply  our  selves  to 
your  Lordships,  whose  Paternal  care  and  Concern  for  us,  we 
Question  not,  will  be  signally  evidenced  and  extended  unto 
us  upon  such  occasions,  and  in  such  extremities:  For  when 
once  our  Lawful  Rights  and  Priviledges  are  deny'd  us,  when 
Forreigners  and  Strangers  shall  make  our  Laws,  when  we 
can  have  no  Protection  from  those  who  ought,  and  are  In 
trusted  by  your  Lordships,  to  see  the  Laws  executed,  when, 
in  a  word,  force  is  made  the  Arbiter  of  all  differences,  and  all 
things  reduc'd  to  a  State  of  Confusion,  it  is  surely  a  time,  if 
ever  there  be  one,  for  a  People  to  Complain,  and  miserable 
are  those  Subjects,  who  must  be  Hector 'd  and  Domineered 
over  by  their  fellow  Subjects,  even  by  those  who  have  hardly 
any  other  way  to  support  their  decayed  Fortunes,  but  at  the 
Expence  of  the  Publick.  It  may  be  worth  your  Lordships 
while,  to  Reflect  what  might  have  been  the  occasion,  that 
so  few  Persons  of  Interest,  Honor,  and  Education  come 
amongst  us,2  and  that  good  People  go,  and  are  going  from 

1  There  were  at  this  time  five  or  six  wealthy  and  influential  Jews  among  the 
leading  merchants  of  Charles  Town.  Four  of  them  had  been  included  in  the 
naturalization  act  passed  in  1696,  and  the  others  were  probably  qualified  also. 
Under  the  Fundamental  Constitutions  Jews  were  not  denied  the  right  of  suf 
frage,  and  every  Jew  in  Charles  Town,  so  far  as  we  are  informed,  had  the  re 
quired  amount  of  property. 

*  The  contemporaneous  records  show  that  an  exceptionally  large  percentage 
of  those  who  had  previously  settled  in  South  Carolina  were  persons  of  interest, 
honor,  and  education.  The  government  that  they  conducted,  the  trade  they 


246  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1703 

us,  when  the  Colony  is  in  a  thriving  Condition;  certainly  it  is 
because  the  English  Liberties,  that  all  Her  Majesty's  Subjects 
in  all  other  Places  in  Her  Dominions  Justly  claim,  are  notori 
ously  trampFd  on,  to  the  great  discouragement  of  Settlers. 
As  to  the  French,  they  have  hitherto  liv'd  peaceably,  and  with 
due  encouragement  amongst  us;  but  when  we  see  and  consider, 
that  they  are  often  made  Tools  of,  and  imposed  upon,  and 
perswaded  by  ill  designing  Persons  here,  to  carry  on  sinister 
designs  to  the  General  disadvantage  of  the  Country,  and  how 
easily  they  are  drawn  into  Errors,  by  reason  they  have  not  a 
right  understanding  of  our  Language,  and  are  ignorant  of  our 
Laws,1  we  can't  imagine  that  we  do  them  any  hurt,  by  making 
good  and  wholesome  Laws  for  us  and  them,  since  we  Oblige 
them  by  no  other  Laws  whatsoever,  or  upon  any  Account, 
than  what  we  ourselves  are  Obliged  by,  and  live  under. 
What  then  have  we  to  entreat  for  and  pray  of  your  Lordships? 
Nothing  less,  than  that  your  Lordships  would  be  pleased  to 
establish  the  peace  of  this  Colony  on  such  a  sure  Foundation, 
that  it  may  be  beyond  the  Wit  and  Malice,  and  out  of  the 
Power  of  ill  designing  Men  to  disturb  it  for  the  time  to  come. 
And  lastly,  we  on  behalf  of  our  selves  and  Her  Majesty's  leige 
Subjects,  Inhabitants  of  this  Province,  do  more  especially 
pray  and  desire  your  Lordships,  that  you  would  be  pleased  to 
give  directions  for  calling  a  free  General  Assembly,  which 
will  undoubtedly  Assist  your  Lordships  to  Redress  and  Remove 
the  Grievances  aforesaid,  settle  the  Peace  and  Prosperity  of 

built  up,  the  wealth  they  accumulated,  and  the  general  ability  and  culture  they 
displayed  in  various  ways,  would  attest  that,  even  if  we  had  not  a  knowledge  of 
their  antecedents  and  connections. 

1  The  greater  part  of  the  Frenchmen  had  been  in  the  province  upward  of 
twenty  years;  some  of  them  had  been  there  a  longer  period,  and  many  of  them 
had  lived  in  England  or  Ireland  before  settling  in  South  Carolina.  They  had 
become  thoroughly  imbued  with  English  ideas  and  ideals;  many  of  them  had 
joined  the  Church  of  England;  some  had  already  anglicised  their  names;  many 
of  them  wrote  excellent  English  and  it  is  fair  to  assume  that  they  also  spoke  it 
equally  well;  their  children  scarcely  spoke  French  at  all  and  it  is  doubtful  if 
their  grandchildren  could  speak  it,  save  such  as  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  a  pri 
vate  tutor  at  home  or  of  schooling  abroad.  The  evidence  is  that  the  Huguenots, 
who  constituted  but  three  or  four  per  cent,  of  the  population  of  South  Carolina 
when  they  first  reached  the  province,  were  almost  immediately  so  thoroughly 
absorbed  by  the  English  as  to  lose  very  soon  all  of  their  French  individuality  save 
their  family  names;  and  even  those  were  in  many  instances  anglicised. 


1703]  PARTY-TYRANNY,   BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  247 

this  Colony,  and  procure  their  chearful  Obedience  which 
ought  to  be  Render'd  to  your  Lordships,  under  Her  present 
Majesty,  carrying  with  it  the  offer  of  our  Fortunes  and  best 
endeavours  for  Her  Majesty's  and  your  Lordships  Honours,  as 
a  real  Testimony  of  our  thankfulness. 
Carolina  26  June,  1703. 

Sign'd  by  150  of  the  Inhabitants.1 

The  Gentleman,  who  brought  this,  a  Member  of  their 
Parliament  and  Considerable  Freeholder,  faithfully  delivered 
it  to  His  Excellence  the  Prince  Palatine,2  for  such,  I  suppose, 
he  would  be  called,  from  whom  how  little  Encouragement  he 
received,  to  hope  for  a  Redress  of  the  Grievances  of  the  Coun- 
trey,  he  would  have  told  the  World  if  he  had  hVd  to  finish 
a  Tract,  which  'tis  a  great  loss  to  the  World  he  did  not:  En- 
tituled  The  present  State  of  Affairs  in  Carolina;  Two  Sheets 
whereof  were  printed  before  he  died;3  but  his  Death  has  pre 
vented  what  is  but  too  imperfectly  supplied  by  these  Sheets, 
for  which  the  Author  asks  the  Readers  Charity;  it  being  im 
possible  he  should  be  equally  touched  with  a  Sence  of  the 
Miseries  of  the  Colony,  with  One  who  had  so  great  a  share 
as  Mr.  Ash,  both  of  the  Property  and  the  Suffering. 

The  loss  this  Gentleman's  Death  was  to  the  Collony,  was 
as  to  this  Negotiation,  as  well  as  possible,  supplyed  by  their 
sending  a  second  Agent  to  the  Proprietors:  viz.  Mr.  Joseph 
Boon,  by  whom  the  following  Petition  was  with  like  ill  Success 
brought  to  the  Proprietors;  the  failing  in  which  frequent 
Application,  causes  this  publick  Appeal  to  the  World  for 
the  Justice  of  their  Application  to  the  Parliament  of  England; 
where  it  is  not  doubted,  they  will  meet  with  a  suitable  Assist 
ance. 

I  think,  I  need  add  nothing  to  this  melancholly  Description 
of  the  barbarous  Treatment  of  this  Innocent  People,  tho'  I 
could  furnish  the  World  with  innumerable  Particulars.  Nor 
cou'd  I  make  a  greater  Satyr  upon  the  Conduct  and  Character 
of  the  Gentlemen  Proprietors  than  to  say,  that  all  those 
Humble  Representations  met  with  no  Redress  from  them;  but 

1  Reprinted  in  Rivers's  Sketch  of  the  History  of  South  Carolina,  pp.  453-460. 

8  Lord  Granville. 

3  For  this  fragment,  see  the  next  division  of  this  volume. 


248  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

on  the  contrary,  all  Application  to  them  has  hitherto  been 
fruitless,  and  has  met  with  Repulses,  too  unbecoming  the 
Reasonableness  of  their  Cause,  to  say  no  worse  of  it. 

The  Petition  of  the  Inhabitants  brought  over  by  Mr. 
Boon  is  as  follows;  and  is  Sign'd  by  above  180  Persons  of  the 
principal  Freeholders  of  the  Countrey. 


To  His  Excellency,  John  Lord  Granville  Palatinej  and  to  the  rest 
of  the  true  and  absolute  Lords  and  Proprietors  of  the  Province 
of  Carolina. 

May  it  please  Your  Lordships, 

By  an  Address  sent  your  Lordships  by  John  Ash,  Esq; 
bearing  Date  the  26th  of  June,  1703,  Several  of  the  Inhabi 
tants  of  this  part  of  Your  Province,  set  forth  to  Your  Lord 
ships  the  Undue  Election  of  the  present  Assembly;  and  besides, 
the  heavy  Taxes  they  have  laid  on  Us,  and  the  severe  Impo 
sitions  on  Trade  (the  Consequences  of  the  vain  Attempt  on 
St.  Augustine.)  We  are  more  particularly  to  make  our  Com 
plaints  to  Your  Lordships,  of  the  Great  and  UnparallePd 
Breach  they  have  made  in  the  Charter,  granted  Your  Lord 
ships  by  K.  Charles  the  II.  and  of  our  Priviledges  therein  con 
tained.  The  Assembly  having  been  prorogued  on  the  10th 
of  May;  it  was  however  called  together  by  Proclamation,  to 
Sit  the  6th  of  April :  And  having  continued  together  seven  or 
eight  Days,  with  little  or  no  Business  before  them  (to  the 
great  Surprize  of  the  generality  of  the  people)  on  a  suddain, 
without  any  previous  Notice,  on  the  4th  of  May  a  Bill  was 
brought  into  the  House  (the  Copy  whereof  We  have  herewith 
sent  Your  Lordships)  to  Exclude  by  a  Sacramental  Test,  all 
Dissenters  from  Sitting  in  the  Common's  House  of  Assembly. 
This  Bill  was  hurried  on  so,  that  on  the  6th  it  Past  the  House ; 
there  being,  after  all  their  Endeavours,  but  Twelve  for  it, 
and  Eleven  against  it;  whereof  several  where  Members 
of  the  Church  of  England.  In  the  Upper  House,  tho'  it 
Past  with  less  Opposition,  yet  the  Landgrave  Joseph  Mor 
gan  *  was  deny'd  the  Liberty  of  Entring  his  Reasons  for  his 
Dissent. 

!  Morton. 


1704]  PARTY-TYRANNY,   BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  249 

We  are  unable  (My  Lords)  to  describe,  the  Consternation 
of  the  Generality  of  the  People  at  these  Violent  Proceedings: 
All  moderate  Persons  are  extreamly  dissatisfy'd,  and  the  Dis 
senters  themselves  under  the  last  degree  of  Confusion  and 
Discontent;  desiring,  with  Grief  of  Heart,  that  Your  Lord 
ships,  in  Your  Great  Wisdom  and  Goodness,  will  take  Their 
present  Condition  into  Your  Serious  Considerations,  and  Order 
a  Repeal  of  the  aforesaid  Act,  so  Prejudicial  to  Their  Libertys; 
for  which  They  humbly  offer  to  Your  Lordships  these  follow 
ing  Reasons. 

1.  K.  Charles  the  lid.  having  by  His  Charter  to  Your 
Lordships,  given  His  Subjects,  the  Freemen  and  Freeholders 
of  this   Province   by  Themselves,   or  Their   Delegates,   the 
Priviledge  of  Advising  and  Consenting  with  Your  Lordships, 
to  all  such  Laws  as  shall  be  Made  here;   and  the  Dissenters 
being  a  very  large  Part  of  the  Freemen,  and  Freeholders,  and 
incouraged  to  Transport  Themselves,  Families,  and  Estates, 
hither  by  the  said  Priviledges,  are  notwithstanding,  Excluded 
from  the  Priviledge  of  being  Delegates,  or  Representatives  of 
the  People  in  Their  Assemblys  by  the  said  Act,  to  the  Mani 
fest  Violation  of  the  Charter. 

2.  The  Dissenters,  in  all  the  rest  of  Her  Majesty 's  Govern 
ments  in  America,  being  by  no  Laws  Excluded  from  being 
Chosen  into  Assemblys  in  the  respective  Colonys,  And  the 
Dissenters  here,  having  a  Right  thereunto  in  this  Govern 
ment,  not  only  as  Freemen,  but  by  the  Concessions  in  the 
Charter,  have  the  greater  Reason  to  complain  of  Their  present 
Sufferings. 

3.  We  cannot  too  feelingly  Assure  Your  Lordships,  that 
the  said  Act,  tends  not  only  to  the  great  Prejudice,  and  utter 
Discouragement  of  Her  Majesty's  good  Subjects,  the  Dissent 
ers  here,  in  rending  from  them  that  fundamental  Priviledge, 
which  They  and  Their  Ancestors  have  peaceably  Enjoy 'd 
ever  since  the  First  Settlement  of  this  Colony;   but  will  also 
be  a  very  great  Discouragement  to  Them  in  Their  several 
Trades,  and  Employments,  and  a  fatal  Discouragement  of 
the  further,  and  better  Settlement  of  this  Part  of  Your  Lord 
ships  Province. 

For  a  further  Account  of  these  Things,  we  refer  Your  Lord 
ships  to  Mr.  Joseph  Boone,  by  whose  Hands  We  send  this  to 


250  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

Your  Lordships,  desiring  You  to  give  Credit  to  what  he  shall 
further  Offer  to  Your  Lordships,  on  Our  Behalf.  Wishing 
Your  Lordships  good  Health  and  Prosperity,  We  are 

Your  Lordships 

Most  Humble,  and  most 

Obedient  Servants. 

The  Lady  Blake  Widow  of  the  late  Governor,  at  the  same 
time  took  the  freedom  to  represent  to  the  Proprietors,  the 
matter  of  Fact  of  this  Proceeding  in  a  most  pathetick  and 
extraordinary  manner,  by  Letter  as  follows:1 

May  it  please  your  Lordships, 

The  Share  my  Son  has  the  Honour  to  have  with  your 
Lordships  in  the  Propriety  of  this  Province,  together  with  the 
publick  Concern  I  have  for  the  Propriety  thereof,  oblige  me 
at  this  time  to  give  you  this  Trouble,  and  to  lay  before  your 
Lordships  a  short  Representation  of  the  many  Grievances  the 
People  are  oppressed  with. 

The  precipitate  and  fatal  Undertaking  against  St.  Augus 
tine,  and  the  Consequences  thereof  carried  on  by  a  Party, 
have  involv'd  the  Countrey  in  a  Debt  of  about  Ten  thousand 
Pounds,  to  the  Ruin  of  our  Trade,  the  Loss  of  our  Credit 
abroad,2  and  infinite  Dissatisfactions  at  home. 

Towards  Satisfaction  of  which  Debt,  an  Act  was  con- 
triv'd  for  forcing  the  Currency  of  Bills  of  Credit  to  the  value 
of  Six  thousand  Pounds,  these  Bills  were  declared  Current  in 
all  Payments,  and  the  Refuser  of  them  fineable  in  double  the 
value  of  the  Sum  refused,  whereby  the  boldest  Stroke  has  been 
given  to  the  Property  of  the  Settlers  in  this  Province,  that 

1  Elizabeth  (Axtell)  Blake,  widow  of  Landgrave  Joseph  Blake  (who  was 
one  of  the  eight  Proprietors  at  the  time  of  his  death  in  1700)  and  daughter  of 
Landgrave  Daniel  Axtell.  Her  father  and  her  husband  had  both  been  Dissenters. 
Her  father-in-law,  Benjamin  Blake,  had  been  bitter  in  his  criticisms  of  the  Church 
of  England  in  his  lifetime.  Her  husband's  first  wife  was  a  daughter  of  the  first 
Landgrave  Morton  (the  governor)  and  the  sister  of  the  then  Landgrave  Morton. 
Her  prejudices,  therefore,  were  strongly  with  the  Dissenters.  Her  minor  son, 
the  second  Landgrave  Joseph  Blake,  owned  one  of  the  Proprietary  shares  ;n 
Carolina. 

*  Exaggerated  views. 


1704]  PARTY-TYRANNY,   BY   DANIEL  DEFOE  251 

ever  was  known  in  any  Country,  not  govern'd  by  arbitrary 
Power:  And  the  bad  Consequences  of  this  forc'd  Currency 
in  Relation  to  Trade  with  Strangers  are  so  great,  that  they 
can  scarcely  be  expressed,  without  being  more  prolix  than 
the  Bounds  of  a  Letter  can  allow.  Your  Lordships  very  well 
know,  that  if  the  Kingdom  of  England  did  not  conceive  such  a 
Method  destructive  of  the  Peoples  Property,  and  of  the 
utmost  Danger  to  Commerce,  they  cou'd  not  need  any  Pro 
jection  of  Ways  and  Means,  for  raising  of  what  Money  the 
Government's  Affairs  do  require,  But  there  has  nothing  of 
this  been  weighed  by  your  Lordships  Deputies  here,  or  by  the 
pack'd  Members  of  our  Commons  House  of  Assembly:  Besides 
all  this,  the  People  are  not  satisfy'd  how  many  Bills  are 
truly  sent  abroad;  and  the  great  Concern  Mr.  James  Smith 
alias  Serureir,1  (who  cheated  the  Scot's  Company  of  a  con 
siderable  Sum  of  Money,  and  with  his  Keeper  made  his  Escape 
from  London  hither)  had  in  this  Contrivance,  doth  give  a 
Jealousie  of  indirect  Practices  therein  so  prevalent  among  the 
People  as  must  end  in  Confusion  and  Disorder. 

Neither  have  they  stopt  here,  but  to  our  present  Amaze 
ment,  and  the  Increase  of  our  Fears  of  their  evil  Designs  for 
the  future,  they  have  proceeded  to  pass  an  Act  for  the  Exclu 
sion  of  all  Dissenters  from  their  Right  to  sit  in  the  Commons 
House  of  Assembly,  and  obliging  them  to  take  the  Sacrament 
according  to  the  Rites  of  the  Church  of  England.  In  the  same 

1  James  LeSerurier  was  the  son  of  James  LeSerurier,  a  merchant  of  St. 
Quentin  in  northern  France,  who  fled  as  a  refugee  to  South  Carolina  after  the 
revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  The  elder  LeSerurier  became  a  wealthy 
merchant  of  Charles  Town  and  his  son  became  a  merchant  in  London  at  some 
time  prior  to  May  21,  1697,  the  date  of  the  making  of  the  will  of  his  father,  which 
was  proved  October  4,  1706.  His  mother  was  Elizabeth  Leger,  of  another  of 
the  most  prominent  of  the  Huguenot  families  that  settled  in  South  Carolina. 
Her  will,  which  was  made  September  26,  1721,  shows  that  she  was  then  of  the 
parish  of  St.  Anne,  Westminster,  England.  We  are  uninformed  as  to  the  merits 
of  these  charges  against  the  younger  Serurier,  but  as  he  was  a  member  of  one  of 
the  wealthiest  and  most  influential  of  the  Huguenot  families  and  a  brother-in-law 
of  Henry  LeNoble  (or  Noble,  as  he  had  anglicised  his  name),  another  of  the 
most  conspicuous  of  the  Huguenots,  who  was  then  a  Proprietor's  deputy  and  a 
member  of  the  Grand  Council  and  siding  with  the  Church  party,  and  as  he  con 
tinued  to  be  highly  regarded  in  South  Carolina,  it  is  likely  that  there  was  con 
siderable  partisan  bitterness  at  the  bottom  of  these  charges.  The  Scots  Company 
referred  to  is  that  which  founded  the  unfortunate  settlement  at  Darien. 


252  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

Act  inserting  a  Clause,  to  qualifie  the  most  profligate  of  them 
selves  for  Admission  into  Assemblies  by  a  Declaratory  Oath, 
altho'  they  never  take  the  Sacrament:  This  Act  (after  much 
under-hand  Dealing)  was  pass'd  in  a  hurry  and  carry'd  by 
Twelve  only  against  Eleven,  the  above  Mr.  Smith,  who  has 
neither  Interest  nor  Reputation,  being  one  of  the  Number 
of  the  Twelve. 

By  the  Artifices  of  these  Men,  the  honest  and  well-meaning 
People  have  been  all  along  set  against  your  Lordships  Consti 
tutions,  they  therefore  seeing  that  by  passing  of  them,  their 
indirect  and  arbitrary  Proceedings  would  be  in  a  great  Measure 
prevented;  But  now  the  Eyes  of  the  People  are  somewhat 
more  open'd,  and  they  begin  to  be  sensible  of  the  Delusions 
and  Oppressions  they  have  been  involved  in.  Your  Deputies 
decline  offering  the  Constitutions  to  the  People,  altho'  your 
Lordships  (as  I  am  well  informed)  have  often  of  late  Com 
manded  it  of  them. 

I  know,  that  there  has  already  been  made  to  your  Lord 
ships  by  Mr.  John  Ash,  a  Representation  of  the  People's 
Sufferings  here,  and  that  there  will  be  at  this  time,  and  upon 
this  Occasion,  a  farther  Account  of  these  Affairs  sent  your 
Lordships  by  many  of  the  good  People  in  the  Behalf  of  them 
selves  and  others,  most  sensibly  affected  with  the  Loss  of 
these  Priviledges,  which  by  King  Charles  His  Charter  to  your 
Lordships,  has  been  the  Right  and  Usage  of  their  Ancestors 
and  themselves,  ever  since  the  first  Settlement  of  the  Province : 
And  my  earnest  Request  to  your  Lordships  is,  That  in  your 
great  Wisdom,  you  would  be  pleas'd  to  give  them  such  a  Hear 
ing  and  speedy  Redress,  as  may  conduce  most  to  the  Glory 
of  God,  your  Lordships  Honour,  and  the  Welfare  and  Pros 
perity  of  your  Colony,  and  you  will  highly  oblige 

Your  Lordships 
Most  Humble  Servant. 

It  may  be  observed,  That  during  the  Negotiation  of  Mr. 
Ash,  and  the  Interval  before  the  sending  Mr.  Boon,  the  Party 
carried  on  their  Excesses,  and  added  to  the  Grievances  Com- 
plain'd  of  before;  by  setting  on  foot  that  most  barbarous  and 
unheard  of  Law  against  the  Dissenters  mentioned  in  the  above 
Letter  and  Address;  the  Copy  whereof  is  as  follows: 


1704]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  253 


An  Act  for  the  more  effectual  Preservation  of  the  Government  of 
this  Province,  by  requiring  all  Persons  that  shall  hereafter 
be  chosen  Members  of  the  Commons  House  of  Assembly, 
and  sit  in  the  same,  to  take  the  Oaths  and  subscribe  the 
Declaration  appointed  by  this  Act;  and  to  conform  to  the 
Religious  Worship  in  this  Province,  according  to  the  Church 
of  England;  and  to  receive  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  according  to  the  Rites  and  Usage  of  the  said  Church. 

As  nothing  is  more  contrary  to  the  Profession  of  the  Christian 
Religion,  and  particularly  to  the  Doctrine  of  the  Church  of  Eng 
land,  than  Persecution  for  Conscience  only,  NEVERTHELESS, 

Whereas  it  hath  been  found  by  experience,  that  the  admitting 
of  Persons  of  different  Perswasions  and  Interest  in  Matters  of  Re 
ligion,  to  sit  and  vote  in  the  Commons  House  of  Assembly,  hath 
often  caused  great  Contentions  and  Animosities  in  this  Province, 
and  hath  very  much  obstructed  the  publick  Business;  and  whereas 
by  the  Laws  and  Usage  of  England,  all  Members  of  Parliament 
are  obliged  to  conform  to  the  Church  of  England,  by  receiving  the 
Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  according  to  the  Rites  of  the  said 
Church, 

Be  it  therefore  enacted,  by  his  Excellency  John,  Lord  Gran- 
ville,  Palatine,  and  the  rest  of  the  true  and  absolute  Lords  and 
Proprietors  of  this  Province,  by  and  with  the  Advice  and  Consent 
of  the  rest  of  the  Members  of  the  General  Assembly,  now  met  at 
Charles-Town,  for  the  South- West  Part  of  this  Province,  and  by 
the  Authority  of  the  same,  That  every  Person  that  after  the  Rati 
fication  of  this  Act,  shall  be  chosen  a  Member  of  the  Commons 
House  of  Assembly  that  hath  not,  within  the  Space  of  Twelve 
Months  before  such  his  Election,  received  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  according  to  the  Rites  and  Usage  of  the  Church  of 
England,  as  established  by  Law,  such  Person  after  his  Election, 
and  before  he  be  permitted  to  sit  and  vote  in  the  said  House,  shall 
receive  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  according  to  the  Rites 
and  Usage  of  the  Church  of  England,  in  some  publick  Church, 
upon  some  Lord's  Day,  commonly  called  Sunday,  immediately 
after  divine  Service  and  Sermon;  and  every  of  the  said  Persons, 
in  open  Assembly,  in  a  full  House  duly  sitting,  with  their  Speaker 
in  his  Chair,  shall  deliver  a  Certificate  of  such  his  receiving  of  the 
said  Sacrament  as  aforesaid,  under  the  Hand  of  the  respective 
Minister,  or  shall  make  proof  of  the  Truth  thereof  by  Two  credible 
Witnesses  at  least  upon  Oath. 


254  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

But  whereas  some  Persons  scruple  the  Receiving  the  Sacrament 
of  the  Lord's  Supper,  by  reason  they  fear  they  are  not  rightly  fitted 
and  prepared  to  partake  of  that  Ordinance,  who  do  nevertheless, 
out  of  real  Choice,  conform  to  the  Church  of  England,  as  estab- 
lish'd  by  Law,  and  do  sincerely  profess  the  Same,  and  do  not  ab 
stain  from  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  out  of  any  Dislike 
to  the  Manner  and  Form  of  the  Administration  thereof,  as  used  by 
the  Church  of  England,  and  prescribed  in  the  Communion-Office, 
in  the  Book  of  the  Common-Prayer  of  the  said  Church, 

Be  it  therefore  enacted  by  the  Authority  aforesaid,  That  every 
Person  that  after  the  Ratification  of  this  Act,  shall  be  chosen  a 
Member  of  the  Commons  House  of  Assembly  in  this  Province,  in 
case  he  hath  not  received  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  ac 
cording  to  the  Rites  and  Usage  of  the  Church  of  England,  as  is 
before  prescribed  by  this  Act,  then  every  such  Person  before  he 
vote  in  the  said  Commons  House  of  Assembly,  or  sit  there  during 
any  Debate  in  the  said  House,  after  their  Speaker  is  chosen,  shall 
upon  his  Oath  taken  on  the  Holy  Evangelists,  declare  as  follows: 

I,  A.  B.,  Do  solemnly  and  sincerely,  in  the  Presence  of  God, 
profess,  testify  and  declare,  That  I  am  of  the  Profession  of  the 
Church  of  England,  as  Establish'd  by  Law;  and  that  I  do  conform 
to  the  Same,  and  usually  frequent  the  said  Church  for  the  publick 
Worship  of  God;  and  that  I  do  not  abstain  from  the  Sacrament  of 
the  Lord's  Supper,  out  of  any  Dislike  to  the  Manner  and  Form  of 
the  Administration  thereof,  as  used  by  the  said  Church  of  England, 
and  as  it  is  prescribed  in  the  Communion-Office,  in  the  Book  of 
Common-Prayer  of  the  said  Church;  and  that  I  am  not,  nor  for 
One  Year  past,  have  not  been  in  Communion  with  any  Church  or 
Congregation,  that  doth  not  conform  to  the  said  Church  of  Eng 
land,  nor  received  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  such 
Congregation;  and  that  as  a  Member  of  this  House  of  Assembly, 
I  will  endeavour  the  Good  and  Welfare  of  the  said  Church  of  Eng 
land,  as  established  by  Law:  So  help  me  God. 

W7hich  said  Oath  or  Declaration  of  Conformity  shall  be  sol- 

iemnly  and  publickly  made,  and  subscribed  by  every  Member  of 

thbisaid  Commons  House  of  Assembly  (that  doth  not  produce  a 

Certificate,  or  other  Proof  of  his  having  received  the  Sacrament. 

of  the  Lord's  Supper,  as  before  prescribed  by  this  Act,)  between 

.the  Hours  of  Nine  in  the  Morning,  and  Four  in  the  Afternooii,  al 

the  Table  in  the  said  House,  and  whilst  a  full  House  is  sitting  with 

their  Speaker  in  his  Chair:   And  every  such  Person  that  shall  upon 

Oath -make,  and  subscribe  such  Declaration  of  Conformity  to  the 

..Church. of  England;,  is  hereby  declared  to  be  sufficiently  qualified 

to  be  a  Member  of  the  Commons  House  of  Assembly,  as  if  he  had 


1704]  PARTY-TYRANNY,   BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  255 

received  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  according  to  the 
Usage  of  the  Church  of  England,  as  is  above  prescribed  by  this  Act. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  Authority  aforesaid,  That 
all  Persons  that  after  the  Ratification  of  this  Act  shall  be  chosen 
Members  of  the  General  Assembly,  before  they  vote  in  the  Com 
mons  House  of  Assembly,  or  sit  there  during  any  Debate  in  the 
said  House  of  Commons,  after  their  Speaker  is  chosen,  shall  on 
the  Holy  Evangelists  take  the  Oaths  appointed  to  be  taken,  instead 
of  the  Oaths  of  Allegiance  and  Supremacy  by  one  Act  of  Parlia 
ment,  made  in  the  First  Year  of  the  Reign  of  the  late  K.  William 
and  Q.  Mary,  entituled.  An  Act  for  the  Abrogating  of  the  Oaths 
of  Supremacy  and  Allegiance,  and  appointing  other  Oaths,  and 
shall  make  and  subscribe  the  Declaration  appointed  to  be  made 
and  subscribed  in  the  Act  made  in  the  Thirtieth  Year  of  the  Reign 
of  the  late  King  Charles  the  Second,  entituled,  An  Act  for  the  more 
effectual  Preserving  the  King's  Person  and  Government,  by  dis 
abling  Papists  from  sitting  in  either  Houses  of  Parliament.  And 
shall  also  take  the  Oath  appointed  to  be  taken  by  one  Act  of  Par 
liament  made  in  the  First  Year  of  the  Reign  of  Her  present  Maj 
esty,  entituled,  An  Act  to  declare  the  Alterations  in  the  Oath  ap 
pointed  to  be  taken  by  the  Act,  entituled,  An  Act  for  the  further 
Security  of  Her  Majesty's  Person,  and  the  Succession  of  the  Crown 
in  the  Protestant  Line;  and  for  extinguishing  the  Hopes  of  the 
pretended  Prince  of  Wales,  and  all  other  Pretenders,  and  their 
open  and  secret  Abettors,  and  for  declaring  the  Association  to  be 
determined;  Which  Oaths  and  Declaration  in  every  succeeding 
Assembly  shall  be  solemnly  and  publickly  made  and  subscribed 
betwixt  the  Hours  of  Nine  in  the  Morning,  and  Four  in  the  After 
noon,  by  every  Member  of  the  Said  Assembly,  at  the  Table  of  the 
said  House,  and  whilst  a  full  House  is  sitting,  with  their  Speaker 
in  his  Chair. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  Authority  aforesaid,  That  if 
any  Person,  that  shall  hereafter  be  elected  a  Member  of  the  Com 
mons  House  of  Assembly,  shall  presume  to  sit  and  vote  in  the  said 
Commons  House  after  their  Speaker  is  chosen,  before  he  hath  re 
ceived  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  according  to  the  Rites 
and  Usage  of  the  said  Church  of  England,  or  upon  Oath  and  sub 
scribed  such  Declaration  of  Conformity  to  the  Church  of  England 
as  is  prescribed  by  this  Act,  and  hath  also  taken  the  Oaths,  and 
made  and  subscribed  the  Declaration,  as  required  by  this  Act; 
every  Person  so  offending  shall  forfeit  for  the  first  time  he  shall  so 
sit,  the  Sum  of  Fifty  Pounds  current  Money  of  this  Province;  and 
for  every  Day  after  that  he  shall  so  sit,  the  Sum  of  Ten  Pounds, 
the  one  half  to  the  Palatine,  and  the  rest  of  the  true  and  absolute 


256  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

Lords  and  Proprietors  of  this  Province,  to  and  for  the  Support  of 
the  Government  of  this  Province,  and  the  contingent  Charges 
thereof,  to  be  disposed  of  by  Ordinance  of  the  General  Assembly; 
and  the  other  half  to  him  or  them  that  shall  sue  for  the  same  within 
Six  Months  after  the  Offence  committed,  by  Action  of  Debt,  Suit, 
Bill,  Plaint,  or  Information  in  any  Court  of  Record  in  this  Prov 
ince,  wherein  no  Essoign,  Protection,  Privilege,  Injunction,  or 
Wager  of  Law,  or  Stay  of  Prosecution,  by  Non  Vult  ulterius  Prose- 
quiy  or  otherwise,  shall  be  admitted  or  allow'd. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  Authority  aforesaid,  That  in 
case  any  Person  shall  be  returned  a  Member  of  the  Commons 
House  of  Assembly,  who  shall  refuse  to  qualifie  himself  as  required 
by  this  Act,  and  so  cannot  be  permitted  to  sit  and  vote  in  the  said 
House,  that  then  in  such  Case  it  shall  be  lawful  for  those  Members 
of  Assembly,  that  are  qualified  to  sit  and  vote  in  the  said  House  of 
Assembly,  to  order  the  Sheriff  of  the  County  to  lay  the  Poll  or  List 
of  the  several  Candidates,  and  the  Numbers  of  them  that  voted  for 
each  of  the  Candidates,  and  admit  that  Person  or  Persons,  that 
hath  the  greatest  Number  of  Votes  next  to  them,  Members  that 
were  returned  to  sit  and  vote  as  a  Member  or  Members  of  the  said 
Commons  House  of  Assembly,  provided  they  do  qualifie  them 
selves  as  is  above  directed  by  this  Act:  And  in  case  there  is  not  a 
sufficient  Number  of  the  other  Candidates,  that  are  qualified,  as 
aforesaid,  to  fill  up  the  Vacancies,  that  then  a  new  Writ  shall  be 
issued  out  for  such  Number  as  is  so  wanting. 

Read  Three  times,  and  ratified  in  open  Assembly,  the  Sixth 
Day  of  May,  Anno  Domini,  1704. 
N.  JOHNSON,  THO.  BROUGHTON,    JA.  MOORE, 

ROB.  GIBBS,  HENRY  NOBLE,        NICHOLAS  TROTT.' 

This  is  the  famous  Exclusive  Act:  A  Law  in  it  self  so 
ridiculous,  so  partial,  so  calculated  for  the  Ruine  of  the  Colony, 
that  nothing  but  mad  Men,  that  depended  upon  being  Superior 
in  Power  to  all  humane  Authority,  the  People  should  apply 
to,  would  have  ever  brought  upon  the  Stage  of  the  World: 
A  Law  that  gives  such  a  Test  of  its  Makers,  that  it  fills  Strangers 
with  Amazement,  at  the  Impudence  of  it,  makes  their  own 

1  This  Act  proved  the  undoing  of  the  theretofore  victorious  party,  for  the 
manifest  unfairness  of  the  majority  in  resorting  to  so  tyrannical  a  measure 
(although  the  very  inhibition  the  Dissenters  had  wished  to  put  upon  the  Hugue 
nots)  not  only  solidified  the  Dissenters,  but  caused  many  Churchmen  to  join 
them,  and  at  the  next  election  the  Dissenters  won. 


1704]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  257 

Friends  abandon  them,  and  they  that  would  advocate  for  the 
Thing  in  general,  yet  blush  at  the  horrid  Particulars. 

A  Law,  that  contrary  to  all  Laws  universally  made,  which, 
however  ill  designed,  have  pretence  of  publick  Good,  has 
thrown  off  the  very  Mask  of  Modesty;  and  openly  declares, 
no  Villany  can  unqualify  for  a  part  in  the  Government,  but  a 
Conscientious  Scruple  may. 

A  Law  that  has  the  Impudence  to  declare  War  against  the 
Christian  Religion,  and  the  Church  of  England,  in  the  frontice 
Piece,  and  begins  with  a  Non  obstante  to  both  of  them. 

That  having  first  own'd  what  it  Enacts,  to  be  Unchristian 
and  Hetrodox,  has  the  face,  to  begin  with  a  Nevertheless  in 
Capital  Letters,  damning  the  Laws  of  God,  and  of  the  Church, 
as  well  as  of  the  Country,  to  a  positive  Submission  to  a  Rabble 
of  Sham-Representatives. 

A  Law  that,  turning  the  first  Paragraph  into  the  Genuine 
English,  which  the  Words  will,  without  any  straining,  or 
partial  Construction,  bear,  begins  in  this  sense: 

Whereas  the  Laws  of  God,  the  Laws  of  Nature  and  Reason, 
the  Christian  Religion,  the  Doctrine  of  the  Church  of  England,  and 
the  Constitution  of  this  Country,  are  directly  against,  and  do  clearly 
condemn  the  Law  now  making,  yet  in  Defiance  to  them  all,  in  order 
to  carry  on  our  own  private  Resolutions,  for  the  Enriching  our 
selves,  and  the  Destruction  of  this  Colony,  we  have  resolved  to 
Enact;  and  be  it  Enacted,  etc. 

Blush,  Gentlemen-Proprietors,  and  be  asham'd  for  your 
Petty  Sub-Tyrants;  that,  like  the  Lord's  Servants  in  the 
Gospel,  beat  and  abuse  their  Fellow-Servants,  and  Eat  and 
Drink  with  the  Drunken,  and  with  a  Detestation  suitable  to 
your  own  Honour,  and  the  Nature  of  the  Crimes,  publish  your 
Dislike  of  these  Things,  and  immediately  apply  your  selves  to 
reforming  the  Abuses  of  your  Subjects,  who,  tho'  in  one 
Sense  they  are  your  Subjects,  in  another  Sense,  as  Englishmen, 
are  your  Fellow-Subjects  to  the  Crown  and  General  Govern 
ment  of  the  English  Empire,  and  that  are  under  the  Govern 
ment  of  a  Princess;  Who,  as  She  hates  Tyranny  in  all  its 
Parts,  carefully  avoids  it  in  Her  Own  Administration,  Vigor 
ously  struggles  with  it  in  Europe,  and  Fights  to  loose  the 
World  from  General  Bondage,  will  never  suffer  Her  Own 


258  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

Subjects  to  Tyrannize  over  one  another,  nor  any  part  of  Her 
People  to  oppress  the  rest.  In  Her  Majesty's  Equal  Admin 
istration,  you  may  assure  your  selves,  these  injur'd  People  will 
have  Redress;  and  the  barefac'd  Villany,  with  which  they 
have  been  thus  treated,  will  ripen  Matters  so,  for  the  Royal 
Justice,  that  it  cannot  Escape  a  Necessary  Correction. 

Prevent  it,  Gentlemen,  by  a  timely  Redress,  and  let  Her 
Majesty  see,  that  Her  pious  Examples  of  Peace  will  animate 
you,  to  extend  it  to  all  the  parts  of  Her  Subjects  under  your 
Direction;  for  certainly,  when  Her  Majesty  exhorts  us  all  to 
Peace  and  Union,  and  promises  Her  Royal  Favour  to  those  that 
promote  it,  it  cannot  be  understood,  that  all  Her  Majesty's 
Dominions  should  Enjoy  it,  but  Carolina. 

Hitherto  you  have  seen  the  General  Complaint  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  Carolina,  and  how  they  have  been  Tyranniz'd 
over,  and  barbarously  treated  in  the  Country. 

I  conclude  this  Treatise,  by  giving  Account  of  the  Recep 
tion  they  met  with  here,  in  their  peaceable  Application  to 
their  Palatine  and  Board  of  Proprietors  for  Redress. 

Mr.  Ash,  as  is  related,  being  arriv'd  here  with  the  Re 
monstrance  and  humble  Petition  of  the  Inhabitants,  apply'd 
himself  in  the  Name  of  the  People,  by  whom  he  was  sent,  to 
their  Excellencies  the  Proprietors;  and  delivering  his  Petition, 
etc.,  found  it  was  impossible  to  obtain  any  Redress;  either 
for  the  publick,  or  his  own  private  Abuses,  which  were  intol 
erable;  and  therefore  resolv'd  to  publish  the  Account,  but 
dy'd  before  it  was  finished;  and  his  Papers  being  sent  over 
to  his  Relations  there,  were  treacherously  deliver'd  to  the 
Governor's  Agents,  whose  Guilt  Dictated  to  them,  That  they 
were  exposed  in  them;  and  several  private  Letters  of  the 
Inhabitants  to  Mr.  Ash,  being  among  them,  they  are  now 
prosecuting  and  insulting  the  said  Inhabitants  for  those  Let 
ters,  to  terrify  others  from  transmitting  a  true  Account  of 
the  Oppressions  practiced  upon  them. 

As  in  the  Interval  of  Mr.  Ash's  Negotiations,  the  Exclusive 
Bill  was  pass'd,  as  I  have  noted,  and  Mr.  Boon  sent  over  with 

it  as  before;  he  applyed  himself  to  my  Lord  G 11  Palatine 

(as  he  calls  himself)  for  all  Men  know  that  by  the  Right  of 
the  Constitution,  even  that  Mock  Title  is  none  of  his  Due. 
Having  laid  the  Case  before  his  Excellence  (as  he  loves  to  be 


1704]  PARTY-TYRANNY,   BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  259 

calPd)  Mr.  Boon  desir'd  a  Board  of  the  Proprietors  might  be 
calPd,  which  his  Lordship  promised,  but  never  perform'd 
till  after  about  7  Weeks  Attendance  and  Sollicitation. 

At  this  Board^  one  Mr.  Arsdale,1  now  a  Proprietor,  and 
formerly  the  very  well  respected  and  upright  Governor  of 
Carolina,  vigorously  opposed  the  passing  this  Exclusive  Bill; 
and  gave  such  Reasons  against  it,  as  his  Lordship,  who  all  the 
World  knows,  does  not  always  make  use  of  his  Profound  Skill 
of  Reasoning,  not  being  able  to  Answer,  had  Recourse  to  the 
true  Methods  of  all  Tyrants,  positive  Will,  and  answered  in 
this  Arbitrary  and  Imperious  Manner: 

"Sir,  You  are  of  one  Opinion,  and  I  am  of  another,  and 
our  Lives  may  not  be  long  enough  to  End  the  Controversy. 
I  am  for  this  Bill,  and  this  is  the  Party  that  I  will  Head  and 
Countenance." 

This  is  so  much  the  Picture  of  the  Answer  of  King  James, 
to  the  Humble  and  Peaceable  Address  of  the  Bishops,  when 
he  sent  them  to  the  Tower;2  that  a  Body  would  wonder  the 
Tale  of  one,  should  not  warn  his  high  Mightiness  against  the 
Practice  of  the  other. 

But  let  us  go  on,  and  see  how  the  sweet  and  delicious 
Taste  of  Tyranny  had  swallowed  up  all  the  Justice  of  this 
Mountebank  Prince. 

Mr.  Boon,  the  present  Agent  for  the  Oppressed  People,  hum 
bly  mov'd  his  Excellence  to  be  Heard  by  Council  against  this 
Barbarous  Act.  Hark  now,  Gentlemen,  to  the  haughty  An 
swer  of  an  insulting,  pedant  Prince,  to  a  Request  so  reasonable. 

"What  Business  has  Council  here?  it  is  a  Prudential  Act 
in  me,  and  I'll  do  as  I  see  fit;  I  see  no  Harm  at  all  in  the 
Bill,  and  am  resolv'd  to  pass  it." 

Accordingly,  Sic  Volo,  sic  Jubeo,3  he  Sign'd  it  that  Day, 
the  Board  consisting  but  of  three  Persons,  and  he  having 
Power  by  a  Proxy  for  Two  in  himself;  and  tho'  we  must  in 
Justice  acknowledge,  that  some  of  the  Gentlemen  Proprietors 
were  against  it,  yet  by  that  Means  they  were  over-ruTd  and 
the  Bill  pas't.4 

1  John  Archdale.     He  was  a  Dissenter. 

1  In  1688.  «  "So  I  will,  so  I  order." 

4  There  were  eight  shares.  Lord  Granville  voted  his  own  share,  that  of 
the  minor  Lord  Ashley,  and  that  formerly  belonging  to  Seth  Sothell.  Carteret, 


260  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

By  this  Arbitrary  Proceeding,  the  Liberties  of  Carolina 
are  trampled  under  foot,  and  the  People's  Properties  subjected 
to  all  manner  of  Insults  and  Oppression. 

Mr.  Boon  had  a  Petition  against  this  Bill  to  present  him, 
sign'd  by  the  principal  Merchants  of  London,  Trading  to 
Carolina;  but  he  saw  himself  foreclosed  by  absolute  Power, 
and  that  he  had  to  do  with  a  Monarch,  on  whom  the  Cries 
and  Prayers  of  his  oppressed  Subjects  made  no  Impression. 

For  this  Cause,  he  now  addresses  himself  to  the  Honourable 
House  of  Commons,  and  hopes,  that  from  the  Premises,  it 
will  be  allow'd  of,  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed  People  of  Carolina, 
that  they  have  not  taken  this  Course  but  as  the  last  Resort; 
all  manner  of  humble,  dutiful,  and  peaceable  Application  to 
their  Governors,  having  been  first  in  vain  attempted,  to  obtain 
a  just  Redress. 

What  have  the  peaceable  Subjects  of  this  Province  done, 
that  they  alone  must  be  oppressed,  when  all  the  rest  of  Her 
Majesty's  People  enjoy  the  Blessing  of  a  Government,  the 
best  constituted,  and  under  the  best,  most  moderate,  and 
most  equal  Administration  in  the  World? 

This  Law  in  its  Nature  appeared  so  black,  that  even  in 

this  very  Assembly  afterwards,  viz.  ,  Some  Members 

mov'd  to  have  it  Repealed,  and  the  Act  pass'd  to  Repeal  it 
in  the  Lower  House,  which  they  call  *  but  in  the  Upper 

House,  where  the  Engines  of  this  Confusion  Sat,  and  had  a 
more  particular  Influence,  and  which  they  call  the  Court  of 
2  there  it  was  rejected  Nemine  Contradicente. 

It  would  swell  this  Book  too  much,  to  give  a  particular 
Account  of  the  flourishing  Circumstances  of  this  Colony 
before  these  things,  and  of  the  fatal  Effects  already  felt  on 
their  Trade,  especially  on  the  Number  of  Inhabitants,  which 
is  allow'd  by  all,  to  be  the  Wealth,  Strength,  and  Prosperity 
of  a  Country:  These  Proceedings  not  only  discouraged  People 
from  going  to  Settle,  where  all  things  are  in  such  Confusions, 
and  Hurries,  and  where  Men  are  not  safe  in  their  Houses  and 
Families,  nor  in  the  Streets;  but  many  Families  (well  settl'd 
and  flourishing)  daily  Remove,  and  others  are  preparing  to 

Colleton,  and  Craven  were  the  other  shareholders  voting.  The  shares  of  Archdale 
and  young  Blake  were  the  two  not  voted. 

1  Blank.     The  Commons  House.  *  Palatine  court. 


1704]  PARTY-TYRANNY,  BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  261 

quit  the  Place,  chosing  to  abandon  a  Settlement,  where  their 
Industry  is  subjected  to  such  Violences,  and  they  are  not  sure 
to  enjoy  (peaceably)  the  Fruit  of  their  Labour.1 

There  is  yet  another  Scandal  these  Proceedings  lye  under, 
which  carries  in  it  some  Reflection  on  the  Great  Persons  con- 
cern'd;  and  that  is,  That  these  Proceedings,  being  Contem 
porary  with  Times  of  Occasional  Bills,  Tackings,  dangerous 
Experiments,  and  the  like  in  England,  received  their  Life  and 
Motion  from  the  same  Original,  and  prosecuted  the  same 
Design,  being  under  the  Power  and  Government  of  some  of 
the  same  Persons.  This  Observation  has  several  Aspects. 

1.  England  may  here  see  the  Consequence  of  Tackings, 
Occasional  Bills,  etc.,  in  Miniature,  and  what  the  Designs  of 
the  Party  are  in  general,  viz.  the  absolute  Suppression  of 
Property,  as  well  as  Religion;    or  in  short,  both  Civil  and 
Ecclesiastical  Tyranny. 

2.  Carolina  may  have  reason  to  think  their  Oppressions 
were  at  least  encouraged  from  the  same  Expectation  they  had 
of  Success  in  the  like  Design  here;   and  not  expecting  a  Dis 
appointment  here,  no  wonder,  if  they  acted  as  People  that 
thought  they  should  never  give  any  Account,  either  to  God  or 
Man. 

3.  Her  Majesty  has  here  an  Exceeding  Testimony,  to  the 
Necessity  of  Party-Peace,  which  her  Royal  Wisdom  Dictated 
before,  was  the  only  Happiness  of  Her  People;   and  which 
the  same  Party  of  Men,  were  carefully  destroying  here,  as 
these  did  there. 

4.  Here  may  be  seen,  the  Great  Assurance  this  Party 
acted  with,  that  depending  they  should  succeed  here,  durst 
attempt  the  persecuting  their  Fellow-Subjects  there. 

5.  ?Tis  plain,  what  is  the  Design  of  Occasional  Bills  in 
general;  which,  where  they  durst  appear  to  show  themselves, 
Demonstrate  'tis  not  to  prevent  Hypocrisy,  but  to  plunder 
and  destroy  their  Neighbours;  and  that  any  Man  may  come  in 
to  the  Administration,  let  his  Manners  be  never  so  corrupt, 
and  that  provided  he  be  not  tainted  with  the  Sin  of  defending 

1  An  exaggeration.  No  such  condition  existed  at  the  time.  A  few  people 
removed  from  Charles  Town  to  other  parts  of  the  province  in  consequence  of  the 
dissensions,  and  business  became  a  little  stagnant  because  of  the  trouble  with 
Spain. 


262  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

his  Liberty,  nor  with  the  Scandal  of  being  a  Man  of  Con 
science,  he  is  own'd  fit  to  be  a  Member  of  this  Society. 

I  believe,  I  may  freely  challenge  all  Mankind,  ever  since 
there  were  Governments  in  the  World,  to  show  a  like  Test  of 
Qualification,  where  Men  conscious  to  themselves,  that  if  they 
lock't  the  door  against  Rogues,  against  profligate,  unqualify'd 
Rakes,  they  should  shut  themselves  out,  open'd  the  Door  to 
all  that  were  scandalously  unfit  for  any  thing,  and  bolted  it 
upon  none  but  those  who  could  not  swear  themselves  regard 
less  of  Conscience. 

But  while  we  are  hinting  here  at  the  People  that  push  on 
these  Extravagancies,  we  ought  to  clear  the  Church  of  Eng 
land,  as  a  Church,  as  far  as  possible,  from  the  Guilt  of  an 
Action  so  Horrid. 

For  tho'  here  is  a  seeming  Appearance  for  the  Church  of 
England,  and  some  shew  of  Regard  to  her,  yet  as  the  Doctrine 
of  the  Church  abhors  such  Practices,  so  the  worthy  and 
reverend  Minister  of  the  Church  of  England  there,  has  shared 
with  the  deepest,  in  the  Suffering  Part,  from  the  Violences 
and  Fury  of  those  People,  because  he  would  not  joyn  with 
them  in  the  same  Excesses,  against  the  Laws  of  the  Place, 
the  Liberty  and  Religion  of  the  Inhabitants,  and  the  known 
Capitulations  of  the  Government.1 

Nor  can  they  Charge  this  Gentleman  with  Phanaticism, 
or  Partiality,  who,  'tis  known,  was  so  far  from  that,  thai 
it  was  some  time  here  before  he  could  satisfy  his  Conscience 
to  take  the  Oaths,  and  lost  several  Advantages  because  of  it. 

Yet  this  Gentleman  abhorring  such  Unchristian  Violences, 
and  not  being  to  be  prevaiPd  upon  to  joyn  with  them,  has 
been  insulted  by  them  in  the  most  barbarous  and  villanous 
manner,  even  in  the  Streets,  his  Gown  torn  off  from  his  Back, 
whipt  with  a  Horse-whip,  and  in  a  most  unseemly  manner 
beaten  and  abused,  as  by  his  many  and  frequent  Complaints 
made  to  the  Proprietors  (tho'  never  regarded)  will  appear. 

Nor  does  their  Rage  end  here;    but  the  Party  now  are 

1  Rev.  Edward  Marston,  of  St.  Philip's  Church,  opposed  the  unfair  action  of 
the  provincial  government  in  depriving  Dissenters  of  the  right  to  sit  in  the  Com 
mons  House  and  became  involved  in  quarrels  with  Governor  Johnson  and  the 
Assembly.  Mr.  Marston 's  conduct  in  these  quarrels  was  far  from  blameless. 
See  McCrady's  History  of  South  Carolina  under  the  Proprietary  Government. 


1704]  PARTY-TYRANNY,   BY  DANIEL  DEFOE  263 

resolved  to  have  him  turn'd  out,  tho'  he  is  marry'd,  settled, 
and  has  a  Family  of  Children  upon  the  Place,  depending  upon 
his  being  fixed  there  for  his  Life;  knowing  that  his  blameless 
Conversation  would  be  uncapable  of  forfeiting  that  Settle 
ment. 

It  would  require  a  History  as  large  as  the  Rest  of  this  Book, 
to  set  down  the  Barbarities  this  Gentleman  has  met  with,  and 
which  he  has  fully  represented  to  some  Reverend  Divines 

here;  and  perhaps  Dr.  S hope1  may  better  know,  why 

no  Redress  is  obtained  for  him,  while  an  Ignorant,  Illiterate, 
and  Untaught  Person,  to  say  no  worse  of  him,  is  encouraged 
and  supported  by  this  Party,  to  Insult  and  Depress  the  other. 

Nor  are  their  Proceedings  altogether  unlike  what  in  former 
times  was  practised  here,  since  they  are  now  Erecting  a  little 
High  Commission  Court  to  Govern  the  Clergy,  and  to  whom 
they  shall  be  always  subject;  by  which  'twill  be  always  true, 
That  when  ever  a  Clergy-man  has  Courage,  either  to  reprove 
their  Vices,  or  oppose  any  of  their  Arbitrary  Proceedings, 
they  shall  be  lyable  to  the  Censure  of  those  very  Men  they 
ought  to  reprove. 

This  Gentleman  was  so  far  from  obtaining  any  Redress 
in  the  Case  we  hint  here,  that  to  requite  him,  we  are  informed 
they  resolve  to  have  him  out. 

Nor  is  he  the  first,  but  two  several  Clergy-men  before  him 
have  been  so  treated,  turn'd  out,  and  reduc'd,  that  both  of 
them  went  distracted,  and  dyed  in  Misery  and  Distress.2 

Twould  sully  this  Paper,  and  turn  the  sad  Account  to  a 
History  of  Immoralities,  to  bring  upon  the  Stage  the  Char 
acters  of  the  People:  Men  are  best  known  by  their  Actions; 
and  we  leave  this  unparallePd  Act  of  Parliament  as  a  Standard 
for  them  to  be  match'd  by,  if  ever  Providence  should  suffer 
a  Society  of  such  Men,  to  get  Legislative  Power  into  their 
Hands,  in  any  part  of  the  World. 

If  this  be  the  Effect  of  Occasional  Bills,  and  English  Per 
secution,  no  wonder  it  was  declared  contrary  to  the  Christian 
Religion;  but  sure  these  are  the  first  Men  that  ever  made  a 

1  George  Stanhope,  dean  of  Canterbury. 

*  This  statement  is  a  gross  perversion  of  facts;  no  such  treatment  was  given 
to  any  ministers  before  Mr.  Marston's  day  or  after,  and,  therefore,  there  was  no 
such  resultant  consequence. 


264  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704V 

Law,  tho'  it  has  been  elsewhere  push't  at,  with  a  Nevertheless 
upon  its  Title,  to  its  being  contrary  to  the  Christian  Religion. 

It  can  therefore  no  longer  be  doubted,  but  when  these 
things  come  to  be  considered  in  an  English  Parliament,  such 
Redress  will  there  be  obtained,  as  may  secure  English  Liberty, 
wherever  it  pleases  God  to  establish  English  Government; 

That  no  part  of  the  Subjects  of  this  Nation  be  oppressed 
by  others;  and  that  while  Great  Men  obtain  the  Liberty  of 
their  Estates,  and  the  Property  and  Security  of  their  Inheri 
tances;  they  may  not  Erect  Petty-Tyrannies  under  them, 
and  skreen  Men  of  profligate  Principles,  from  the  Resentment 
of  the  Government; 

That  Men  may  not  be  wheedled  in  by  the  pretence  of  a 
free  Possession  of  Estate  and  Liberty,  and  on  Condition  of  a 
just  Government;  first,  to  wander  into  remote  Wildernesses 
with  their  Estates  and  Families,  then  industriously  Plant, 
Cure,  Manage  and  Improve  their  Estates,  and  at  last,  have 
their  Labours  discourag'd  by  Tyrannick  and  Barbarous  Insults, 
their  Estates  sunk  and  lessened,  by  being  subjected  to  Arbitrary 
Taxations,  for  the  Executing  improbable  and  preposterous 
Projects,  and  their  Persons  unqualify'd  without  a  Crime,  to 
appear  in  the  Assembly  of  their  Country,  where  all  these 
Injuries  might,  in  a  legal  manner,  be  redress'd  and  repair'd.1 

xThe  following  pamphlet  relating  to  this  question  was  subsequently  pub 
lished:  The  Humble  Address  of  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  Spiritual  and 
Temporal  in  Parliament  Assembled,  Presented  to  Her  Majesty  on  Wednesday  the 
Thirteenth  Day  of  March,  1705,  Relating  to  the  Province  of  Carolina,  and  the 
Petition  therein  mentioned,  With  Her  Majesties  most  Gracious  Answer  Thereto. 
(London,  Printed  by  Charles  Bill,  and  the  Executrix  of  Thomas  Newcomb, 
deceas'd,  Printers  to  the  Queens  most  Excellent  Majesty,  1705,  folio,  4  pp.) 

The  first  two  pages  consist  of  the  title-page  and  order  to  print,  dated  March 
13,  1705;  page  3  contains  the  Address  of  the  Lords  and  the  Queen's  answer,  and 
page  4  "The  Humble  Petition  of  Joseph  Boone  Merchant  on  behalf  of  himself 
and  many  other  Inhabitants  of  the  Province  of  Carolina,  and  also  of  several 
Merchants  of  London,  Trading  to  Carolina,  and  the  Neighboring  Colonies  of 
Her  Majesty  in  America."  The  latter  has  been  reprinted  in  Rivers's  Sketch 
of  the  History  of  South  Carolina,  pp.  461-463.  There  are  seventeen  signatures 
to  it  and  of  these  Boone  was  the  only  man  whose  name  is  in  the  least  conspicuous 
in  the  records  of  the  day. 


THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  AFFAIRS  IN 
CAROLINA,  BY  JOHN  ASH,  1706 


INTRODUCTION 

DURING  the  seven  years  preceding  the  death  of  Governor 
Joseph  Blake  in  September,  1700,  South  Carolina  was  governed 
by  three  governors  who  were  all  Dissenters.  Upon  the  death 
of  Blake  the  Lords  Proprietors7  deputies  met  to  choose  a 
governor.  Under  the  mode  of  procedure  laid  down  by  the 
Proprietors  for  such  elections  Landgrave  Joseph  Morton,  a 
Dissenter  and  a  son  of  a  former  governor  of  the  province,  was, 
in  right  of  being  a  landgrave,  entitled  to  the  preference  over 
the  untitled  deputies,  provided  he  obtained  a  majority  of  the 
votes  of  the  deputies  and  no  valid  objection  were  raised 
against  him  by  any  deputy.  On  the  ballot  for  Morton  he 
received  three  votes  for  governor  and  two  were  cast  against 
him.  Deputies  Moore  and  Daniell  objected  to  him  on  the 
ground  that  he  had  accepted  the  appointment  from  the  Crown 
as  judge  of  the  admiralty  in  South  Carolina  while  still  holding 
a  commission  from  the  Proprietors  as  a  deputy.  This  being 
a  valid  objection,  and  no  one  dissenting  but  Morton,  the  depu 
ties  proceeded  to  the  election  of  one  of  the  untitled  deputies 
and  James  Moore  was  elected. 

Moore  had  come  into  the  province  about  1675  and  shortly 
afterwards  married  Dame  (Margaret  Foster)  Yeamans,  widow 
of  Sir  John  Yeamans,  a  former  governor  of  the  province. 
During  the  first  few  years  of  his  residence  he  managed  planta 
tions  for  Dame  Yeamans  and  Captain  William  Walley,  but  later 
he  engaged  in  trading  with  the  Indians,  at  which  he  became 
very  enterprising  and  successful.  As  that  branch  of  business 
in  Carolina  was  a  constant  source  of  quarrels  and  bickerings  in 
both  private  and  official  sources,  due  primarily  to  the  unre- 

267 


268  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

liable  character  of  the  Indians,  Moore  made  many  enemies 
and  was  often  the  target  for  personal  abuse.  He  proved  him 
self  to  be  a  valuable  man  to  the  province,  however,  and  the 
Proprietors  frequently  honored  him  with  their  commands. 

No  sooner  had  Moore  been  elected  governor,  however, 
than  the  greatest  aspersions  yet  cast  upon  his  character  were 
hurled  at  him.  His  former  enemies  were  reinforced  by  a 
faction  who  had  become  dissatisfied  over  his  defeat  of  Morton 
for  governor.  The  fact  that  he  was  of  the  faith  of  the  Church 
of  England  was  sufficient  to  arouse  the  jealousy  of  the  Dis 
senters,  who  had  hoped  for  a  continuation  of  their  party  in 
power  by  the  election  of  Morton.  Chance  had  put  Dissenters 
at  the  head  of  the  government  since  the  spring  of  1692,  Thomas 
Smith  and  Joseph  Blake  having  been  elected  by  the  deputies 
by  virtue  of  being  landgraves  and  Archdale  and  Blake  (second 
term)  assuming  the  government  in  right  of  being  Proprietors. 
This  was  the  first  real  test  of  strength  between  Churchmen  and 
Dissenters  and. when  the  latter  lost  they  began  to  raise  dis 
sensions.  The  quarrel  finally  waxed  so  warm  that  the  minority 
faction  sent  an  agent  to  England  to  lay  their  grievances  before 
the  Proprietors,  Parliament,  or  the  Crown,  whichever  would 
heed  their  prayers.  This  agent  was  John  Ash,  a  member  of 
the  Commons  House  for  Colleton  County,  who  theretofore  had 
played  no  conspicuous  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  province. 
Not  meeting  encouragement  from  the  Proprietors,  Ash  pre 
pared  for  publication  a  statement  of  the  Dissenters'  side  of  the 
controversy  and  had  had  two  pages  of  it  printed  when  he 
died.  His  statement  of  the  case  is  an  impassioned  one  and 
plainly  shows  his  bias,  is  filled  with  personal  abuse  of  and  sar 
castic  references  to  the  party  in  power,  vitiates  the  truth  in 
so  many  particulars  as  to  render  it  unreliable  in  any,  and 
should  not  be  taken  too  seriously  by  students  of  the  history  of 
South  Carolina. 


THE   PRESENT  STATE  OF  AFFAIRS  IN 
CAROLINA,  BY  JOHN  ASH,  1706 

The  Present  State  of  Affairs  in  Carolina,  by  John  Ash,  Gent., 
Sent  by  several  of  the  Inhabitants  of  that  Colony,  to  deliver 
their  Representation  thereof  to,  and  seek  Redress  from,  the 
Lords  Proprietors  of  that  Province  :  Together  with  an  Ac 
count  of  his  Reception,  by  the  Honourable  the  Lord  Gran- 
mil,  their  Palatine,  President,  or  Chief  of  the  Proprietors. 

ON  the  Death  of  Joseph  Blake,  Esq;  Governour,  and  one 
of  the  Proprietors  of  Carolina,  the  Proprietors  Deputies  met, 
according  to  their  Instructions  in  such  Cases,  proceeded  to 
elect  a  new  Governour;  and  by  them  Landgrave  Joseph 
Morton  was  Elected  Governour.  But  James  Moor,  Esq;  one 
of  the  said  Deputies,  knowing  the  Party  he  had  amongst 
Deputies,  and  nothing  regarding  how  Disloyal,  how  Derogatory 
from  the  just  Right  of  the  English  Throne  that  Objection  was, 
objected  against  the  said  Landgrave  Joseph  Morton,  That  he 
the  said  Joseph  Morton  had  made  a  Breach  of  the  Trust 
reposed  in  him  by  the  true  and  absolute  Lords  and  Proprietors, 
etc.  by  accepting  of  a  Commission  for  Judge  of  the  Admiralty 
from  King  William,  when  at  the  same  Time  he  had  a  Commis 
sion  from  the  said  Proprietors  for  the  said  Office,  in  whom  the 
Disposal  of  the  same  was:  Now,  besides  the  Disloyalty  of 
this  Objection,  it  was  also  false;  for  it  appears  not  by  the 
Charter,  That  the  Proprietors  can  impower  any  one  to  try 
Persons  for  Facts  committed  out  of  their  Dominions,  and 
which  is  necessary  for  such  Judge;  yet  such  was  his  Interest, 
that  on  this  his  Objection,  Landgrave  Morton  was  rejected, 
and  the  said  James  Moore  Elected  and  declared  Governour. 
Of  this  Landgrave  Morton  Informed,  and  Complained  to  the 
Proprietors,  but  to  no  purpose. 

The  Power  thus  boldly  gotten,  Mr.  Moore  resolves  to  make 
the  best  use  of  it:  and  therefore  finding  himself  too  poor,  even 

269 


270  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1700 

with  the  Countenance  of  his  Office,  to  make  any  considerable 
Profit  of  the  Indian  Trade,  he  lays  a  Design  of  getting  it  wholly 
into  his  Power.  This  he  attempted  by  getting  a  Bill  brought 
into  the  Assembly  at  the  latter  end  of  the  Year  1700,  Inti 
tuled,  A  Bill  for  Regulating  the  Indian  Trade,  but  so  con- 
triv'd  as  to  have  made  him  wholly  Master  of  it.  But  Mr. 
Robert  Stephens,  Mr.  Trott  (then  no  Courtier)  and  some  others 
so  plainly  shew'd  its  ill  Aim,  that  it  was  thrown  out  of  the 
Assembly,1  as  it  was  again  in  the  beginning  of  the  Year  1701. 
On  which  Mr.  Moore  perceiving,  That  that  Assembly  could  not 
be  prevailed  with  to  answer  his  Ends,  he  dissolved  the  Assembly, 
and  about  the  latter  End  of  that  Year  a  new  one  was  chosen,2 

1  The  contemporaneous  records  show  that  there  was  a  necessity  for  the  regu 
lation  of  the  Indian  trade.  What  Governor  Moore's  plan  was  is  not  revealed  by 
the  journal  of  the  Commons  House,  but  the  following  report,  made  to  the  House, 
November  13,  1700,  and  the  only  action  taken  on  the  subject,  shows  nothing  to 
warrant  the  above  statement: 

"Reported  from  the  Committe,  ordrd  to  Attend  the  Govern or,  by  Ralph 
Izard  Esqr:  That  his  Honr  hath  Considered  of  Severall  Methods,  for  the  Regu 
lation  of  the  Indian  Trade  But  This  House  haveing  Thoughts  To  make  this  a 
short  Sessions,  The  Time  will  be  to  short  to  make  an  Act  for  Regulateing  that 
Trade,  Therefore  if  This  House  will  appoynt  a  Committe  To  Consider  of  such 
methods  as  may  be  Thought  necessary  for  makeing  that  Trade  secure  to  the 
Publick  Betweene  this  sessions  and  the  next  adjournm*  he  will  Assist  therein  and 
order  Those  Indian  Traders  Down  that  have  opprest  the  natives,  and  keepe 
them  here  till  said  Adjournment,  or  Take  security  for  their  Appearance  and 
Allso  Give  orders,  To  severall  of  the  Indian  Kings  to  be  here  Likewise." 

On  the  15th  the  House  "Ordered  That  Ralph  Izard  Esqr:  and  mr  Robert 
Stevens  be  a  Committe  to  Prepare  a  Bill  for  the  Regulateing  the  Indian  Trade 
[and  several  other  bills]  against  the  next  meeting  after  this  Sessions,"  and  the 
next  day  the  House  adjourned  for  the  session. 

a  No  session  was  held  at  the  beginning  of  1701,  the  next  session  convening 
January  7,  1701/2,  and  there  was,  therefore,  no  dissolving  of  the  Assembly  nor 
election  of  a  new  House  in  that  year.  In  a  message  to  the  Commons  House 
January  15,  1701/2,  Governor  Moore  made  the  following  recommendation: 
"That  you  Consider  of  a  way  to  remove  the  abuses  done  to  the  Yamasee  Indians 
by  them  that  live  among  and  Trade  with  them,  and  of  makeing  them  Easie  in 
Our  Neighbourhood  and  friendship,  So  as  that  they  may  not  have  reason  to 
return  to  the  Spaniards. 

"That  you  think  of  some  way  to  prevent  the  Tallabooses  and  other  Indians 
now  our  friends  their  trade  and  acquaintance  with  the  ffrench  till  some  way  may 
be  found  to  secure  us  from  the  dangers  and  Mischiefs  which  that  Trade  and 
acquaintance  will  bring  on  us. 

"That  you  think  of  some  way  to  Confirm  the  Cussatoes  wch  live  on  Ochasa 
Creek  and  the  Savannos  in  the  Place  they  now  live  in,  and  to  Our  friendship 


1702]  AFFAIRS  IN  CAROLINA,  BY  JOHN  ASH  271 

at  the  Election  of  which,  tho'  the  Right  of  Electing  be  by  the 
Charter  in  the  Freeholders  only,  he  so  Influenced  the  Sheriff, 
that  Strangers,  Servants,  Aliens,  nay  Malatoes  and  Negroes 
were  Polled,  and  Returns  made  accordingly.  Such  as  at  the 
Place  opposed  those  Practices,  were  abused,  nay,  assaulted  by 
Mr.  Moore's  Favourites.  By  this  Means,  having  got  several 
into  the  Assembly,  of  neither  Sense  nor  Credit,  but  such  as 
would  Vote  as  he  would  have  them,  he  there  kept  them  from 
being  thrown  out  on  the  Petition  of  those  who  were  unjustly 
excluded  by  their  being  Returned,  by  repeated  and  strangely 
procured  Adjournments  and  Prorogations,  until  the  Procla 
mation  of  our  New  War  with  France  and  Spain  arrived.1 

they  being  the  Only  People  by  whom  Wee  may  expect  Advice  of  an  Inland 
Invasion." 

After  various  discussions,  during  which  the  House  several  times  called  upon 
Governor  Moore  for  papers  and  advice,  it  was  finally  resolved:  "That  a  Bill  be 
Prepared  against  next  Sitting  Wherein  provision  may  be  taken  that  Indian 
Traders  shall  pay  for  Lycences  and  that  a  Clause  be  added  to  send  a  Commissary 
or  two  to  the  Southward  and  that  there  be  a  perticular  Care  Taken  of  the  Yam- 
massees,  And  allso  that  there  be  provission  in  the  said  Act  Concerning  all  Debts 
of  the  Indians." 

That  resolution  was  adopted  January  29  and  closed  legislation  relating  to 
Indian  affairs  for  the  session.  On  February  3  the  House  adjourned  till  the  first 
Wednesday  in  September.  On  February  12  writs  for  a  new  election  were  issued 
to  the  sheriffs  under  the  hand  of  Governor  Moore  and  Deputies  Daniell,  Bellinger, 
Noble,  Dearsley,  and  Parris,  the  election  to  be  held  March  11  and  the  new  assem 
bly  to  convene  April  1.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  Moore's  plan,  if  he  had  one, 
for  controlling  the  Indian  trade,  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  dissolution  of  the 
House  or  the  issuing  of  writs  by  the  governor  and  deputies  for  a  new  election. 

1  The  high  sheriff  of  Berkeley  County,  holding  the  election  at  Charles  Town 
for  Berkeley  and  Craven  counties,  returned  the  twenty  having  the  highest  vote 
as  follows:  Dr.  Charles  Burnham  392,  Capt.  John  Guppell  357,  Major  Charles 
Colleton  340,  Col.  Thomas  Broughton  250,  Capt.  Job  Howes  227,  William 
Smith  (merchant)  226,  John  Buckley  224,  Col.  Stephen  Bull  221,  Landgrave 
Thomas  Smith  221,  George  Logan  218,  Nicholas  Trott  218,  Serurier  Smith  217, 
Capt.  John  Godfrey  217,  Capt.  James  Risbee  217,  Capt.  David  Davis  216,  Henry 
Wigington  212,  Richard  Beresford  212,  Major  Benjamin  Waring  208,  Capt. 
George  Smith  204,  Major  William  Smith  200.  He  further  reported  that  Capt. 
Abraham  Eve  had  received  199  votes  and  that  there  were  "Tenn  Moore  Votes 
for  him  and  Major  W-  Smith  which  were  objected  against  as  unquallified  to 
Vote,  which  is  Humbly  Submitted  to  the  House  to  Judge  of  whether  Unquallified 
or  not.  Therefore  Returne  the  said  Cap*  Eve." 

Almost  immediately  upon  organizing  the  House  proceeded  to  consider  the 
contest,  Joseph  Boone,  Robert  Fenwick,  and  John  Croskeys  being  the  contest 
ants  of  the  seats  of  Major  Benjamin  Waring,  Major  William  Smith,  and  Richard 


272  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1702 

Then  possessing  the  People  by  Stories  with  hopes  of  mighty 
Plunder,  he  got  a  Design  that  he  had  proposed  to  the  Assembly 
before,  of  going  against  St.  Augustin,  a  Fort  belonging  to 
Spain,  a  little  to  the  Southward  of  Carolina,  to  be  approved, 
tho'  in  truth  it  was  no  more  than  a  Project  of  Freebooting 
under  the  specious  Name  of  War,  for  neither  the  Preparation 
nor  the  Performance  will  permit  any  one  to  believe  it  was 
meant  for  any  other  Purpose,  or  the  least  Good  of  the  Colony.1 
However,  it  was  approved,  and  Two  Thousand  Pounds 
were  raised  to  equip  his  Honour  and  his  Comrades  out  for 
their  beloved  Exercise  of  Plundering,  and  Slave-catching.  This 
they  performed  well  enough,  but  carrying  on  the  Pretence  too 
far,  and  coming  to  sit  down  before  the  strong  Castle  of  St. 
Augustin,  while  they  were  sending  their  Plunder  to  Jamaica 
by  their  trusty  Officers,  under  Colour  of  seeking  Supplies, 
sending  for  Bombs  and  Mortars,  in  the  midst  of  all  their  Riot 
and  Misrule,  they  were  alarm'd  by  the  coming  of  Four  Vessels 
into  the  Harbour,  in  which  were  (they  say)  200  Enemies.  At 
first,  being  encouraged  by  Wine  up  to  a  Height  above  per 
forming  any  Thing,  the  General  Moore  resolves  bravely  to 
put  on  Board  his  Eight  Vessels  then  riding  in  the  Harbour, 
all  their  Goods  and  Plunder,  and  with  his  few  Men  about  500, 
Fight  thro'  the  Enemy,  and  so  come  Home.  But  the  Pillow, 
which  often  lets  out  Heat  to  make  way  for  Caution,  changed 
this  his  Resolution;  So  the  next  Day,  having  destroyed  as 
many  of  his  own  Ships,  and  as  much  of  his  War  Stores  and 

Beresford.  It  will  be  observed  that  no  contest  was  made  of  the  election  of  George 
Smith,  who  received  fewer  votes  than  either  Beresford  or  Waring.  He  was  a 
Dissenter,  a  brother  of  Landgrave  Thomas  Smith.  The  House,  however,  ordered 
him  to  withdraw  also  during  the  investigation.  The  House  then  summoned  all 
of  those  whose  right  to  vote  had  been  challenged  to  appear  on  Monday,  April  6, 
and  "Shew  what  Right  they  have  to  voting/'  naming  them  in  the  resolution. 
On  that  day  no  quorum  appeared.  The  journal  shows  that  it  was  the  desire 
of  Governor  Moore  for  the  House  to  meet  and  proceed  with  business,  but  that 
his  enemies  desired  neither  to  transact  the  business  for  which  the  House  was 
called  nor  to  hold  the  investigation  of  the  election  which  they  had  demanded. 
As  almost  every  voter  named  as  unqualified  could  have  shown  his  right  to  vote, 
as  can  still  be  shown  by  extant  records,  the  charges  would  have  fallen.  After 
war  was  declared  against  Spain  Governor  Moore  was  able  to  get  the  House  to 
work  and  it  soon  found  too  much  real  work  to  do  to  bother  with  a  trumped  up 
contest. 

1  See  pp.  221,  222,  supra. 


1702]  AFFAIRS  IN  CAROLINA,  BY  JOHN  ASH  273 

Provisions  as  the  haste  they  were  in  would  allow,  he  retreats 
with  such  Caution  and  Dispatch,  that  he  lost  not  one  Man 
by  the  Enemy. 

This  Expedition,  whatever  the  Governour  or  General  (if 
you  please)  got  by  it,  brought  a  Debt  on  the  Country  (besides 
the  2000  1.  first  raised)  of  near  6000  I,  for  the  Payment  of 
which  (and  Security  of  the  Country,  as  was  said)  the  Assembly 
was  called;  they  enquire  into  the  Debt,  bring  in  a  Bill  to  raise 
the  Sum,  consider  of  defending  the  Southward  open  to  the 
Enemy;  but  of  that  the  Courtiers  made  but  a  Jest,  even  in 
the  House,  and  it  yet  is  (as  I  hear)  neglected;  as  also  a  Bill 
for  Regulating  Elections  for  the  Future,  for  to  the  Breaches 
of  the  Freeholders  Rights,  our  present  Miseries  they  saw  were 
plainly  owing,  nor  had  those  Members,  who  sat  by  Means  of 
those  illegal  Practices,  the  Courage  to  oppose  it;  so  it  past 
the  Assembly,  but  being  sent  up  to  the  Governour  in  Council 
it  was  there  thrown  out;  on  which  Fifteen  Members  (the  As 
sembly  consists  of  Thirty)  left  the  House,  resolving  no  longer 
to  cover  with  their  Authority  the  Pernicious  Practices  of  the 
Ministry,  since  nothing  useful  for  the  Country  could  be  obtained. 

On  this  several  of  Mr.  Moore's  Favourites,  after  having  been 
treated  by  him  (and  thereunto  encouraged,  as  is  said)  headed 
the  Rabble,  and  in  a  riotous  Manner,  sought  after  (threatning 
openly  to  murther  them)  several  Persons  thought  the  chief 
Opposers  and  Mislikers  of  Mr.  Moore's  Management;  some 
they  met  with,  Members  of  the  Assembly,  one  Deputy,  several 
rich  Merchants,  and  good  Planters,  Confining,  Striking  and 
Abusing  them;  and  for  several  Days  continuing  these  Dis 
orders,  particularly  breaking  open  a  House  one  Night  on  a 
poor  Woman,  and  so  abusing  her,  that  thereupon  she  brought 
forth  a  dead  Child,  whose  Scull,  Arm,  and  Back-bone  was 
broken,  and  one  Eye  forc'd  out  of  its  Head,  as  the  Chyrurgion, 
who  delivered  her,  deposed;  but  this  Violence  not  producing 
that  Submission  as  was  expected,  that  Assembly  was  Dis- 
solv'd. 

Of  this  Riot,  Complaint  was  several  times,  while  it  lasted, 
made  to  Mr.  Moore ;  but  he  would  not  try  to  suppress  it,  nor, 
when  in  some  Measure  over,  would  he  take  any  Care  that  they 
should  be  Prosecuted;  nor  so  much  as  oblige  such  of  them, 
as  Landgrave  Thomas  Smith  regularly  demanded  Security 


274  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1702 

of  the  Peace  from,  to  give  the  same :  Nay,  one  Mr.  Stephens, 
who  was  not  in  Town  then,  but  heard  he  was  named  by  the 
Rioters  as  one  of  the  proscribed,  going  with  several  who  had 
been  injur'd,  to  see  how  Mr.  Moore  would  receive  them,  was, 
while  sitting  by  Mr.  Moore  at  his  own  Table,  by  a  Servant  of 
Mr.  Moore's  pulPd  backwards  by  the  Hair  of  his  Head,  struck 
and  wounded,  and  all  only  for  his  impertinent  Curiosity,  as 
he  was  told  on  that  Occasion.  He  desires  the  Governour  to 
bind  this  his  Servant  to  his  good  Behaviour,  and  oblige  him 
to  appear  to  answer  this  Action  at  the  next  Sessions,  but  noth 
ing  was  done.  The  now  Governour,  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson, 
was  hereby  obliged  to  take  on  him  the  Government.  To  him 
immediately  the  Injured  apply 'd  for  Justice,  but  are  denied; 
and,  tho'  the  Grand  Jury,  a  little  after  he  took  on  him  his 
Office,  after  having  received  a  Record  of  the  Riot  from  Land 
grave  Bellinger  on  his  own  View,  and  on  his  Examination  of 
Witnesses  and  Depositions  in  relation  to  the  Outrage  com 
mitted  on  the  Woman  with  Child,  presented  it  to  the  Court  as 
a  great  Grievance,  that  this  Riot  was  not  looked  into,  nor 
the  Rioters  prosecuted,  yet  no  Justice  against  them  could  be 
obtained,  the  Judge  giving  for  Answer,  It  was  before  the  Council 
his  Superiors.  The  present  Governour,  That  it  was  an  Action 
done  before  his  coming  to  the  Government,  that  he  thought 
the  time  of  Prosecution  lapsed,  but  would  take  care  the  like 
should  be  no  more. 

Then  a  new  Assembly  was  called,  and  at  the  Election  for 
Berkley  and  Craven  County,  (for  in  Colleton  County  there  was 
no  Opposition)  the  Violences  in  Mr.  Moore's  Time,  and  all 
other  illegal  Practices  were  with  more  Violence  repeated  and 
openly  avow'd  by  the  present  Governour  and  his  Friends.  On 
this  Joseph  Morton  and  Edmund  Bellinger,  Landgraves,  and 
Deputies  of  the  Lords  Proprietors,  all  the  other  Members 
of  Colleton  County,  and  several  of  the  greatest  Worth  and 
Reputation  in  Berkeley  County  prevailed  with  me  to  come  for 
England,  and  represent  to  our  Proprietors  our  miserable 
State;  which  (when  I  should  be  gone,  for  before  they  durst 
not)  they  said  they  would  write  down,  subscribe,  and  with 
Letters  of  Credence,  send  to  me  to  Virginia,  where  they  knew 
I  was  to  wait  for  Convoy.  This  they  did,  and  I  received  them, 
and  not  only  what  they  promised,  but  an  Account  of  what  ex- 


1702]  AFFAIRS  IN  CAROLINA,  BY  JOHN  ASH  275 

traordinary  Advances  the  late  and  present  Governours  made, 
by  help  of  their  new  Assembly,  to  their  desired  absolute  and 
tyrannick  Power,  and  particularly  their  Practices  on  one  John 
Martin,  to  squeeze  from  him  60  I.  for  the  present  Governour, 
whereas  the  other  had  been  content  with  Fifty,  for  that  Fa 
vour,  which  they  would  perswade  John  Martin  was  necessary 
for  him:  But  he  thought  this  too  oppressive,  so  makes  his 
Escape,  not  daring  to  stay  in  that  Country.  But  before  he 
goes,  discovers  a  Design  Mr.  Moore  had  of  Employing  him  the 
said  John  Martin  in  a  private  Trade  with  the  French,  in  which 
its  more  then  likely  others  were  to  be  concerned.  Tis  true,  I 
can't,  by  the  Evidence  I  have  here,  legally  convict  them  of 
this  Design  of  holding  Commerce  with  Her  Majesty's  Enemies; 
but  I  think  the  original  Letter  I  have  of  Captain  Moore's  to 
John  Martin,  the  strange  Bond  on  the  Breach  of  their  Confeder 
acy,  by  the  present  Governour  extorted  from  John  Martin's 
Brother  Patrick,  and  his  Securities,  of  which  I  have  a  Copy,  as 
also  the  Illustration  of  some  obscure  Expressions  in  the  Letter 
made  by  John  Martin  himself,  which  are  that  the  Respects 
to  be  sent  by  Mr.  Valentine  the  Jew,1  was  the  60  I.  required, 
Our  Business,  the  private  Trade  with  the  French,  will  hardly 
let  one  doubt  but  they  had  such  a  Design. 

The  Treacheries,  Oppressions  and  Hostilities  committed 
by  J.  Moore,  Esq;  on  the  Natives  before  this  our  War  with 
Spain,  and  which  now  under  that  Colour,  tho'  on  such  as  are 
neither  subject  to  them,  nor  have  injur'd  us,  much  increased, 
are  Acts  so  barbarous,  so  inconsistent  with  the  Profit  and 
Safety  a  good  Correspondence  with  them  would  afford  us,  that 
I  dare  but  mention  it,  lest  it  let  me  into  a  Description  too 
large  for  this  Paper;  nor  for  the  same  Reason  can  I  here  give  a 
full  Account  of  that  partial  Prosecution  which  the  same  James 
Moore,  as  Attorney-General,  made  against  one  Alford— 
his  Servant  or  Trader,  accus'd  of  having  hir'd  and  assisted 
an  Indian  Slave  in  Murthering  his  Master  John  Henry,  Servant 
or  Trader  to  Mr.  James  Stanyarn,  not  for  any  Quarrel  that 
was  between  them,  but  only  to  remove  a  too  successful  Com 
petitor  in  that  Trade  of  which  the  Grand  Jury  held  at  Charles 
Town  in  2  last  complain  'd,  desired  the  Tryal  therefore 

1  Simon  Valentyn,  a  wealthy  and  respected  Jew  who  at  that  time  was  a  mer 
chant  in  Charles  Town.  * Blank  in  original  pamphlet. 


276  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1702 

to  be  deferred  till  the  Witnesses  wanting  might  be  present, 
and  the  Indian,  who,  confessing  the  Fact  was  condemn' d, 
might  till  the  Tryal  should  be  over,  be  Reprieved;  all  which 
the  said  James  Moore  with  heat  opposed,  tho'  the  Judge 
thought  it  reasonable,  and  answered  their  Desire. 

To  confirm  and  strengthen  the  Truth  of  this  my  Relation, 
I  have  thought  fit  to  offer  to  the  Reader  the  Representation  as 
drawn  by  those  who  sent  me,  whose  Names  are  Subscribed; 
as  also  the  Minutes  of  the  Election  of  Mr.  Moore,  and  the 
Message  from  the  Grand  Jury  to  the  Court  about  the  Riot. 


NEW  DESCRIPTION  OF  THAT  FERTILE 
AND  PLEASANT  PROVINCE  OF  CAROLINA, 
BY  JOHN  ARCHDALE,  1707 


INTRODUCTION 

SIR  WILLIAM  BERKELEY,  one  of  the  original  Proprietors  of 
Carolina,  died  July  13,  1677.  By  his  will  he  devised  his  share 
in  Carolina  to  his  widow.  On  May  20,  1681,  she  sold  it  to 
John  Archdale,  of  England,  who  took  the  title  in  the  name 
of  his  son  Thomas.  Subsequently  Dame  Berkeley  married 
Philip  Ludwell  and,  disregarding  her  former  sale  to  Archdale, 
she  and  her  husband  in  1682  joined  in  another  sale  of  the 
share  in  Carolina  to  Thomas  Amy  in  trust  for  four  of  the  other 
Proprietors:  the  Duke  of  Albemarle,  the  Earl  of  Craven,  Lord 
Carteret,  and  Sir  John  Colleton.  Subsequently,  in  1705,  the 
four  cestuis  que  trust  executed  a  deed  to  John  Archdale  of  the 
same  share — the  legal  title  still  remaining  in  Amy. 

Notwithstanding  the  complications  over  the  title,  Arch- 
dale  was  all  along  recognized  as  a  Proprietor,  and  in  1695, 
when  the  Proprietors  were  responding  to  a  popular  demand 
in  South  Carolina  that  one  of  their  number  be  sent  over  as 
governor,  he  was  prevailed  upon  by  the  other  Proprietors  to 
accept  the  governorship.  When  he  arrived  in  South  Carolina 
and  claimed  the  governorship  in  right  of  being  a  Proprietor 
his  right  was  readily  recognized  by  Governor  Blake,  who 
relinquished  the  office  to  him.  He  assumed  the  government 
at  a  time  when  patience  and  forbearance  were  necessary.  The 
people  had  had  turbulent  times  with  the  government  from 
1686  to  1692,  and  were  just  recovering  from  their  troubles. 
James  Colleton  (governor  from  1686  to  1690)  had  been  arro 
gant  and  tyrannical  and  the  people  had  finally  arisen  against 
him  and  expelled  him  from  the  province,  and  Seth  Sothell,  a 

279 


280  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

Proprietor,  coming  upon  the  scene  just  then  was  recognized 
as  governor. 

Sothell  was  neither  broad  enough  nor  intelligent  enough 
to  cope  with  the  situation,  and  there  was  soon  almost  as 
much  dissatisfaction  with  his  administration  as  there  had 
been  with  Colleton's.  The  Proprietors  forced  him  out  in 
1692,  and  appointed  Col.  Philip  Ludwell,  of  Virginia,  to  suc 
ceed  him.  Conditions  improved  during  the  next  three  years 
under  Ludwell,  Landgrave  Thomas  Smith,  who  succeeded  Lud 
well,  and  Landgrave  Joseph  Blake,  who  succeeded  Smith,  but 
many  of  the  people  believed  that  a  proprietor  could  settle 
their  differences  and  bring  about  better  feelings,  and  so  it 
came  to  pass  that  Proprietor  Archdale  was  persuaded  to  become 
governor. 

Archdale  was  a  Quaker,  and  a  man  of  tact  and  ability.  He 
patiently  strove  to  establish  harmony  between  discordant  ele 
ments,  to  materially  advance  the  welfare  of  the  province  and 
to  improve  the  condition  of  the  Indians.  He  succeeded  to  a 
marked  degree  in  almost  all  of  his  endeavors.  Having  accom 
plished  the  object  of  his  mission  to  South  Carolina,  he  returned 
to  England  in  1696,  leaving  Landgrave  Joseph  Blake  once 
more  at  the  head  of  the  government.  Blake  was  prudent  and 
wise  and  succeeded  in  keeping  the  province  in  the  condition 
in  which  Archdale  left  it,  but  unfortunately  he  died  in  1700, 
and  upon  the  election  of  James  Moore  as  his  successor  new 
troubles  arose  that  were  not  allayed  for  seven  or  eight  years. 
While  the  factional  strife  was  on,  Archdale,  the  good  Friend, 
stepped  into  the  breach  once  more  and  tried  to  pour  oil  on 
the  troubled  waters.  He  adopted  the  plan  of  publishing  a 
pamphlet,  wherein  he  gave  a  brief  sketch  of  Carolina,  a  more 
extended  account  of  his  administration  and  achievements 
therein,  and  an  exhortation  to  the  warring  factions  to  come 
together.  His  pamphlet  was  first  printed  in  1707  and  has 
since  been  reprinted  several  times.  In  1836  it  was  included 


INTRODUCTION  281 

by   B.   R.    Carroll    in    his    Historical    Collections    of  South 
Carolina. 

Archdale's  name  has  been  preserved  in  South  Carolina  in 
the  name  of  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  picturesque  streets  of 
Charleston. 


A  NEW  DESCRIPTION  OF  THAT  FERTILE 
AND  PLEASANT  PROVINCE  OF  CAROLINA, 
BY  JOHN  ARCHDALE,  1707 

A  New  Description  of  that  Fertile  and  Pleasant  Province  of 
Carolina:  with  a  Brief  Account  of  its  Discovery,  Settling, 
and  the  Government  Thereof  to  this  Time.  With  several 
Remarkable  Passages  of  Divine  Providence  during  my  Time. 

By  John  Archdale:  Late  Governour  of  the  same. 

London,  Printed  for  John  Wyat,  at  the  Rose  in  St.  Paul's  Church 
yard,  1707.1 

To  the  Courteous  Readers. 

I  FIND  myself  under  an  Obligation  to  Apologize  for  some 
part  of  the  ensuing  Treatise  that  seems  to  Applaud  my  own 
Actions  in  Carolina;  but  I  desire  you  to  consider,  that  a  sort 
of  Necessity  draws  from  me  this  Description  and  Account 
of  the  Government  of  Carolina:  And  I  can  assure  the  Reader 
that  I  write  not  to  Introduce  my  self  again,  as  Governour  of 
the  same;  (yet  my  Opinion  and  Judgment  is,  that  a  Mod 
erate,  Discreet  Man  from  England,  which  now  yields  many  a 
one,  such  a  one  that  hath  not  been  concerned  in  their  Broils, 
would  be  their  most  suitable  Governour,  when  it  shall  seem 
proper  to  remove  the  present  one)  For  I  believe  no  Entreaties 
could  move  me  to  it;  but  I  write  to  give  the  Country  it  self 
its  true  and  due  Praise,  and  to  clear  my  self  from  the  Malitious 
Aspersions  of  some  that  feared  my  antient  Treatment  of  the 
People  would  revive  again  their  Affections  to  me,  to  ruin 
their  present  Designs;  for  the  moderate  Party  Politickly 
spreading  a  Report,  as  they  thought  that  I  was  coming  over 
to  redress  the  Grievancies  of  the  Country;  they  thereupon 
contrived  an  Act  to  Fetter  my  Power,  by  putting  it  out  of 

1  Title-pajre  of  the  original 


1707]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          283 

my  Power  for  two  Years  to  call  a  New  Assembly;  but  no  such 
Act  being  approved  on  here,  their  Fetters  would  have  proved 
like  Sampsons  Cords,  easily  broken  asunder;  But  this  may  be 
of  great  Benefit  to  many  Readers,  in  Considering  the  muta 
bility  of  humane  Affairs;  That  I,  that  had  so  large  Powers 
from  the  Lords  Proprietors,  which  I  entirely  exercised  for 
the  Peoples  Good;  should  as  an  ungrateful  requital  be  so 
Crampt  by  their  Power,  as  not  to  be  capable  to  Redress  their 
Solid  Grievances:  For  I  believe,  I  may  at  the  least  truly 
declare,  that  not  one  Inhabitant  in  four,  would  have  Signed 
that  Excluding  Act,  which  had  not  the  Queen  declared  Null 
and  Void,  would  have  speedily  ruined  that  Colony:  For  it  was 
not  the  meer  Mob  that  was  against  it,  like  that  generally  in 
the  Scotland  Petitions/  but  the  most  considerable  Persons  of 
the  place  that  removed  with  free  Estates  into  those  Parts;  so 
I  shall  dismiss  my  Reader,  to  the  Consideration  of  what  I  have 
written,  with  this  Further  Remark  of  the  Learned  and  pious 
Bishop  of  Salisbury,2  who  by  his  Travels  observed  that  the 
most  Fertile  Soile  of  Italy,  under  the  Ecclesiastical  State  of 
Rome,  was  by  ill  Government  so  Decay 'd;  that  the  Grisons 
Country  tho  naturally  far  more  Barren,  yet  became  more 
Fruitful  and  Pleasant  than  the  other,  through  the  free  and 
generous  Government  Administred  in  that  State:  Who  in 
his  Travels  was  no  Disgrace  to  the  Protestant  Clergy  of  the 
Church  of  England,  and  whose  Moderation  hath  appeared 
unto  all  Men.  That  the  Reader  may  see  the  Moderation  of 
the  Sober,  moderate  Church-men  and  Dissenters  in  a  free 
Assembly,  I  think  good  to  Conclude  with  the  Clause  of  a 
Militia  Act,  which  runs  thus; 

And  whereas  there  be  several  Inhabitants  call'd  Quakers, 
who  upon  a  Conscientious  Principle  of  Religion,  cannot  bear 
Arms,  and  because  in  all  other  Civil  Matters  they  have  been 
Persons  Obedient  to  Government,  and  very  ready  to  disburse 
their  Monies  in  other  necessary  and  publick  Duties.  Be  it 
therefore  Enacted,  that  all  such  whom  the  present  Governour 
John  Archdale  Esq;  shall  judge  that  they  refuse  to  bear  Arms 
on  a  Conscientious  Principle  of  Religion  only  shall  by  a  Certifi 
cate  from  him  be  Excused. 

1  Against  the  Episcopal  Church  in  Scotland. 
a  Gilbert  Burnet,  the  histori&v 


284  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1707 

A  Description  of  Carolina. 

BEFORE  I  give  a  particular  Description  of  Carolina,  I 
think  good  to  make  some  general  Remarks  on  the  Divine 
Providence  of  the  Almighty  and  Omniscient  God,  who  hath 
so  stated  the  various  Scenes  of  Nature,  as  to  accomplish  his 
Divine  Will  in  fulfilling  whatsoever  stands  recorded  in  the 
Holy  Scriptures: (Now  that  Scene  of  Divine  Providence  which 
seems  to  be  appropriated  to  our  Times,  is  the  dawning  Day 
for  the  Accomplishment  of  various  Promises,  not  only  that 
Christ  should  be  given  as  a  Light  to  enlighten  the  Gentiles, 
and  to  be  the  Glory  of  his  People  Israel,  which  Glory  is  not 
yet  revealed,  as  hinted  at  by  Paul,  Rom.  10.  But  again, 
Psal.  2.  That  God  will  give  unto  Christ  the  Heathen  for  his 
Inheritance,  and  the  utmost  Parts  of  the  Earth  for  his  Pos 
session;  as  also,  Isa.  that  the  Earth  shall  be  filled  with  the 
Knowledge  of  God,  as  the  Waters  covers  the  Seasj  and  Dan.  12. 
that  many  should  run  too  and  fro,  and  Knowledge  should  be 
increased  in  the  Earth;  with  many  more  Promises  of  the  like 
Nature,  which  plainly  intimates,  That  the  Mysteries  of  the 
Kingdom  of  God  are  to  be  unsealed  in  the  last  Days:  To 
the  which  that  Excellent  Poet  Davies1  intimates  in  Queen 
Elizabeth's  Days,  in  these  Words, 

O  thou  bright  Morning  Star,  thou  rising  Sun, 
Who  in  these  latter  Days  hast  brought  to  light, 

Those  Mysteries  that  since  the  World  begun, 
Lay  hid  in  Darkness  and  eternal  Night. 

And  because  in  all  the  Grand  Scenes  of  Divine  Providence, 
some  preparative  Stroakes  are  generally  made  as  Preludiums 
to  what  is  quickly  to  ensue,  the  Art  of  Printing,  to  beget 
Knowledge,  hath  been  reserved  for  this  last  Age;  as  also  the 
Compass  to  convey  Knowledge,  as  aforesaid;  and  the  Dis 
covery  of  Gunpowder  hath  been  another  Medium  to  subdue 
Millions  of  People  that  lay  under  a  Barbarous  and  Brutish 
State:  As  for  Example,  in  Mexico,  where  was  a  Temple 
dedicated  to  their  chief  Idol  larger  than  PauPs2  whose  Walls 

1  Sir  John  Davies,  Nosce  Teipsum. 
1  I.e.,  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  in  London. 


-1707]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          285 

were  two  Inches  thick  bespread  or  beplaister'd  with  Human 
Blood,  sacrificed  to  their  Deities  or  Devils:  And  although  I 
cannot  excuse  the  Barbarity  or  Cruelty  of  the  Spaniards 
towards  them,  yet,  as  on  God's  part,  it  was  justly  brought 
upon  them,  who  thereby  gave  them  their  own  Blood  to  drink, 
in  lieu  of  what  they  had  most  barbarously  shed  of  their  Neigh 
bours.  And  indeed,  Providence  seemed  wholly  to  design  this 
Bloody  Work  for  the  Spanish  Nation,  and  not  for  the  English, 
who  in  their  Natures,  are  not  so  Cruel  as  the  other;  witness 
the  Inquisition,  its  Cruelty  being  most  established  in  Spain. 
And,  courteous  Readers,  I  shall  give  you  some  farther  Emi 
nent  Remark  hereupon,  and  especially  in  the  first  Settlemeent 
of  Carolina,  where  the  Hand  of  God  was  eminently  seen  in 
thining  the  Indians,  to  make  room  for  the  English.  As  for 
Example  in  Carolina,  in  which  were  seated  two  Potent  Nations, 
called  the  Westoes,  and  Sarannah,1  which  contained  many 
Thousands,  who  broke  out  into  an  unusual  Civil  War,  and 
thereby  reduced  themselves  into  a  small  Number,  and  the 
Westoes,  the  more  Cruel  of  the  two,  were  at  the  last  forced 
quite  out  of  that  Province,  and  the  Sarannahs  continued 
good  Friends  and  useful  Neighbours  to  the  English.  But 
again,  it  at  other  times  pleased  Almighty  God  to  send  unus 
ual  Sicknesses  amongst  them,  as  the  Smallpox,  etc.,  to  lessen 
their  Numbers;  so  that  the  English,  in  Comparison  to  the 
Spaniard,  have  but  little  Indian  Blood  to  answer  for.  Now 
the  English  at  first  settling  in  small  Numbers,  there  seemed  a 
Necessity  of  thining  the  barbarous  Indian  Nations;  and 
therefore  since  our  Cruelty  is  not  the  Instrument  thereof,  it 
pleases  God  to  send,  as  I  may  say,  an  Assyrian  Angel  to  do 
it  himself.  Yet  will  I  not  totally  excuse  the  English,  as  being 
wholly  clear  of  the  Blood  of  the  Indians  in  some  Respects, 
which  I  at  present  pass  over.  But  surely  we  are  all  much  to 
blame,  in  being  so  negligent  of  executing  the  proper  Means 
for  their  Soul's  Salvation,  which  being  a  gradual  Work,  the 
introducing  a  Civilized  State  would  be  a  good  and  stable  Pre 
paratory  for  the  Gospel  State;  even  as  the  Divine  Hand  of 
Providence  prepared  us  by  the  Romans,  as  all  Historians 
mention  that  relate  to  us.  I  shall  farther  add  one  late  more 
immediate  Example  of  God's  more  immediate  Hand,  in  making 

1  Savannah. 


286  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1707 

a  Consumption  upon  some  Indian  Nations  in  North  Caralina, 
and  that  was  in  my  time  at  the  River  Pemlicoe,  and  some 
Nations  adjoyning:  This  is  a  late  Settlement,  began  about 
eight  Years  since.  When  I  was  in  the  North  about  eleven 
Years  since,  I  was  told  then  of  a  great  Mortality  that  fell 
upon  the  Pemlicoe  Indians;  as  also,  that  a  Nation  of  Indians 
called  the  Coranine,  a  bloody  and  barbarous  People,  were 
most  of  them  cut  off  by  a  neighbouring  Nation:  Upon  which 
I  said,  that  it  seemed  to  me  as  if  God  had  an  Intention  speedily 
to  plant  an  English  Settlement  thereabouts;  which  accordingly 
fell  out  in  two  or  three  Years,  although  at  that  time  not  one 
Family  was  there.  I  shall  make  one  more  general  Remark, 
before  I  come  more  particularly  to  treat  of  Carolina;  and 
that  is,  in  short,  to  give  an  Account  how  this  vast  Continent 
of  America  was  discovered,  that  lay  hid  for  many  Ages.  The 
Reader  may  reasonably  guess,  that  before  the  Knowledge  of 
the  Compass,  Navigation  was  very  imperfect,  as  also  the 
Knowledge  of  the  Globe;  yea,  so  Ignorant  was  former  Ages 
that  one  Vigilius,  a  Gentleman  of  Italy,  was  adjudged  a 
Heretick,  for  affirming  Antipodes;  so  that  the  Providential 
seeming  Casualty  of  Human  Affairs,  appeared  rather  to  make 
the  Discovery,  than  any  premeditated  Skill  or  Art  of  Man. 
For,  according  to  the  best  Accounts,  a  certain  Spanish  Colonel 
sailing  into  the  West  Ocean  towards  the  Isles  of  the  Canaries, 
by  a  forcible  continued  Easterly  Wind,  the  Vessel  was  drove 
upon  the  American  Coast;  but  being  ill  provided  for  such  a 
Voyage,  by  Hunger  and  Hardship  all  died  save  the  Pilot 
and  three  or  four  more ;  who  afterwards  returning  back,  came 
to  the  Maderaes,  and  after  that  died  at  the  House  of  one 
Christopher  Colon  or  Columbus,  born  in  the  Territory  of 
Genoa;  and  the  said  Pilot  left  him  his  Maps  and  Cards  of  his 
Voyage;  and  he  himself  having  some  Skill  in  Navigation, 
was  much  affected  with  the  Relation,  and  was  very  desirous 
to  prosecute  the  same ;  but  wanting  of  Wealth  to  get  Shipping, 
and  Protection  from  some  European  King,  to  secure  the 
Riches  he  should  come  to  possess,  he  first  made  an  Essay  by 
his  Brother  Barthor  Colon  upon  Henry  VHth  of  England, 
at  that  time  a  Wealthy  Prince;  but  he  rejecting  the  same  as  a 
fantastical  Matter,  as  the  Discoveries  both  of  Nature  and 
Grace  are  at  the  first  looked  upon  by  most ;  for  the  Beginning 


1707]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          287 

of  the  Reformation  quickly  succeeding  this  grand  Discovery 
of  the  New  World,  was  as  lightly  esteemed  -at  first  in  the 
Spiritual  Appearance  of  it.  But  Colon  or  Columbus,  not 
wholly  daunted  at  the  first  Repulse,  was  introduced  into  the 
Favour  of  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain,  about  Anno  1490,  the 
same  Year  that  the  Moors  lost  Granada,  their  principal  Hold 
at  that  time  in  Spain;  and  then  he  was  furnished  with  three. 
Ships,  and  departed  for  the  Indies  in  the  Kalends  of  Sep 
tember,  1491,  and  fell  in  first  with  the  Canaries,  not  long  before 
discovered,  Anno  1405,  inhabited  by  savage  and  wild  People; 
he  sailing  thence  33  Days,  and  discovering  no  Land,  his  Men 
mutinied,  and  designed  to  cast  him  into  the  Sea;  but  he  with 
gentle  Words  and  large  Promises,  appeased  their  Fury,  and 
putting  them  off  some  few  Days,  he  discovered  Land,  so  long 
looked  for;  and  so  by  Degrees  settled  the  same,  as  Historians 
at  large  declare. 

Now,  candid  Readers,  I  have  introduced  you  into  the  general 
Discovery  and  Spanish  Settlement  in  America;  I  shall  now 
proceed  to  shew  unto  you  the  Occasion  of  the  Settlement  of 
Carolina,  that  lies  in  the  very  Heart  of  America. 

I  have  hinted  how  Henry  the  VHth  having  lost  the  Oppor 
tunity  of  possessing  the  Spanish  Mines  of  Mexico,  the  Fame 
of  which  raised  up  the  Spirit  of  the  said  Henry  to  get  some 
Share  in  this  American  Continent;  he  therefore,  about  Anno 
1500,  furnished  Sr.  Sebastian  Cabot  with  Shipping,  who  was 
born  at  Bristol,  though  his  Father  was  a  Venetian,  to  make  a 
farther  Discovery,  who  fell  upon  the  Coast  of  Florida,  and 
having  sailed  along  the  Continent  a  considerable  way  North- 
East,  returned  again,  but  made  no  Settlement  that  time.  And 
although  the  English  were  the  first  Discoverers  of  this  Noble 
and  Fertile  Tract  of  Land,  from  the  Latitude  of  25  to  36^; 
yet  was  no  Colony  planted  in  it,  till  several  of  the  English 
Nobility  stir'd  up  with  a  pious  Zeal,  to  propagate  the  Christian 
Religion;  and  with  a  Heroick  Spirit,  to  enlarge  the  Dominion 
of  the  Crown  of  England,  procured  a  large  and  ample  Patent, 
with  extraordinary  Privileges  both  for  themselves,  and  the 
People  that  would  Plant  and  Inhabit  them,  as  appears  by  the 
Patent  of  Cha.  II.  unto  George  Duke  of  Albermarle,  Edw.  E. 
of  Clarendon,  W.  Earl  of  Craven,  John  Lord  Berkley,  Anthony 
Lord  Ashley,  now  E.  of  Shaftsbury,  Sir  George  Cartwright/ 

1  Carteret. 


288  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1707 

after  that  Lord  Cartwright,  and  Sir  John  Colleton  Knight  and 
Baronet,  who  were  thereby  created  the  true  and  absolute 
Lords  and  Proprietors  of  the  Province  of  Carolina,  and  the 
same  to  be  held  in  Capite  of  the  Crown  of  England,  to  Them, 
their  Heirs,  and  Assigns  for  ever;  which  said  Province  begins 
at  the  Latitude  of  29  Degrees,  and  reaches  to  the  Latitude 
of  36^  North  Latitude;  and  the  said  Province  is  to  enjoy 
all  the  Privileges  and  Liberties  that  the  Bishop  of  Durham 
hath  or  ought  to  have.  These  aforesaid  Lords  therefore 
entered  into  a  joynt  Stock,  and  fitted  out  Ships  on  their  own 
proper  Charges,  to  transport  People  and  Cattle  thither,  to  the 
Value  of  about  12000  Pounds,  besides  several  Thousands  laid 
out  by  single  Proprietors,  to  advance  the  Colony;  and  all 
their  Rents  and  Incomes  have  since  the  Beginning  been  also 
expended  in  publick  Services. 

I  shall  now  come  to  the  particular  Description  of  the 
Country  itself,  and  that  not  by  a  bare  Report,  but  as  an 
Eye  Witness.  I  have  hinted  how  Sir  Sebastian  Cabot,  at 
the  Charge  of  Henry  Vllth,  first  discovered  that  part  of  the 
Continent  which  is  called  Florida,  which  begins  at  Cape 
Florida,  in  the  Latitude  of  about  25,  and  runs  North  East  to 
36^.  Now  Carolina  only  is  its  Northern  Part,  viz.  from  29 
Degrees  to  36J,  and  is  indeed  the  very  Center  of  the  habitable 
Part  of  the  Northern  Hemisphere;  for  taking  it  to  be  Habit 
able  from  the  Equinoctial  to  64  Degrees,  the  Center  of  Caro 
lina  lies  in  about  32,  which  is  about  the  Middle  of  64,  lying 
parallel  with  the  Land  of  Canaan,  and  may  be  called  the 
Temperate  Zone  comparatively,  as  not  being  pestered  with 
the  violent  Heats  of  the  more  Southern  Colonies,  or  the 
extream  and  violent  Colds  of  the  more  Northern  Settlements. 
Its  Production  doth  answer  the  Title  of  Florida,  quia  regio  est 
Florida,  being  indeed  a  most  Fertile  and  flourishing  Region, 
every  thing  generally  growing  there,  that  will  grow  in  any 
Parts  of  Europe,  there  being  already  many  sorts  of  Fruits,  as 
Apples,  Pears,  Apricocks,  Nectarines,  etc.,  and  they  that  once 
tast  of  them,  will  for  the  future  despise  the  watry  and  washee 
Tast  of  them  here  in  England;  yet  doth  their  Plenty  make 
them  the  Food  of  the  Swine  of  their  Country;  for  from  a  Stone 
in  4  or  5  Years  they  come  to  be  bearing  Trees  of  a  considerable 
Bigness;  likewise  all  sorts  of  Grain,  as  Wheat,  Barly,  Peas,  etc., 
and  I  have  measured  some  Wheat  Ears  7  or  8  of  my  Inches 


1707]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          289 

long.  It  produces  also  Rice  the  best  of  the  known  World,  being 
a  Commodity  for  Returns  home ;  as  also  Pitch,  Tar,  Buck,  Dear, 
Bear-Skins,  and  Furs,  though  the  last  not  so  good  as  the 
Northern  ones:  And  it  hath  already  such  Plenty  of  Provisions, 
as  Beef,  Pork,  etc.,  that  it  furnishes  in  a  great  measure,  Bar- 
badoes,  Jamaica,  etc.  The  Natives  are  somewhat  Tawny, 
occasioned,  in  a  great  measure,  by  Oyling  their  Skins,  and  by 
the  naked  Raies  of  the  Sun:  They  are  generally  very  streight 
Bodied,  and  Comely  in  Person,  and  quick  of  Apprehension;  and 
I  believe,  if  managed  discreetly,  may  many  of  them,  in  a 
few  Years,  become  Civilized,  and  then  very  capable  of  tjie 
Gospel  of  Christ.  The  Indians  are  great  Hunters,  and  thereby 
not  only  serviceable  to  kill  Dear,  etc.,  for  to  procure  Skins 
for  Trade  with  us,  but  those  that  live  in  Country  Plantations 
procure  of  them  the  whole  Dear's  Flesh,  and  will  bring  it 
many  Miles  for  the  Value  of  about  six  Pence,  and  a  wild 
Turky  of  40  Pound,  for  the  Value  of  two  Pence  Engl.  Value. 
There  is  also  vast  Quantities  or  Numbers  of  wild  Ducks, 
Geese,  Teal,  and  exceeding  Plenty  of  Fish,  etc.,  and  that  which 
makes  Provisions  so  cheap,  is  the  shortness  of  the  Winter, 
where  they  need  not  to  mowe  for  Winter  Fodder,  and  so  can 
employ  their  Hands  in  raising  other  Commodities  as  aforesaid. 
It  is  Pity  they  should  be  farther  thin'd  with  Civil  Quarrels, 
being  their  Service  is  in  all  Respects  so  necessary:  And  indeed 
I  my  self  their  late  Governour,  prevented  the  Ruin  and  Destruc 
tion  of  two  small  Nations.  The  Manner  of  it  was  thus; 

Two  Indians  in  drinking  Rum  quarelled,  and  the  one  of 
these  presently  kilPd  the  other;  his  Wife  being  by,  immedi 
ately,  with  a  Knife,  smote  off  his  Testicles,  so  as  they  hung 
only  by  a  Skin:  He  was  pursued  by  my  Order,  I  happening 
to  be  then  that  way,  being  about  16  Miles  from  Town,  and 
was  taken  in  a  Swamp,  and  immediately  sent  to  Custody 
into  Charles  Town;  and  the  Nation  to  whom  the  slain  Indian 
belonged  unto,  was  acquainted  with  it,  whose  King,  etc., 
came  to  the  Governour,  and  desired  Justice  on  that  Indian; 
some  of  the  Indian's  Friends  would  have  brought  him  off,  as 
is  usual;  But  nothing  but  his  Life  would  satisfie  that  Nation, 
so  he  was  ordered  to  be  shot  by  the  Kinsman  of  the  murthered 
Indian.  Before  he  went  to  Execution,  the  Indian  King  to 
whom  he  belonged,  told  him,  that  since  he  was  to  die,  he 


290  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1707 

would  have  him  to  die  like  a  Man:  and  farther  he  said,  I 
have  often  forwarn'd  you  of  Rum,  and  now  you  must  lose 
your  Life  for  not  taking  my  Council ;  I  hope  it  will  be  a  warning 
to  others.  When  he  came  to  the  Tree,  he  desired  not  to  be 
tyed  to  it,  but  to  stand  loose,  for,  said  he,  I  will  not  budge 
or  stir  when  he  shoots  me;  so  he  was  shot  in  the  Head,  and 
immediately  died.  Now  the  Manner  of  the  Indians  in  such 
Cases,  is  to  War  one  Nation  against  the  other  to  revenge 
any  Blood-shed;  and  being  ordered  Satisfaction  this  way,  no 
War  ensued. 

The  Soil  of  Carolina  near  the  Sea  is  of  a  Sandy  Mould, 
appearing  ten  times  more  Barren  than  it  proves  to  be:  Yea, 
there  is  vast  Quantities  of  Vines  in  many  Parts  on  the  Sea 
Shore,  bearing  multitude  of  Grapes,  where  one  would  wonder 
they  should  get  Nourishment.  But  farther  distant  up  in  the 
Country,  the  Land  is  more  mixed  with  a  blackish  Mould, 
and  its  Foundation  generally  Clay,  good  for  Bricks,  it  is 
beautified  with  odoriferous  and  fragrant  Woods,  pleasantly 
green  all  the  year;  as  the  Pine,  Cedar,  and  Cypress,  insomuch, 
that  out  of  Charles-Town  for  three  or  four  Miles,  call'd  the 
Broadway,  is  so  delightful  a  Road  and  Walk  of  a  great  breadth, 
.  so  pleasantly  Green,  that  I  believe  no  Prince  in  Europe,  by 
k  all  their  Art,  can  make  so  pleasant  a  Sight  for  the  whole  Year : 
in  short,  its  natural  Fertility  and  easy  Manurement,  is  apt  to 
make  the  People  incline  to  Sloth;  for  should  they  be  as  Indus- 
trous  as  the  Northern  Colonies,  Riches  would  flow  in  upon 
them:  And  I  am  satisfied,  that  a  Person  with  500Z.  discreetly 
laid  out  in  Old  England,  and  again  prudently  managed  in 
Carolina,  shall  in  a  few  Years,  live  in  as  much  Plenty,  yea 
more,  than  a  Man  of  300Z.  a  Year  in  England;  and  if  he  con 
tinue  Careful,  not  Covetous,  shall  increase  to  great  Wealth 
as  many  there  already  are  Witnesses,  and  many  more  might 
have  been,  if  Luxury  and  Intemperance  had  not  ended  their 
Days.  As  to  the  Air,  it  is  serene  and  exceeding  pleasant,  and 
very  healthy  in  its  natural  Temperament,  as  the  first  Planters 
experienced,  seldom  having  any  raging  Sickness  but  what 
has  been  brought  from  the  Southern  Colonies,  by  Vessels 
coming  to  the  Town,  as  the  late  Sickness  may  intimate;  to 
the  which  may  be  added  the  Intemperance  of  too  many: 
What  may  properly  belong  to  the  Country,  is  to  have  some 


1707]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          29i 

gentle  touches  of  Agues  and  Feavers  in  July  and  August, 
especially  to  New-comers.  It  hath  a  Winter  Season  to  beget 
a  new  Spring,  and  thereby  the  Air  is  made  more  suitable  to 
our  Temperament.  I  was  there,  at  twice,  five  Years,  and  had 
no  Sickness,  but  what  once  I  got  by  a  careless  violent  Cold: 
And  indeed,  by  my  Observation,  I  did  perceive  that  the 
Feaver  and  Agues  were  generally  gotten  by  carelessness  in 
their  Cloathing,  or  Intemperance  as  aforesaid.  What  I 
write  is  not  to  encourage  any  to  depend  upon  Natural  Causes, 
but  prudently  to  use  them  with  an  Eye  to  God,  the  Great 
Lord  of  the  Universe  and  Disposer  of  all  Humane  Affairs;  yet 
hath  he  justly  and  wisely  decreed,  that  such  as  every  one 
sows,  such  shall  he  reap. 

Carolina  also  abounds  with  many  Rivers,  now  found  to  be 
more  Navigable  than  was  at  first  believed;1  and  it  was  pru 
dently  contrived,  not  to  Settle  at  the  first,  on  the  most  Navi 
gable,  but  on  Ashly  and  Cooper  River,  whose  Entrance  is 
not  so  bold  as  others,  nor  having  so  much  Water;  so  that 
the  Enemy  and  Pirates,  etc.,  have  been  disheartened  from 
disturbing  the  Settlement  until  this  Year  where  they  were 
repuls'd  with  the  loss  of  about  Three  Hundred  Men.2  The  New 
Settlers  have  now  great  Advantage  over  the  first  Planters, 
being  they  can  be  furnish'd  with  Stocks  of  Cattle  and  Corn, 
etc.,  at  reasonable  Rates:  As  also,  they  have  an  advantage  in 
seating  a  new  River  with  Indians  at  Peace  with  them,  and  the 
choice  of  the  best  Land:  And  I  understand  two  New  Rivers 
are  about  seating  one  in  the  South,  the  other  in  the  North;3 

1  The  possibilities  of  some  of  them,  so  far  as  navigation  is  concerned,  have 
not  yet  been  determined.     Although  the  width  and  depth  of  the  Edisto  above 
Jacksonborough  and  of  its  two  upper  forks  are  sufficient  to  accommodate  steamers 
they  do  not  ply  their  waters  because  of  the  snags  and  sandbars  that  obstruct  the 
channels. 

2  This  reference  is  to  the  invasion  by  a  French  fleet  in  August,  1706.    After 
several  days  of  fighting,  the  militia  troops  of  South  Carolina  defeated  the  French, 
inflicting  severe  losses  upon  them.     The  most  conspicuous  defender  of  the  prov 
ince  was  Col.  William  Rrhett,  who  had  been  greatly  maligned  a  few  years  before 
by  the  Dissenter  faction  in  local  politics.     See  McCrady's  History  of  Sorih 
Carolina  under  the  Proprietary  Government,  pp.  396-401. 

8  New  London,  or  Willtown,  on  the  Edisto,  to  the  South,  had  been  estab 
lished  for  several  years.  See  The  South  Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Magazine,  X.  The  second  reference  is  to  James  Town  (French)  on  the  Santee 
River.  (Ibid.,  IX.) 


292  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1707 

and  if  it  please  God  that  the  Union  succeed  with  Scotland, 
the  principal  place  in  Carolina,  call'd  Port-Royal,  may  be 
seated  with  English  and  Scots  in  a  considerable  Body,  because 
't  is  a  bold  Port,  and  also  a  Frontier  upon  the  Spaniard  at 
Augustine,  which  is  but  a  weak  Settlement,  about  200  Miles 
to  the  South  West  of  it.  The  Scots  did,  about  20  Years 
since,  begin  a  Settlement  with  about  10  Families,1  but  were 
disposs'd  by  the  Spaniards.  0  how  might  the  Scots,  that 
go  now  as  Switzers2  to  serve  Foreign  Nations,  how  might 
they,  I  say,  strengthen  our  American  Colonies,  and  increase 
the  Trade  of  Great  Britain,  and  enrich  themselves  both  at 
Home  and  Abroad.  I  could  plainly  demonstrate  what  a 
great  Advantage  Carolina  is  to  the  Trade  of  England,  by 
consuming  our  Commodities  from  Home  thither,  and  by  bring 
ing  great  Duties  to  the  Crown,  by  importing  Goods  or  Com 
modities  thence:  For  Charles-Town  Trades  near  1000  Miles 
into  the  Continent ;  but  to  enlarge  thereupon,  would  too  much 
enlarge  this  Treatise:  But  notwithstanding  all  the  Discour 
agements  it  hath  met  withal,  which  are  many,  yet  17  Ships 
this  Year,  came  laden  from  Carolina  with  Rice,  Skinns,  Pitch 
and  Tar,  etc.,  in  the  Virginia  Fleet,  besides  several  straggling 
ones:  And  indeed  London  would  be  much  too  big,  if  it  were 
only  the  Metropolis  of  England,  if  it  were  not  also  the  Metrop- 

1  This  settlement  was  effected  by  Lord  Cardross  in  1685,  and  was  destroyed 
by  Spaniards  in  1686.  (See  p.  205,  supra.)  The  following  warrant  shows  who 
composed  the  colony: 

"  Carolina  SS. 

"You  are  forthwth  to  cause  to  be  admeasured  and  laid  out  unto  Henry  Lord 
Cardross  eight  hundred  and  fifty  Acres  of  Land  being  so  much  due  to  him  for  the 
Arriveall  of  himself,  william  Stevenson,  Peter  Allen,  Alexand1  Mrtis,  James  Mar- 
tine,  Carpenter  and  Martha  his  Wife,  James  Martine  Junio',  Anna  Martine, 
Deborah  Martine,  Priscilla  Martine,  Charles  Campble,  Mary  Huttchison,  Mar 
tha  Martine,  spinster,  Moses  Martine,  mary  Martine,  Mary  Foulton,  and  James 
Foulton,  in  some  convenient  place  not  yett  laid  out  or  mrked  to  be  laid  out  for 
any  other  person  or  use  observeing  the  Lords  Propriet™  instruccons  bearing  date 
the  21th  day  of  Septembr.  1682  and  A  Certificate  fully  specifying  the  scituacon 
and  bounds  thereof  you  are  to  returne  to  us  w"1  all  convenient  speed  and  for  yr 
so  doeing  this  shall  be  yr  sufficient  Warr*.  Dated  this  6th  day  of  Octobr.  1685. 
To  Stephen  Bull  Esqr  JOSEPH  MORTON 

Surveyof  Gen11  ROBT.  QUARRY 

PAUL  GRIMBALL 
JOHN  FFARR" 
*  /.  <?.,  mercenaries  like  the  Swiss. 


1707]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA         293 

oils  of  America.  I  wish  I  could  write  as  large  in  the  Propa 
gation  of  the  Christian  Religion  amongst  the  Natives,  but  the 
Gospel  Spirit  is  not  yet  so  gloriously  arisen,  as  to  seek  them 
more  than  theirs,  as  Paul  intimates:  Yet  I  believe,  that  in 
time  Trade  may  be  a  means,  to  introduce  the  Gospel  both  in 
the  West  and  East  Indies,  with  some  other  Discoveries  that 
are  a  breaking  forth  in  Nature,  as  the  Time  and  Season  for 
it  ripens. 

And,  Christian  Reader,  since  I  am  fallen  upon  this  Subject, 
which  is  one  great  Branch  of  the  Patent,  as  hinted  before, 
which  was  to  propagate  the  Gospel  of  Christ;  I  doubt  there 
hath  been  a  great  defect  therein,  so  shall  give  a  brief  Essay 
to  answer  that  pious  Clause  aforesaid. 

And  because  the  Patent  is  granted  for  Propagating  the 
Gospel;  and  the  most  peculiar  Obligation  consequentially 
thereby  lies  on  those  of  the  Church  of  England:  I  shall  in 
the  first  place  give  my  Advice  to  them  on  the  Indians  behalf: 
I  do  therefore  adjudge  it  reasonable  and  just,  that  a  certain 
Portion  of  Land  be  set  apart  for  that  use,  to  be  added  to  a 
proportionable  Income  from  the  Society  ad  Propagandum 
fidem,  to  be  prudently  administered  to  Missionaries  who  have 
Zeal,  Courage  and  Fidelity  for  such  a  Work;  and  that  the 
Government,  on  no  pretence  of  their  Service  in  the  Plantations, 
divert  them  from  their  Commissionated  Service;  for  if  so,  a 
lazy  Spirit  will  quickly  lay  hold  on  them,  and  Flesh  and 
Blood  will  plead  for  ease;  for  Hardships  and  Perils  will  attend 
them:  Wherefore,  as  Christ  said,  'T  is  prudent  first  to  count 
the  Cost  before  they  enter  into  the  Work.  In  the  next  place 
I  advise,  That  such  Missionaries  be  well  skill'd  in  Chymistry, 
and  some  natural  Genius  to  seek  the  Virtues  in  Herbs,  Metts 
and  Minerals,  etc.,  and  the  prudent  Conduct  of  such  Skill, 
might  introduce  them  into  a  good  Opinion  with  the  Indians; 
and  let  them  understand  that  we  were  once  such  as  them 
selves,  but  were  by  a  Noble  Heroick  Nation  reduc'd  into  a 
Civiliz'd  State;  and  then  had  the  Gospel  preach'd  to  us  by 
Just  and  Holy  Men  who  sought  our  Salvation  with  the  hazard 
of  their  Lives,  etc.  Let  them  have  sent  with  them  (and  if 
not  far  from  the  English)  some  English  Children,  to  introduce 
familiarity  with  the  Indian  Children,  that  so  they  may  be 
brought  to  learn  Letters,  etc. 


294  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1667 

I  remember  I  have  read  in  History  of  a  Welsh  Prince, 
who  advised  his  Sons,  ready  to  Quarrel  about  the  Division  of 
his  poor  and  barren  Lands,  that  they  should  sail  to  the  West 
ward,  where  they  would  meet  with  better  Land,  and  Terri 
tories  large  enough  for  all  their  Posterities. 

Now  I  may  apply  this  spiritually;  If  Christian  Magistrates 
and  Ministers  would  forsake  their  Quarrels  for  poor  Trifles 
and  barren  Opinions,  and  encourage  each  other  to  plant 
substantial  practicable  Truths;  they  may  now  sail  East  or 
West,  and  meet  with  People  to  make  a  plentiful  Harvest  on, 
both  in  a  Temporal  and  Spiritual  respect,  which  should  re 
dound  more  to  their  Glory  and  Advantage,  than  all  their 
Unchristian  Quarrels  and  Practices  to  promote  unfruitful 
Doctrines  that  are  computed  to  have  shed  more  Christian 
Blood  than  all  the  Heathenish  Ten  Persecutions.  I  hope  the 
Reader  will  not  think  this  Mixture  of  Spirituals  with  Tem 
porals  improper  or  impertinent,  since  the  original  Design  of 
the  Patent  was  the  Promotion  of  both. 

I  shall  next  proceed  to  treat  of  the  Government,  as  granted 
by  King  Charles  II.  to  the  Eight  Lords  Proprietors  aforesaid, 
who  again,  by  common  consent,  centered  that  Power  in  Four 
of  them,  viz.  in  a  Palatine  of  their  own  election,  and  Three 
more  who  were  impower'd  to  execute  the  whole  Powers  of 
the  Charter,  and  is  calPd  a  Palatines  Court;  their  Deputies 
in  Carolina  executing  the  same,  as  from  their  Principals  they 
are  directed:  For  each  Proprietor  hath  his  Deputy  there. 
The  Charter  generally,  as  in  other  Charters,  agrees  in  Royal 
Privileges  and  Powers;  but  especially  at  that  time  it  had  an 
Over-plus  Power  to  grant  Liberty  of  Conscience,  altho'  at 
Home  was  a  hot  Persecuting  Time;  as  also,  a  Power  to 
Create  a  Nobility,  yet  not  to  have  the  same  Titles  as  here  in 
England,  and  therefore  they  are  there  by  Patent,  under  the 
Great  Seal  of  the  Provinces,  calPd  Landgraves  and  Cassocks,1 
in  lieu  of  Earls  and  Lords:  and  are  by  their  Titles  to  sit  with 
the  Lords  Proprietors'  Deputies,  and  together  make  the  Upper- 
House,  the  Lower-House  being  elected  by  the  People;  and 
these  Landgraves  are  to  have  four  Baronies  annexed  to  their 
Dignities,  of  6000  Acres  each  Barony;  and  the  Cassocks  two 

1  Cassiques. 


1681]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          295 

Baronies,  of  3000  *  each;  and  not  to  be  separated  away  by 
Sale  of  any  part;  only  they  have  power  to  let  out  a  third 
Part  for  three  Lives,  for  to  raise  Portions  for  younger  Chil 
dren.  And  many  Dissenters  went  over,  Men  of  Estates,  as 
also  many  whom  the  variety  of  Fortune  had  engaged  to  seek 
their  Fortunes,  in  hopes  of  better  Success  in  this  New  World: 
And  truly  such  as  better  improved  their  new  Stock  of  Wit, 
generally  had  no  cause  to  repent  of  their  Transplantation  into 
this  Fertile  and  Pleasant  Land:  Yet  had  they  at  first  many 
Difficulties  and  Dangers  to  cope  withal,  and  therefore  the 
most  desperate  Fortunes  first  ventured  over  to  break  the  Ice, 
which  being  generally  the  Ill-livers  of  the  pretended  Church 
men,  altho'  the  Proprietors  commissionated  one  Collonel 
West  their  Governour,  a  moderate,  just,  pious  and  valiant 
Person;  yet  having  a  Council  of  the  loose  Principled  Men, 
they  grew  very  unruly,  that  they  had  like  to  have  Ruin'd 
the  Colony,  by  Abusing  the  Indians,  whom  in  Prudence  they 
ought  to  have  obliged  in  the  highest  degree,  and  so  brought 
an  Indian  War  on  the  Country,2  like  that  in  the  first  Planting 
of  Virginia,  in  which  several  were  cut  off;  but  the  Governour 
by  his  Manly  prudence,  at  last,  extinguished  the  same  in  a 
great  measure,  and  so  left  Matters  a  little  better  settled  to 
Governour  Jos.  Morton,  in  whose  time  General  Blake's 
Brother,3  with  many  Dissenters  came  to  Carolina;  which 
Blake  being  a  wise  and  prudent  person,  of  an  heroick  temper 
of  Spirit,  strengthen'd  the  Hands  of  sober  inclined  People, 
and  kept  under  the  First  Loose  and  Extravagant  Spirit;  but 
not  being  able  to  extinguish  it,  it  broke  out  and  got  head 
in  the  Government  of  James  Coletin  of  Barbadoes,  and  Sir 
Peter  Colleton's  Brother:  And  this  Party  grew  so  strong 
among  the  Common  People,  that  they  chose  Members  to 
oppose  whatsoever  the  Governour  requested;  insomuch  that 
they  would  not  settle  the  Militia  Act,  tho'  their  own  Security 

1  A  barony  consisted  of  12,000.  Each  landgrave  was  entitled  to  four  baronies 
and  each  cassique  to  two. 

3  The  Churchmen  in  whom  the  Quaker  Archdale  could  see  so  much  evil, 
were,  as  a  rule,  the  ablest  and  most  progressive  men  in  the  province,  and  their 
treatment  of  the  Indians  had  not  nearly  so  much  to  do  with  bringing  on  the  war 
as  had  the  inborn  treachery  of  the  Indians. 

3  Benjamin  Blake. 


296  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1694 

(in  a  Natural  way)  depended  on  it.  And  the  grounds  of 
their  farther  Strength,  was  by  reason  of  the  Discontent  the 
People  lay  under  about  the  Tenure  of  their  Lands,  and  pay 
ment  of  their  Quiterance1  which  was  afterwards  rectified  by 

me.    After  Colleton2  succeeded  one Smyth,3  a  wise  and 

sober,  moderate  and  well-living  Man,  who  grew  so  uneasy 
in  the  Government,  by  reason  that  he  could  not  satisfy  the 
People  in  their  Demands,  that  he  writ  over  An.  1694,  "That 
it  was  impossible  to  Settle  the  Country,  except  a  Proprietor 
himself,  was  sent  over  with  full  power  to  Heal  their  Grievances, 
etc."  And  now  let  the  Reader  consider,  that  the  ensuing 
Account  hath  been  for  several  Years  supprest  by  me,  least  I 
should  thereby  seem  to  exalt  my  own  Actions;  but  there  is 
now  at  this  Juncture  some  more  than  ordinary  Cause  so  to 
publish  the  same  as  follows:  For  the  Proprietors  took  Gov- 
ernour  -Smyth's  Letter  under  Consideration;  and  the  Lord 
Ashly  was  pitched  upon  by  all  the  Lords,  who  was  then  in 
the  Country,  a  Person  every  way  qualified  for  so  Good  a 
Work;4  who  desired  to  be  excused,  because  his  Fathers 
Affairs  lay  upon  his  Hands;  upon  which  Account  I  was  then 
pitched  upon,  and  intrusted  with  Large  and  Ample  Powers; 
and  when  I  arrived,  I  found  all  Matters  in  great  Confusion, 
and  every  Faction  apply'd  themselves  to  me  in  hopes  of  Relief; 
I  appeased  them  with  kind  and  gentle  Words,  and  so  soon 
as  possible  call'd  an  Assembly  to  whom  I  spoke  as  follows: 

Friends  and  Representatives  of  the  People. 

The  Occasion  of  my  coming  hither  I  think  good  to  acquaint 
you  withal  at  this  time,  that  so  you  may  the  better  judge  of  the 
Proprietors  and  my  own  Intentions  in  this  my  Undertaking. 

There  came  various  Letters  from  Carolina,  signifying  the  great 
Discontent  and  Division  the  People  lay  under;  but  especially  one 

1  Quit^rents. 

2  The  objection  to  Colleton  was  not  due  to  any  turbulent  spirit  in  the  people, 
but  to  their  love  of  liberty  and  constitutional  government.     Colleton  totally  dis 
regarded  the  constitution  and  the  law  and  was  arrogant  and  tyrannical,  and  the 
people  revolted  against  his  government  and  drove  him  from  the  province. 

3  Thomas  Smith. 

4  This  Lord  Ashley  was  afterward  the  third  earl  of  Shaftesbury,  the  celebrated 
philosophical  writer.     His  grandfather,  the  first  earl  and  original  Proprietor,  was 
dead;  his  father  was  an  invalid. 


1695]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          297 

dated  presently  after  Sir  Peter  Colleton's  Death;  wherein  it  was 
intimated,  That  except  a  Proprietor  himself  came  over,  it  was  im 
possible  to  reconcile  the  Matter;  so  the  Lord  Ashley  was  nominated, 
but  his  Affairs  not  permitting,  the  Matter  was  moved  to  me;  and 
after  a  very  mature  Deliberation,  and  by  the  Encouragements  of 
several  Carolinians  then  in  England  my  Going  was  concluded  on; 
and  they  have  endued  me  with  a  Considerable  Power  of  Trust, 
and  I  hope  I  shall  faithfully  and  impartially  answer  their  Expecta 
tions:  And  I  believe  I  may  appeal  to  your  Serious  Rational  Ob 
servations,  whether  I  have  not  already  so  allay'd  your  Heats,  as 
that  the  distinguishing  Titles  thereof  are  much  withered  away; 
and  I  hope  this  Meeting  with  you,  will  wholly  extinguish  them,  so 
that  a  solid  Settlement  of  this  hopeful  Colony  will  ensue,  and  by  so 
doing,  your  Posterity  will  bless  God  for  so  Happy  a  Conjunction; 
and  the  Proprietors  will  not  repent  of  this  Great  Trust  reposed  in 
me,  nor  my  self  repine  at  the  many  Dangers  and  Hardships  I  have 
undergone  to  my  arrival  hither:  And  now  you  have  heard  of  the 
Proprietors  Intention  of  sending  me  hither,  I  doubt  not  but  the 
Peoples  Intentions  of  Choosing  you  were  much  of  the  same  nature; 
I  advise  you  therefore,  to  proceed  soberly  and  mildly  in  this  weighty 
Concern;  and  I  question  not  but  we  shall  answer  you  in  all  Things 
that  are  reasonable  and  honourable  for  us  to  do:  And  now  Friends, 
I  have  given  you  the  reason  of  my  Coming,  I  shall  give  you  the 
Reasons  of  my  calling  you  so  soon,  which  was  the  consideration  of 
my  own  Mortality,  and  that  such  a  considerable  Trust  might  not 
expire  useless  to  you;  for  my  Commission  is  recorded  to  be  no 
President1  to  future  Governours:  as  also  a  late  Petition  of  many  of 
the  Inhabitants  of  this  Colony:  I  hope  the  Consideration  hereof 
will  quicken  and  direct  you  into  a  speedy  Conclusion  of  what  the 
People  may  reasonably  expect  from  you;  and  I  hope  the  God  of 
Peace  will  prosper  your  Counsels  herein. 

The  Assembly  reply; 

To  the  Right  Honourable  John  Archdale  Esq;  Governour  of  Carolina. 

May  it  please  your  Honour, 

We  heartily  thank  Almighty  God  for  your  Honours  Safe  Ar 
rival  in  this  Place,  after  so  many  Difficulties  and  Dangers,  mention'd 
in  your  Honours  most  acceptable  Speech;  and  we  return  your 
Honour  our  most  sincere  and  hearty  Thanks  for  the  Progress  your 
Honour  has  already  made  since  your  Arrival  towards  the  Settle- 

1  Precedent. 


298  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

ment  of  this  Place;  but  our  most  particular  Thanks  again  are  for 
your  candid  Expressions,  and  the  good  Favour  and  great  Kindness 
shewn  to  the  People  of  this  Place;  and  do  assure  your  Honour, 
That  we  on  our  Parts,  will  heartily  endeavour  to  give  our  utmost 
Assistance  to  the  attaining  your  so  much  desired  Wish,  the  perfect 
Settlement  of  this  Place,  which  will  redound  to  the  Honour  of  the 
Lords  Proprietors  and  the  Happiness  of  the  People. 

But,  Courteous  Readers,  after  this  fair  Blossoming  Season 
to  produce  Peace  and  Tranquility  to  the  Country,  some  en- 
deavour'd  to  sow  Seed  of  Contention,  thereby  to  nip  the 
same;  insomuch  that  they  sat  Six  Weeks  under  Civil  Broils 
and  Heats;  but  at  length  recollecting  their  Minds  into  a 
cooler  Frame  of  Spirit,  my  Patience  was  a  great  means  to 
overcome  them;  so  that  in  the  conclusion  all  Matters  ended 
amicably,  as  the  Address  intimates. 

The  Humble  Address  and  Recognition  of  Thanks  by  the  Commons 
assembled  in  Charles- Town.  To  the  Right  Honourable  the  True 
and  Absolute  Lords  Proprietors;  and  to  the  Right  Honourable 
John  Archdale,  Esq;  Governour  of  Carolina. 

Right  Honourable, 

We  the  Representatives  of  the  Free-men  of  South  Carolina, 
being  profoundly  sensible  of  your  most  gracious  Inclinations,  Con- 
descentions  and  Honours  in  Commissionating  and  Investing  the 
Right  Honourable  John  Archdale,  Esq;  Governour,  with  such 
large  and  ample  Powers  for  the  encouragement  of  us  the  Inhabi 
tants  of  this  your  Colony,  which  was  so  highly  necessary  conducing 
to  the  Peopling,  Settling  and  Safety  thereof,  do  most  humbly  Recog 
nize,  and  most  sincerely  and  cordially  thank  your  Lordships  for 
the  same,  and  for  the  Remission  of  some  Arrears  of  Rents,  the  un 
deniable  manifestation  of  your  Honours  Paternal  care  of  us,  liv 
ing  in  this  your  Colony:  And  we  the  Commons  now  assembled, 
no  less  sensible  of  the  prudent,  industrious  and  indefatigable  Care 
and  Management  of  the  said  Powers  by  the  Right  Honourable 
Joh.  Archdale  Esq;  do  in  most  humble  Manner  acknowledge  the 
same;  and  that  we  doubt  not  but  that 'the  Fruits  thereof  will  be 
the  Peace,  Welfare,  and  Tranquility,  Plenty,  Prosperity  and  Safety 
of  this  Colony  and  the  People  therein;  For  the  Acts  of  Grace  you 
have  so  seasonably  condescended  unto,  have  removed  all  former 
Doubts,  Jealousies,  and  Discouragements  of  us  the  People;  and 
hath  laid  a  firm  and  sure  Foundation  on  which  may  be  erected  * 


1696]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA         299 

most  glorious  Superstructure  to  the  Honour  of  the  Lords  Pro 
prietors  and  you  our  Governour,  which  we  do,  and  forever  shall 
be  obliged  most  heartily  to  own  as  the  Production  of  the  Wisdom, 
Discretion,  Patience  and  Labour  of  the  Honourable  John  Archdale, 
Esq;  our  Governour;  of  whom  we  the  Commons  request,  to  return 
this  our  Recognition  of  Thanks  to  your  Lordships;  and  we  shall 
humbly  pray,  etc. 

JONATHAN  AMERY/  Speaker. 

But  it  may  be  queried  by  the  Reader,  But  what  was 
the  Effect  of  all  this?  To  the  which  I  answer,  That  the 
Fame  hereof  quickly  spread  it  self  to  all  the  American  Plan 
tations,  as  several  Letters  I  received  intimated;  among  which 
I  shall  mention  One  from  New-England,  from  a  single  Person 
of  Note  there,  on  the  behalf  of  a  Number  of  People,  and  is 
as  follows,  bearing  Date  from  Ipswich  26th  June,  1696. 

Great  Sir, 

I  had  not  thus  boldly  intruded  my  self  in  this  manner,  or  been 
the  least  Interruption  to  your  publick  Cares,  but  that  I  am  com 
manded  to  do  this  Service  for  a  considerable  Number  of  House 
holders,  that  purpose  (with  the  Favour  of  God's  Providence,  and 
your  Honours  Countenance)  to  Transport  themselves  into  South 
Carolina:  For  we  having  heard  the  Fame  of  South  Carolina,  as  it 
now  stands  Circumstanced  with  the  honour  of  a  true  English  Gov 
ernment,  with  Virtuous  and  Discreet  Men  Ministers  in  it,  who 
now  design  the  promoting  of  the  Gospel  for  the  increase  of  Virtue 
amongst  the  Inhabitants,  as  well  as  outward  Trade  and  Business' 
and  considering,  that  the  well  Peopling  of  that  Southern  Colony 
of  the  English  Government  or  Monarchy  may,  with  God's  Blessing, 
be  a  Bulwark  (a)  to  all  the  Northern  Parts,  and  a  Means  to  gain 
all  the  Lands  to  Cape  Florida  (which  are  ours  by  the  first  Discov 
ery  of  Sir  Sebastian  Cabot,  at  the  Charges  of  K.  Henry  VII,  to  the 
Crown  of  England;  and  being  credibly  informed  of  the  Soil  and 
Climate,  promise,  that  all  adventurers,  with  the  Favour  of  God, 
shall  reap  Recompence  as  to  Temporal  Blessings. 

Sir,  These  and  such  like  Reasons  have  encouraged  and  pro 
duced  the  aforesaid  Resolutions:  And  farther,  Sir,  your  great  Char- 

"(a)  It  is  remarkable  that  the  French  Landed  at  Sewee,  where  many  of  the 
New-England  Men  were  planted,  and  beat  off  the  French,  and  killed  many  of 
them,  and  this  was  Ten  Years  after  this  Letter/'  (Note  in  original.) 

1  Amory 


300  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1696 

acter  doth  embolden  us,  for  it  is  such  as  may  be  said,  without  Flat 
tery,  as  was  said  of  Titus  Vespasian,  that  noble  Roman,  Ad  grati- 
ficandum  assiduus  Natura  fuit:1  So  praying  for  Blessings  upon 
your  honourable  Person,  Concerns  and  Province,  I  rest,  etc. 

Now  that  the  Reader  may  plainly  discern,  that  the  Al 
mighty  and  Omnicient  God,  takes  cognizance  of  Human 
Affairs,  and  directs  them  by  a  wise  and  prudent  Chain  of 
Causes,  I  shall  relate  some  remarkable  Passages  that  happened 
quickly  after  that  I  entered  upon  the  Government,  which 
was  the  17th  of  August,  1695.  There  is  a  Nation  of  Indians 
calPd  the  Yammasees,  who  formerly  hVd  under  the  Spanish 
Government,  but  now  live  under  the  English,  about  80  Miles 
from  Charles-Town.  Some  of  these  Indians  going  a  Hunting, 
about  200  Miles  to  the  Southward,  met  with  some  Spanish 
Indians  that  lived  about  Sancta  Maria,  not  far  from  Augustine, 
the  Seat  of  the  Spanish  Government;  and  taking  them  Pris 
oners,  brought  them  Home,  designing  to  sell  them  for  Slaves 
to  Barbadoes  or  Jamaica  as  was  usual;  but  I  understanding 
thereof,  sent  for  their  King,  and  ordered  him  to  bring  these 
Indians  with  him  to  Charles-Town,  which  accordingly  he  did: 
There  were  three  Men  and  one  Woman;  they  could  speak 
Spanish,  and  I  had  a  Jew  for  an  Interpreter,  so  upon  examina 
tion  I  found  they  profess'd  the  Christian  Religion  as  the  Papists 
do;  upon  which  I  thought  in  a  most  peculiar  manner,  they 
ought  to  be  freed  from  Slavery;  and  thereupon  ordered  the 
King  to  carry  them  to  Augustine,  to  the  Spanish  Governour 
with  a  Letter,  desiring  an  Answer  relating  to  the  receit  of  them; 
who  having  received  them,  sent  me  the  following  Letter:  So 
far  as  relates  to  this  Affair,  I  copy  it  forth: 

Sir, 

I  have  received  your  Letter  with  the  four  Indians,  three  Men 
and  one  Woman,  being  the  same  that  were  taken  from  a  Town  of 
my  Jurisdiction;  and  I  do  promise,  If  ever  it  lies  in  my  power  to 
manifest  a  reciprocal  Kindness,  I  shall  gratefully  do  the  same;  and 
shall  always  keep  and  observe  a  good  Correspondence  and  Friend 
ship  with  you,  as  our  Soveraigns  at  home,  being  in  strict  Alliance 
and  Amity  expect  from  us,  etc. 

1 "  He  was  by  nature  assiduous  in  obliging. " 


1696]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA         301 

After  this  he  sends  over  an  Indian  civilized  King,  with  a 
fresh  return  of  Thanks,  but  complains  of  Mischief  done  to  his 
Indians  by  some  of  our  Indians;  to  the  which  I  answered, 

That  I  knew  nothing  before,  and  did  not  approve  of  it;  and 
found,  on  Enquiry,  that  the  Indians  call'd  the  Apalachicoloes  had 
kilFd  three  Churchcates,  and  were  conducted  by  White  Men;  but 
I  have  taken  care  for  the  future,  by  sending  an  Express  to  com 
mand  them,  that  they  do  not  commit  any  Acts  of  Hostility  on  any 
of  your  Indians,  and  do  expect  there  be  given  the  like  Orders  to 
your  Vassals:  And  surely  you  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  Temper 
of  the  Indians  as  well  as  my  self,  how  hard  a  matter  it  is  to  keep 
them  from  taking  Revenge  for  any  Injuries  received,  to  the  third 
and  fourth  Generation;  making  personal  Murders  oftentimes  Na 
tional  Quarrels;  notwithstanding  which,  I  hope  to  prevent  it  for 
the  future,  being  that  they  live  in  great  Obedience  to  our  Govern 
ment;  but  if  they  should  happen  to  do  any  small  Mischief  to  each 
other,  I  desire  you  not  to  send  any  more  White  Persons  amongst 
them,  least  you  thereby  make  the  Quarrel  National.  I  do  assure 
you  that  nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  my  part  to  maintain  a  good 
Amity  and  Friendship  with  you,  and  I  doubt  not  of  the  same  on 
your  part:  So  wishing  you  Health  and  long  Life; 

I  am 

your  assured  Friend 

Jo.  ARCHDALE. 


Now  to  shew  the  Providence  of  God  in  the  Affair  of  trans 
mitting  the  Indians  back,  as  I  intimated  before,  it  happened 
that  some  few  Months  after  that  an  English  Vessel  from 
Jamaica,  bound  to  Carolina,  was  Cast-away  to  the  Southward 
of  Augustine  amongst  barbarous  Indians,  who  in  a  wonderful 
manner  were  preserved  from  being  murdered  by  them,  so  that 
they  came  at  last  to  Augustine;  and  when  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernour  heard  of  it  he  sent  them  all  things  necessary,  retaliating 
my  Kindness  in  a  peculiar  manner.  Two  of  these  were  call'd 
Robert  Barrow  and  Edward  Wardell,  publick  Friends,1  Men 
of  great  Zeal,  Piety  and  Integrity. 

Another  eminent  Remark  of  Divine  Providence  was  as 
follows:  One  Colonel  Bull  of  the  Council,  trading  with  some 
Northern  Indians  near  Cape  Fear,  told  me  that  those  Indians 

1  /.  e.,  Quaker  ministers. 


302  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1696 

desired  to  come  under  the  English  Government;  the  Reason 
of  it  was  this;  some  of  our  Neighbouring  Indians  had  killed 
and  taken  Prisoners  some  of  the  Cape  Fear  Indians,  and  sold 
them  for  Slaves;  and  complaining  to  the  Traders,  they  told 
them,  that  if  they  came  under  the  English  Government  the 
other  Indians  durst  not  touch  them:  So  they  came,  and  I 
told  them  that  I  had  heard  of  their  barbarous  Cruelty  on  Men 
Cast-away  on  their  Coast;  I  therefore  now  expected  a  Civil 
Usage  from  them,  to  any  that  should  unhappily  be  Cast-away 
on  their  Coast;  which  they  promised,  and  faithfully  per- 
form'd,  as  follows. 

For  about  Six  Weeks  after  a  Vessel  coming  from  New- 
England  with  52  Passangers,  was  Cast-away  at  Cape  Fear, 
who  finding  that  it  was  the  Place  of  savage  Indians,  despaired 
of  their  Lives;  but  being  willing  to  preserve  Life  as  long  as 
they  could,  they  Trench'd  themselves  in,  and  took  some  pro 
visions  with  them :  The  Indians  quickly  came  down,  and  with 
Signs  of  Friendship,  laying  their  Hands  on  their  Breasts, 
invited  them  out,  and  shew'd  them  Fish  and  Corn:  But  they, 
not  willing  to  trust  them,  kept  still  in  their  Retrenchment 
till  Famine  began  to  creep  on,  and  then,  like  the  Samaritan 
Lepers,  in  the  2  Kings,  vii.  Chap,  who  being  like  to  perish 
with  Famine,  ventured  to  go  to  the  Host  that  beseiged  Samaria, 
as  at  large  is  there  related:  So  these  being  ready  to  starve, 
some  few  ventured  out  to  the  Indians,  who  received  them 
kindly  and  furnish'd  them  with  Provisions  for  the  rest,  who 
thereby  being  embolden'd,  came  all  forth,  and  were  by  the 
King  at  his  Town  well  treated;  and  four  or  five  of  them  came 
to  Town,  and  I  procured  a  Vessel  to  fetch  them  to  Charles- 
Town,  which  is  about  100  Miles  from  thence,  and  all  came 
safe  but  one  Child  that  died.  But  now  I  shall  wind  up  and 
conclude  the  Scene  of  my  Government,  having  settled  the 
Country;  I  returned  for  England,  being  not  sent  for  Home, 
and  left  one  Blake  l  Governour,  who  became  a  Proprietor, 

1  As  Joseph  Blake  was  a  landgrave  his  selection  to  succeed  Archdale  was  a 
mere  form.  In  1698  he  purchased  from  the  Lords  Proprietors  the  forfeited  share 
in  Carolina  of  John,  Lord  Berkeley,  who  had  failed  to  keep  up  his  assessments. 
He  had  been  commissioned  governor  by  the  Proprietors  without  first  securing 
the  assent  of  the  Crown  and  for  that  reason  the  Crown  would  not  recognize  him 
as  governor  until  the  Proprietors  explained  that  he  was  acting  governor  in  the 


1700-1702]    AilCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA      303 

and  continued  to  manage  Matters  to  the  general  satisfaction 
of  the  Country  for  about  four  or  five  Years,  but  then  dying, 
the  Lords  Deputies  chose  one  Capt.  More  for  Governour,  until 
the  Lords  should  Commissionate  one  from  England.  In  his 
time  began  the  War  with  France  and  Spain;  and  being  a 
Man  of  an  active  spirit,  and  hoping  to  advance  his  Fortune 
by  an  Exploit  against  Augustine,  without  any  Orders  from 
England,1  he  proposed  his  Mind  to  an  Assembly,  who  con 
descending  thereunto,  he  march'd  against  Augustine,  took  the 
Town,  the  Inhabitants,  with  their  Substance,  flying  into  the 
Castle,  and  they  having  no  Mortars  could  not  bring  them  to 
yield;  but  the  Besieged  sending  to  the  Havanah,  a  Spanish 
Town  on  Cuba,  procured  4  or  5  small  Men  of  War,  who  came 
to  their  Relief  before  Major  Daniel  could  come  from  Jamaica, 
who  was  by  Governour  More  sent  thither  for  Mortars;  and 
so  More  was  forc'd  to  break  off  the  Siege,  and  return  to  Charles- 
Town;  which  vast  expence  upon  such  an  Infant  Colony,  was 
ready  to  make  a  Mutiny  among  the  People;  for  many  Vessels 
had  been  press'd  to  that  Service,  which  being  burn'd  by  the 
Governour's  Order,  because  they  should  not  fall  into  the 
Spaniards  Hands,  the  Masters  demanded  Satisfaction;  and  an 
Assembly  being  calFd,  great  Debates  and  Divisions  arose, 
which,  like  a  Flame,  grew  greater  and  greater:  In  the  midst 
of  which,  Sir  Nath.  Johnson's  Commission  came  for  to  be 
Governour,  who  by  a  Chimical  Wit,  Zeal  and  Art,  trans 
muted  or  turned  this  Civil  Difference  into  a  Religious  Con 
troversy;2  and  so  setting  up  a  Standard  for  those  call'd  the 
High-Church,  ventured  at  all  to  exclude  all  the  Dissenters  out 
of  the  Assembly,  as  being  those  principally  that  were  for  a 
strict  Examination  into  the  Grounds  and  Causes  of  the  Mis- 
right  of  a  Proprietor  under  the  Fundamental  Constitutions.  After  that  the  oath 
was  administered  to  him  by  Edward  Randolph,  an  officer  of  the  Crown.  See  p. 
204,  supra. 

1  Archdale,  like  all  of  Moore's  Dissenter  critics,  ignores  the  fact  that  an 
attempt  had  been  made  by  the  Spaniards  with  Indian  allies  to  invade  South 
Carolina.  See  p.  222,  supra. 

3  Sir  Nathaniel  was  not  responsible  for  the  religious  turn  of  the  trouble. 
The  Dissenters  drew  the  religious  lines  at  the  outset,  and  the  Churchmen,  an 
gered  to  the  extreme  by  the  Dissenters'  pestiferous  conduct,  and  taking  advan 
tage  of  the  power  brought  by  their  repeated  successes,  went  to  the  extreme  of 
adopting  a  tyrannical  plan  for  excluding  Dissenters  from  the  Commons  House. 


304  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

carriage  of  the  Augustine  Expedition;  which  was,  after  great 
Complaints  of  undue  Elections,  and  by  the  great  Subtilty  and 
Activity  of  the  Governing  Party,  carry'd  by  one  Man,  to 
exclude  the  Dissenters  by  a  more  severe  and  rigid  Exclusion, 
than  the  Occasional  Bill  designed  here  in  England,  to  the 
which  I  refer  the  Reader;  and  was  afterwards,  by  the  general 
Complaint  of  that  Party  to  the  House  of  Lords,  adjudged  so 
severe  and  illegal,  as  to  cause  an  Address  to  the  Queen,  which 
she  was  pleased  to  accept,  and  to  command  the  Lord's  Pro 
prietors  not  to  suffer  the  same  to  be  further  put  in  execution, 
and  declared  the  same  Law  void  and  null;  as  also  an  Act  to 
establish  the  Church  of  England  there,  and  a  Maintenance  for 
the  same;  which,  notwithstanding  its  splendid  gloss,  savour'd 
so  much  of  a  persecuting  Spirit,  and  of  a  haughty  Dominion 
over  the  Clergy  it  self,  that  it  was  declared  void  and  null 
by  the  Queen's  gracious  and  prudent  Command  to  the  Lord's 
Proprietors;  which  I  hope  will  so  far  allay  and  cool  that  fiery 
Spirit  in  the  Government,  as  to  make  room  for  a  more  peace 
able  and  healing  Spirit,  when  any  one  not  concern'd  in  the 
Broils  arrives,  Commissionated  for  that  End  and  Purpose: 
And  indeed  they  have  been  fairly  alarum'd  by  the  late  Assault 
upon  them  by  the  French  and  Spaniards;  in  which  affair 
Sir  Nath.  Johnson,  as  a  Souldier,  behaved  himself  with  great 
Courage  and  Prudence;  but  that  is  not  a  sufficient  Qualifi 
cation  to  reconcile  intestine  Heats  and  Broils,  which,  like  a 
Canker,  will  enfeeble  the  vital  Spirit  of  that  Colony;  for  the 
united  strength  of  those  term'd  the  High-Church  and  Dis 
senters,  are  little  enough  to  secure  the  same:  And  beside,  the 
immediate  Hand  of  God  by  the  late  Pestilential  Feaver,  is  not 
only  a  sign  of  His  Displeasure  against  their  Unchristian  Broils, 
but  it  hath  thereby  so  weakened  and  thined  the  People,  that 
it  seems  impossible  for  the  High-Church  to  be  a  sufficient 
Strength  to  support  that  Colony,  it  being  the  Southern  Bul 
wark  of  our  American  Colonies  on  that  vast  Continent.1 

1  The  Church  Act  of  1704  was  rejected  by  the  Proprietors  because  it  con 
tained  so  many  objectionable  features  as  to  make  it  obnoxious  to  the  Crown, 
but  in  1706  another  act,  freed  of  those  objectionable  features,  was  passed  estab 
lishing  religious  worship  in  the  province  in  accordance  with  the  tenets  of  the 
Church  of  England.  This  act  proved  a  great  blessing  to  the  province,  and  was 
an  agency  for  the  more  rapid  development  thereof.  It  gave  an  impetus  to  edu 
cation  and  culture,  and  its  influence  for  good  was  far-reaching  and  permanent. 


1707]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          305 

It  is  stupendious  to  consider,  how  passionate  and  prepos 
terous  Zeal,  not  only  vails  but  stupifies,  oftentimes,  the 
Rational  Powers:  For  cannot  Dissenters  Kill  Wolves  and 
Bears,  etc.,  as  well  as  Church-men;  as  also  Fell  Trees  and 
Clear  Ground  for  Plantations,  and  be  as  capable  of  defending 
the  same  generally  as  well  as  the  other.  Surely  Pennsyl 
vania  can  bear  witness  to  what  I  write;  and  Carolina  falls 
no  way  short  of  it  in  its  Natural  Production  to  the  industrious 
Planter:  But  our  late  Accounts  intimate  the  Repeal  of  the 
two  former  Laws,  which  may  be  a  preparatory  Stroak,  if  dis 
creetly  managed,  to  allay  their  Annimosities.  I  would  not 
be  supposed  to  Justify  every  Step  of  the  Dissenters  which  they 
made  in  these  Broils,  being  their  first  Agent  seem'd  not  a  Per 
son  suitably  qualified  to  Represent  their  State  here,  not  that 
he  wanted  Wit  but  Temper,  which  is  a  necessary  Qualification 
in  Persons  in  that  Employ:  But  it  is  not  my  Business  to 
Open  the  Sore,  but  to  Heal  it,  if  possible;  and  now1  we  are 
like  to  have  some  considerable  Numbers  of  Scotch  Britains, 
Men  generally  Ingenious  and  Industrious,  who  are  like  to 
disperse  themselves  into  our  American  Colonies,  who  are  a 
People  generally  zealous  for  Liberty  and  Property,  and  will 
by  no  Perswasion  be  attracted  to  any  part  where  their  Native 
Rights  are  invaded,  or  who  rather  expect  an  Enlargement 
thereof  in  a  Wilderness  Country,  than  an  Abridgement 
thereof,  as  that  prudent  Management  of  William  Penn  hath 
established  in  his  Colony,  and  was  first  intended  for  Carolina, 
in  a  Scheme  laid  by  the  Earl  of  Shaftsbury,  etc.,  but  secretly 
over-thrown  by  that  Party  of  High  pretended  Church-men 
that  have  lain  Latent  from  the  Beginning,  as  I  have  before 
intimated.  Our  Colonies  are  very  weak  at  this  time,  but  the 
Divine  Hand  of  Providence  seems  to  be  ready  to  supply  our 
Deficiency  by  a  Union,  contrary  to  that  Spirit  that  hath 
wrought  the  Dissentions  in  Carolina.  Now  if  the  Reader  be 
so  curious  as  to  Query  how  I  did  so  speedily  and  solidly  Heal 
their  former  Annimosities,  as  I  have  before  intimated,  I  shall 
gratify  his  Curiosity  herein:  My  Power  was  very  large,  yet 
did  I  not  wholly  exclude  the  High-Church  Party  at  that  time 
out  of  the  essential  Part  of  the  Government,  but  mix'd  two 
Moderate  Church-men  to  one  High-Church  Man  in  the  Council, 
whereby  the  Ballance  of  Government  was  preserved  peaceable 

1  By  reason  of  the  union  of  England  and  Scotland,  1707. 


306  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1707 

and  quiet  in  my  Time,  and  so  left  and  continued  several 
Years,  whilst  Blake  whom  I  left  Governour  lived.  And  the 
said  Blake,  though  accounted  in  some  measure  a  Dissenter, 
yet  did  he  procure  the  Act  for  about  150Z.  a  Year  to  be  settled 
on  a  Church  of  England  Ministry,  which  continues  to  this 
Day.  And  indeed  in  such  Mixture  as  I  have  intimated,  the 
High-Church  Party  was  useful  to  me,  being  Men  of  good 
Parts,  very  useful  under  Good  Conduct;  their  Advice  being 
by  me  found  very  necessary  in  many  particular  Cases. 

But  to  proceed  farther  in  this  Treatise,  the  Design  whereof 
is  to  make  Carolina  a  suitable  Bulwark  to  our  American 
Colonies:  I  can  farther  plainly  demonstrate,  that  False  Meas 
ures  have  been  taken  for  that  Infant  Settlement  that  should 
have  been  Strengthened  with  Encouraging  Terms,  for  all  sorts 
of  Dissenters  to  enjoy  Liberty  and  Property  in  whatsoever 
their  laborious  Hands  Improves  from  a  Wilderness  possessed 
by  Wolves,  Bears  and  barbarous  Indians,  who  ruin'd  them 
selves,  by  intestine  Wars,  to  make  room  for  us;  and  we  more 
Foolish,  because  more  Capacitated  by  Human  Policy  to 
strengthen  our  selves  against  a  Foreign  Power,  yet  suffer  a 
sort  of  Transmigration  of  the  Wolfish  and  Brutish  Nature  to 
enter  our  Spirits,  to  make  our  selves  a  Prey  to  our  Enemies, 
that  seek  to  Revenge  themselves  for  our  foolish  Attempt  and 
unchristian  Usage  on  the  Inhabitants  of  Augustine,  where  the 
*  Plunder  of  their  Churches  or  Places  of  Worship  intailed  on  it 
such  a  Curse,  that  much  of  it  fell  into  the  Hands  of  the  French, 
the  Ship  being  taken  near  England,  and  the  whole  Design  of  it 
for  Negroe  Slaves,  ruin'd  thereby. 

Now  as  some  there  seeks  to  set  up  a  sort  of  an  arbritrary 
Vestry  to  inhance  the  Labours  of  the  Industrious  Dissenters, 
who  have  enough  to  do  to  maintain  their  own  Ministry;  how 
unreasonable  doth  it  look  to  force  Maintenance  from  them, 
by  excluding  their  true  Representatives,  to  compass  so  foolish 
a  Design  in  the  most  untimely  Season  that  possibly  could  hap 
pen  to  that  Country ;  for  one  of  the  most  considerable  amongst 
them  writ  over  to  his  Friend  in  England,  That  without  that 
Excluding  Act  they  could  not  have  obtain'd  the  other.  Now 
as  the  Civil  Power  doth  endanger  it  self  by  grasping  at  more 
than  its  Essential  Right  can  justly  and  reasonably  claim;  so 
the  High-Church  by  over-toping  its  Power  in  too  great  a 
Severity,  in  forsaking  the  Golden  Rule  of  doing  as  they  would 


1707]       ARCHDALE'S   DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          307 

be  done  by,  may  so  weaken  the  Foundation  of  the  Ecclesiastical 
and  Civil  State  of  that  Country,  that  so  they  may  both  sink 
into  a  ruinous  condition  by  losing  their  Main  Sinews  and 
Strength,  which  (as  Solomon  saith)  lies  in  the  multitude  of  its 
Inhabitants :  And  this  I  am  satisfied  in,  and  have  some  experi 
mental  reason  for  what  I  say,  That  if  the  extraordinary  Fer 
tility  and  Pleasantness  of  the  Country  had  not  been  an  alluring 
and  binding  Obligation  to  most  Dissenters  there  settled,  they 
had  left  the  High-Church  to  have  been  a  Prey  to  the  Wolves 
and  Bears,  Indians  and  Foreign  Enemies:  But  I  hope  now 
they  will  see  their  Folly,  and  embarque  in  one  common  In 
terest,  and  thereby  they  will  reap  the  Benefit  of  our  Union 
at  Home,  by  Numbers  of  Industrious  and  Ingenious  Scottish 
Britains,  who  otherwise  will  never  come  to  be  imposed  upon 
by  a  High-flown  Church  Party;  and  without  such  a  Strength 
I  see  not  how  it  can  stand  long,  let  the  Government  be  in  any 
Hand  whatsoever.  I  have  discharged  my  Conscience  in  a 
Christian  and  truly  British  Spirit,  that  desires  nothing  more 
than  the  Spiritual  and  Temporal  Welfare  of  Great  Britain; 
and  hope,  pray  for,  and  cordially  desire  the  long  and  pros 
perous  Reign  of  our  most  gracious  Queen,  whom  the  Divine 
Hand  of  Providence  hath  placed  on  the  Throne,  to  be  as  a 
Nursing  Mother  to  all  Her  Children  committed  to  Her  Charge. 
And  I  also  heartily  wish  that  the  inferior  Sphere  of  the  Royal 
Power  committed  in  Trust  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  that 
Province  of  Carolina,  may  Govern  it  with  a  measure  of  the 
same  Prudence,  Justice,  and  truly  Christian  Affection,  as  She 
more  imediately  Governs  the  entire  Body  of  Her  Subjects. 

Now  since  the  Reader  may  expect  the  Names  of  the  pres 
ent  Proprietors,  they  are  as  follows; 

JOHN  Lord  GRANVILL,  Palatine. 


John  Lord  Cartwright, 
William  Lord  Craven, 
Maurice     Ashley,     Brother 

and    Heir    Apparent    to 

the  Earl  of  Shaftsbury, 

1  Joseph  Blake,  the  then  Proprietor,  was  at  that  time  about  six  years  of  age. 

J  The  original  share  of  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  sold  after  the  earl's  death 

to  Seth  Sothell.    Sothell  died  about  1694,  intestate  and  without  heirs,  and  his 


Sir  John  Colleton,  Baronet, 
Jos.  Blake,  Esq;1 
Nicholas  Trott,2  Esq; 
John  Archdale. 


308  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1707 

I  am  now  willing  to  give  my  Advice  to  heal  up  the  present 
Breaches,  Rents  and  Divisions  amongst  the  Inhabitants  of 
Carolina;  and  I  am  somewhat  encouraged  hereunto  by  the 
Good  Success  I  formerly  had  amongst  them,  as  I  have  at 
large  declared;  and  I  have  Reasons,  both  Spiritual  and  Tem 
poral  for  this  my  Admonition.  On  a  Spiritual  Account  I  would 
have  all  to  consider  that  their  Lot  is  fallen,  by  the  Divine 
Hand  of  Providence,  into  the  American  Canaan,  a  Land  that 
flows  with  Milk  and  Honey;  which  ought  to  be  a  pressing 
Engagement  on  every  Soul  to  bless  God  in  a  most  peculiar 
manner  for  those  Temporal  Enjoyments  that  many  other 
Nations  and  Provinces  want  the  Benefit  of:  And  let  them  con 
sider,  that  altho'  God  had  some  peculiar  Love  for  the  Children 
of  Israel,  yet  they  held  their  Land  of  Canaan  on  Terms  and 
Conditions;  and  their  Disobedience  and  Neglect  of  God's 
Laws,  occasioned  God  to  remove  them  out  of  the  same;  Yet 
before  He  utterly  Excluded  them,  he  brought  various  Cor 
poreal  Punishments  upon  them  to  alarum  them  to  Repentance, 
and  a  forsaking  of  the  Evil  of  their  Ways:  And  when  His 
Chastising  Hand  did  not  prevail  upon  them,  their  Utter  De 
struction  immediately  ensued.  Now  it  is  apparent  that  God 
has  brought  a  Pestilential  Fever  amongst  the  Carolinians,  that 
hath  swept  away  many  in  the  Town,  which  ought  to  stir  up 
a  Consideration]  in  the  Remainder  of  them,  that  it  is  His 
infinite  Mercy  that  hath  spared  them:  Let  them  also  consider 
that  God  hath  shaken  the  Rod  of  his  Power  over  their  Heads 
by  a  Foreign  Enemy,  which  many  times  is  an  Occasion  to 
Unite,  not  only  to  a  General  and  Common  Defence,  but  also 
it  creates  an  Affection  where  before  it  was  wanting:  But  if 
upon  these  and  the  like  Considerations,  no  Good  Effect  ensue 
thereby,  it  is  then  a  dangerous  Prognostick  that  more  severe 
Judgments  will  follow.  It  is  recorded  in  the  Holy  Scriptures; 
O  that  Men  would  consider  their  Ways;  for  the  Act  of  Con 
sideration  is  much  in  the  Soul's  power;  and  is  one  of  the 
Powers  being  purchased  by  Christ  for  us  after  the  Fall,  whereby 
a  Capacity  comes  to  be  awaken'd  in  us,  to  choose  the  Good 

share  was  sequestered  by  the  other  Proprietors  under  provisions  of  the  Funda 
mental  Constitutions  and  assigned  to  Thomas  Amy,  September  29,  1697.  Upon 
the  marriage  of  Amy's  daughter  with  Nicholas  Trott,  of  London,  cousin  of  Judgfc 
Nicholas  Trott,  of  South  Carolina,  Amy  assigned  him  the  share  in  Carolina  as  a 
marriage  portion. 


1707]       ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA          309 

and  refuse  the  Evil;  and  I  believe  the  Soul  never  exerts  it, 
but  that  some  secret  Concomitancy  of  God's  Power  is  witness'd 
thereby  to  the  benefit  of  every  such  Soul.  One  thing  more  I 
would  lay  to  their  Consideration,  That  by  intestine  Quarrels 
and  Annimosities  they  loose  the  essential  Badge  of  Christianity, 
and  so  can  never  be  Instruments  to  propogate  the  Gospel 
amongst  the  Heathen,  who  will  never  be  won  to  the  Gospel 
of  Peace  by  the  Banner  of  War.  Much  more  might  be  said 
on  a  Spiritual  Account,  but  this  at  present  may  suffice :  I  shall 
now  proceed  on  a  Temporal  Account,  to  reason  them  into  a 
Unity;  and  that  is  first,  because  their  own  Lives  will  be 
more  comfortable  under  a  friendly  Conversation;  and,  sec 
ondly,  it  will  encourage  others  to  come  amongst  them,  which 
will  wonderfully  strengthen  the  Colony  and  increase  Trade, 
and  make  their  Lands  of  considerable  more  value. 

Now,  altho'  I  seem  principally  to  lay  the  Occasional 
Quarrel  on  the  High-Church  Party,  yet  I  would  not  be  so 
understood  as  to  clear  the  other  in  all  respects;  for  in  Heats 
and  Annimosities  many  unjustifiable  Words  and  Actions  may 
arise  and  be  committed:  I  am  satisfied  whence  the  original 
Spring  of  them  arose,  but  because  they  are  generally  dead 
on  both  sides,  Christian  Charity  forbids  the  raking  into  their 
Ashes;  and  't  is  pity  their  Quarrels  should  surrvive  them: 
They  shall  never  find  Fewel  here,  so  far  as  lies  in  my  power. 
I  can  truly  say,  I  write  with  Love  and  Affection  to  the  whole 
Body  of  the  Inhabitants;  having  been  so  considerable  a  Pro 
moter  of  Planting  the  said  Colony  with  Men  of  Piety  and 
Industry,  and  that  brought  considerable  Free  Estates  with 
them,  insomuch  that  were  they  all  removed  again  out  of  it, 
whose  coming  thither  I  occasioned,  it  would  be  a  thin  Colony: 
I  could  name  them,  but  forbear  at  present:  So  I  am  not  for 
excluding  any,  as  I  have  hinted;  for  I  am  satisfied  that  it  is 
possible  to  Reconcile  and  Unite  them,  there  being  a  great 
President1  of  Wisdom  and  Christian  Affection  in  the  Govern 
ing  Powers  at  Home  in  the  Union  of  2  Kingdoms  into  1  Common 
Interest,2  for  the  Strength  and  Advantage  of  both,  and  Dis 
advantage  of  our  Enemies  Abroad  and  at  Home:  And  I  can 
truly  say,  I  re  Joyce  to  see  effected  what  for  some  Years  I  have 

1  Precedent. 

a  The  Union  of  England  and  Scotland  had  been  effected  on  March  6,  1707 


310  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1707 

so  much  desired,  and  so  earnestly  endeavoured,  in  my  Capacity 
and  Station,  upon  all  argumentative  Occasions;  which  have 
not  been  a  few,  and  with  considerable  Persons  of  eminent 
Quality,  who  have  not  despised  the  Reasons  I  have  given  for 
the  same. 

Since  I  wrote  the  former  Part  I  understand  that  Silk  is 
come  unto  great  Improvement,  some  Families  making  40  or 
50Z.  a  Year  and  their  Plantation  Work  not  neglected;  little 
Negro  Children  being  serviceable  in  Feeding  the  Silk-worms, 
etc.  And  I  must  give  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson  the  Reputation 
of  being  the  principal  Promoter  hereof,  and  of  a  considerable 
Vineyard  also.  I  further  understand,  That  the  Inhabitants 
work  up  the  Silk  into  Druggets  mix'd  with  Wool,  which  is  an 
excellent  Wear  for  that  Country:  And  so  advantageously  is 
the  Country  scituated,  that  there  is  little  or  no  need  of  Pro 
viding  Fodder  for  Cattle  in  the  Winter;  so  that  a  Cow  is 
grased  near  as  cheap  as  a  Sheep  here  in  England;  but  all 
these  Natural  Conveniences  and  Benefits  may  be  blasted 
through  imprudent  Discouragement,  that  may  hinder  fresh 
Inhabitants  from  coming  amongst  them.  0  what  need  is 
there  of  Wisdom  to  nourish  up  an  Infant  Colony  with  all 
sorts  of  industrious  People,  as  is  in  a  great  measure  presidented 
in  Pennsylvania,  etc.,  and  was  the  Beginning  of  the  Carolina 
Settlement;  and  I  hope  will  be  the  future  Method  to  strengthen 
the  same:  And  hereby  the  Design  of  the  Patent  will  be  truly 
answer'd  which  is  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  of  Peace 
among  the  Heathen,  and  the  Enlargement  of  the  Dominion  of 
the  Crown  of  England,  which  is  now  already  spread  many 
Hundred  of  Miles  to  the  Westward;  which  Design  was  in 
geniously  laid  and  begun  by  Governour  Blake  in  his  Time. 
And  that  discret  Preparative  Stroak  of  Trade  that  he  begun, 
which  if  prudently  and  wisely  managed,  it  may  beget  such  a 
Familiarity  and  Interest  with  the  Indians,  as  in  time  to  intro 
duce  a  Spiritual  Benefit  by  the  Preaching  of  the  Gospel  of 
Christ  among  them  i1  For  God  oftentimes  by  the  wise  adapting 

1  While  there  is  very  little  evidence  of  any  increase  of  "  Spiritual  Benefit " 
having  come  to  the  Indians  by  this  "Stroak  of  Trade,"  it  did  greatly  expand 
Charles  Town's  trade,  so  that  within  a  few  years  its  traders  were  going  as  far  as 
the  Mississippi  River  and  Indians  were  bringing  skins  and  furs  all  the  way  from 
the  Great  Lakes  and  Canada. 


1707]        ARCHDALE'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CAROLINA         311 

of  Temporal  Causes,  makes  them  to  co-operate  for  the  pro 
duction  of  Spiritual  Benefits:  And  so  the  Romans  by  a  Civil 
Taxation  fulfilled  the  Prophecy  of  Christ  to  be  Born  at 
Bethlehem ;  and  this  Taxation  figured  forth  Christ1  who  was 
to  lay  a  Spiritual  Yoke  on  all  the  Sons  of  Men :  For  Taxation 
imports  the  Yoke  of  the  Civil  Power  upon  them. 

Since  what  I  have  before  written  the  former  mentioned 
Acts  that  gave  so  bad  an  Influence  on  the  Carolina  Affairs, 
are  both  of  them  actually  repealed,  so  that  once  more  there 
seems  to  present  it  self  a  fair  Prospect  for  an  amiable  Recon 
ciliation,  if  true  and  proper  Method  be  pursued  for  the  encour 
agement  of  all  that  desire  to  retire  into  this  New  World  to 
lead  an  industrious,  quiet,  godly  and  sober  Life,  without  that 
disquieting  and  turmoiling  Care  which  naturally  attends  most 
European  Affairs.  Now,  candid  Readers,  I  shall  Conclude 
with  what  our  blessed  Lord  and  Saviour  hath  intimated,  That 
the  Harvest  is  great  and  the  Labourers  few,  and  that  it  is  our 
Duty  to  pray  to  the  Lord  of  the  Harvest  that  he  would  be 
pleased  to  send  more  Labourers  into  the  Harvest,  Matth.  9. 
Chap.  37,  38.  Ver.  Now  these  Labourers  seems  to  me  to  be 
such  as  will  take  Pains  and  venture  their  Lives  for  to  propa 
gate  the  Gospel  of  Christ  amongst  these  barbarous  Nations, 
which  God,  as  I  have  before  intimated,  hath  discovered  in 
this  last  age  of  the  World:  And  it  is  my  Belief,  that  Christ 
will  intercede  to  have  this  Prayer  answered,  and  will  incline 
the  Hearts  of  many  to  begin  this  glorious  Work.1 

1  The  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts  sent  Rev. 
Samuel  Thomas  to  South  Carolina  in  1702  as  a  minister  to  the  Yemassee  Indians, 
but  he  found  the  task  such  an  impossible  one  that  he  gave  it  up  and  labored  most 
usefully  among  the  whites.  See  The  South  Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical 
Map&ine,  IV.,  V. 


FROM  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE 
IN  AMERICA,  BY  JOHN  OLDMIXON,  1708 


INTRODUCTION 

IN  1708  John  Oldmixon,  Whig  pamphleteer  and  historical 
writer,  published  in  London  a  work  -entitled  The  History  of  the 
British  Empire  in  America,  two  chapters  whereof  deal  with 
South  Carolina.  The  first  chapter  deals  with  the  history  of 
the  province  and  the  second  with  its  geography.  The  former 
consists  of  a  desultory  and  frequently  erroneous  history  of  the 
province  up  to  the  administration  of  Governor  James  Moore 
(1700-1703),  followed  by  another  lengthy  brief  in  behalf  of 
the  Dissenter  faction  in  the  political  controversy  that  had 
just  shaken  the  province,  the  greater  part  of  the  chapter 
being  devoted  to  that  one  episode.  Nothing  new  was  added 
to  that  controversy  save  a  few  lively  imaginings,  while  many 
whole  passages  were  inaccurately  repeated  from  the  earlier 
pamphlets  by  Defoe,  Boone,  and  Archdale.  The  geography  is 
also  quite  erroneous.  Not  only  did  the  writer  confuse  names 
and  places,  but  put  in  some  topographical  features  that  had 
no  existence. 

Oldmixon  stated  in  his  preface  that  he  had  read  each  chapter 
of  his  book  to  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  that  he  wrote  of, 
and  that  every  statement  he  had  made  had  been  acknowledged 
to  be  correct,  and  that  his  statements  could  be  relied  upon. 
So  far  as  South  Carolina  was  concerned,  it  is  evident  that 
whoever  he  read  that  part  of  his  history  to — if  he  really  read 
it  to  anyone  from  South  Carolina — was  as  ignorant  of  the 
subject  as  Oldmixon  himself  was.  It  is  quite  evident  that 
the  iatter  had  never  been  to  South  Carolina  and  had  very 
little  information  respecting  it  save  what  he  had  acquired 
from  the  several  pamphlets  relating  to  the  political  controversy 

315 


316  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA 

between  the  Dissenters  and  the  Churchmen  during  the  admin 
istrations  of  Moore  and  Johnson. 

A  new  edition  of  Oldmixon's  work,  with  a  few  unimportant 
additions,  was  published  in  1730,  and  in  1836  B.  R.  Carroll 
reprinted  the  chapters  on  South  Carolina  in  his  Historical 
Collections. 


FROM  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE 
IN  AMERICA,  BY  JOHN  OLDMIXON,  1708 

THE  HISTORY  OF  CAROLINA 
CHAPT.  I 

Containing  an  Account  of  the  Discovery  and  Settlement  of  this 
Province,  and  of  all  the  Wars,  Factions,  Disturbances,  and 
other  Events  there,  from  that  time  to  the  present. 

WE  are  not  ignorant  of  the  pretences  of  the  concerned 
in  this  Province,  who  affirm,  'twas  discovered  by  Sebastian 
Cabot.  Mr.  Archdale,  one  of  the  Proprietors,  in  his  printed 
Description  of  Carolina,  says,  Henry  the  Vlllth  about  the 
Year  1500.  furnished  Sir  Sebastian  Cabot  with  Shipping,  (He 
was  born  at  Bristol,  tho  his  father  was  a  Venetian,)  to  make 
a  discovery;  and  he  fell  upon  the  Coast  of  Florida,  and  hav 
ing  sail'd  along  the  Continent  a  considerable  way  North-East, 
returned.  But  this  does  not  appear  in  any  authentick  His 
torian;  nor  that  Sir  Sebastian  Cabot  ever  got  so  far  to  the 
South. 

Carolina  is  the  Northern  part  of  the  vast  Region  of 
America,  which  was  discovered  by  John  Ponce  de  Leon,  in 
the  year  1512.  He  made  Land  about  30  Degrees  from  the 
^Equator,  near  the  River  of  San  Mattseo,  the  most  Southerly 
part  of  this  Province.  He  saiPd  thither  from  the  Island  of 
Porto  Rico,  and  gave  the  Country  the  Name  of  Florida,  for 
that  the  Face  of  it  has  the  Resemblance  to  a  continual 
Spring.1 

1  "  Castell,  of  America."  (Marginal  note  in  the  original,  referring  to  W. 
Castell,  A  Short  Discoverie  of  the  Coasts  and  Continent  of  America,  London, 
1644.) 

SI? 


318  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA    [1520-1502 

The  Spaniards,  who  passionately  desir'd  to  secure  it  to 
themselves,  eight  years  afterwards  sent  Vasquez  de  Ayllon  to 
make  a  further  discovery  of  it,  as  belonging  to  Charles  V.  in 
whose  Name  de  Leon  had  taken  Possession  of  it.  He  came 
upon  the  North  Coast,  and  calPd  the  North  North- West  River 
by  the  Name  of  Jordan.  He  did  nothing  memorable,  except 
this  infamous  Action,  of  inviting  many  of  the  Natives  aboard 
his  Ships,  where  when  he  had  got  them,  he  hoisted  Sail,  and 
carry'd  them  into  miserable  Bondage. 

In  the  Year  1526.  Charles  V.  Emperor  of  Germany  and 
King  of  Spain,  sent  Pamphilio  Narvesi1  to  Florida,  who 
dtay'd  so  long  in  the  South- West  part  of  this  Country,  which 
is  the  most  barren,  that,  says  my  Author,  they  were  fain  to 
eat  one  another,  his  Crew  having  spent  their  Provisions. 

Ten  years  afterwards  Ferdinando  de  Soto  came  hither  in 
the  search  of  Gold  and  Silver  Mines,  having  a  little  Army 
of  900  Foot,  and  500  Horse.  Himself,  and  three  Parts  of  his 
Soldiers,  dy'd,  either  thro7  Want,  or  by  Sickness,  or  the  In 
dians;  and  the  rest  were  led  back  by  Lewis  Moscos  to  New 
Spain,  tho  not  without  great  Difficulty,  for  the  Natives  setting 
upon  them  several  times  in  their  march,  kilPd  all  that  fell 
into  their  Hands. 

This  unfortunate  and  expensive  Expedition  so  discouraged 
the  Spaniards,  that  for  several  Years  they  made  no  more 
Attempts  in  these  Parts,  and  indeed  they  searched  no  further 
than  that  Part  of  the  Continent  which  lies  opposite  to  the 
Gulph  of  New  Spain,  and  not  within  and  beyond  the  Streights 
of  Bahama,  which  includes  that  part  of  the  Country  we  are 
now  treating  of,  and  which  is  the  most  fertile  and  rich,  abound 
ing  in  several  merchantable  Commodities. 

The  French  perceiving  the  Spaniards  neglected  this  long 
Tract  of  Land,  Admiral  Coligny,  in  the  Reign  of  Charles  IX. 
procured  two  of  the  King's  Ships  to  be  sent  thither,  the  Com 
mand  of  which  he  gave  to  Jean  Ribaut,  who  after  a  Voyage 
of  Two  Months,  arrived  at  the  River  of  Dolphins,  between  that 
of  San  Mattseo,  and  that  of  May,  lying  about  the  30th  Degree. 

The  next  River  to  that  of  May,  he  calFd  the  Seine.  The 
next  to  that,  the  Somme;  then  the  Loire;  then  the  Charente, 
and  the  Garonne.  At  the  Mouth  of  Albemarle  River,  then 

1  Panfilo  de  Narvaez. 


15641  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  319 

calPd  the  Great  River;  the  Port  being  safe  and  commodious, 
he  built  a  Fort,  which  he  called  Charles  Fort,  and  gave  it  the 
Name  of  Port  Royal,  in  32  Degrees  of  Latitude,  bordering  on 
Virginia,  now  North  Carolina,  where  the  first  Settlement  was 
made  by  any  European  Nation.1 

The  Civil  Wars  raging  in  France,  Ribaut's  soldiers  mutiny'd 
for  want  of  Supplies.  The  Natives,  't  is  true,  were  very  kind 
to  them,  out  of  Hatred  to  the  Spaniards;  but  they  could  not 
furnish  them  with  many  Necessaries  which  they  wanted;  and 
the  Admiral  was  so  engag'd  in  Politicks  at  home,  that  he  had 
not  Leisure  to  provide  for  the  Wants  of  his  Colony.  So 
Ribaut  having  made  some  Discoveries  in  the  North-East  part 
of  Florida,  returned  to  France,  and  in  his  Return,  if  Credit 
may  be  given  to  an  Old  Author,2  his  Company  were  reduced  to 
such  Extremity,  that  they  kill'd  and  eat  one  of  their  own  Men; 
and  probably  would  have  done  so  by  others,  had  they  not 
accidentally  met  with  an  English  Ship,  the  Master  of  which 
furnish'd  them  with  some  Provisions.  A  peace  being  con 
cluded  2  Years  after  in  France,  between  the  Papists  and  the 
Protestants,  Coligny,  who  was  then  in  Favour  at  Court,  pro- 
cur'd  other  Ships  to  be  sent  to  this  Country,  which  was  now 
call'd  Carolina,  from  Fort  Charles,  as  that  was  from  the  French 
King.3  The  Command  of  those  Ships,  and  the  Men  aboard, 
was  given  to  Lewis  Laudoner,4  who  was  order 'd  to  carry  on 
the  Settlement.  He  arriv'd  here  the  20th  of  June,  1564. 
with  3  Ships,  and  was  kindly  received  by  the  Indians,  but  could 
find  no  Gold  and  Silver  Mines,  tho  he  spent  much  Labour 
and  Time  in  search  after  them.  His  Provisions  being  almost 
all  gone,  and  the  Natives  either  unable,  or  unwilling  to  fur 
nish  him  with  more,  Laudoner  resolv'd  to  return  also  to 
France;  and  as  he  was  preparing  to  depart,  Jean  Ribaut 
arrived  with  3  Ships,  which  had  so  good  an  Effect  on  the  In- 

1  Charles  Fort,  or  Arx  Carolina,  was  not  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  which 
the  author  calls  Albemarle  or  Great  (Broad),  but  was  on  an  island  formed  by 
that  river,  Port  Royal  River,  which  empties  into  it  some  distance  above  its  mouth, 
and  Pilot's  Creek,  which  connects  the  two  rivers. 

2  Castell,  according  to  a  note  by  Oldmixon  in  his  original  work. 

3  There  is  nothing  in  evidence  to  show  that  the  country  was  ever  called  Caro 
lina  prior  to  the  patent  to  Sir  Robert  Heath,  October  30,  1629. 

*  Rene  Laudonniere. 


320  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA      [1565-1567 

dians,  that  they  seem'd  to  be  as  welcome  to  them  as  to  the 
French.  The  Kings  of  Homoloa,  Seravatri,  Almacam,  Malica, 
and  Castri,  waited  upon  Ribaut,  to  congratulate  his  Arrival, 
and  promised  to  conduct  him  to  the  Apalatsean  Mountains, 
which  part  Carolina  from  Virginia. 

The  French  conceived  great  Hopes  of  this  Settlement,  but 
all  vanished  on  the  Arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  who  with  a 
Squadron  of  Ships  and  Land  Forces,  drove  the  French  out 
of  their  Forts,  kilPd  Ribaut,  and  600  Men,  after  having  given 
them  Conditions  of  life,  and  oblig'd  Laudoner,  with  a  few  of 
his  Countrymen  who  remain' d  alive,  to  return  to  France.1 

The  French  King  took  no  notice  of  this  Act  of  Violence 
committed  on  his  Subjects,  because  they  were  Protestants; 
and  indeed  'tis  thought  Coligny  intended  by  this  Settlement, 
to  secure  a  Retreat  for  himself,  and  his  Brethren  of  the  Re- 
form'd  Religion,  in  case  they  were  conquered  in  France. 
Peter  Melanda 2  commanded  the  Spaniards,  who  dislodg'd 
the  French,  and  so  provok'd  the  Indians  by  his  Cruelty  and 
Injustice,  that  they  were  very  ready  to  revenge  themselves 
when  Opportunity  offer'd,  as  it  did  not  long  after;  for  Capt. 
De  Gorgues,3  a  French  Gentleman,  at  his  own  cost,  fitted  out 
three  stout  Ships,  and  with  280  Men  saiPd  to  Carolina,  where 
he  took  the  Fort,  and  put  all  the  Spaniards  within  it  to  the 
Sword.  They  had  built  two  other  Forts,  which  he  easily 
reduced,  and  serv'd  the  Garrisons  as  he  did  that  of  Fort 
Charles.  He  demolish'd  them,  and  was  assisted  by  the  Kings 
of  Homoloa,  and  Seravatri. 

The  French  travelled  into  the  Dominions  of  the  great 
King  of  Apalacha,4  near  the  Mountains,  where  they  converted 
many  Indians  to  Christianity.  These  Indians  were  more  civil 
than  those  to  the  Northward,  their  King's  Dominions  larger, 
and  their  Manners,  in  a  great  measure,  resembled  the  Mexicans. 

We  do  not  find  that  Monsieur  de  Gorgues  made  any  Settle 
ment  here;  or  that  the  Spaniards  attempted  to  recover  the 
Country;  which  from  the  Year  1567,  lay  deserted  by  all 

1  This  second  French  settlement  was  not  on  Carolina  soil,  but  in  Florida. 

3  Pedro  Menendez.  3  De  Gourgues. 

4  "Dav.  of  Kid,  p.  247."    (Note  in  original,  meaning  to  refer  to  John  Davies 
of  Kidwelly,  History  of  the  Caribby  Islands,  London,  1666,  a  translation  from  the 
French  of  Ce"sar  de  Rochefort,  or  Francisco  Raymundo.) 


1622-1644]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  321 

European  Nations,  till  the  Reign  of  King  Charles  II.  of  Eng 
land.1  In  the  Year  1622.  several  English  Families  flying  from 
the  Massacre  of  the  Indians  in  Virginia  and  New-England, 
were  driven  on  these  Coasts,  and  settled  in  the  Province  of 
Mallica,  near  the  Head  of  the  River  of  May,  where  they  acted 
the  Part  of  Missionaries  among  the  Mallicans  and  Apalachites. 
The  King  of  the  Country  is  said  to  have  been  baptiz'd;  and 
in  the  Year  1653.  Mr.  Brigstock,  an  Englishman,  went  to 
Apalacha,  where  he  was  honourably  entertained  by  his  Coun 
trymen,  who  were  there  before  him;  and  from  his  Relation 
of  the  Country  ours  is  taken. 

It  will  not  be  unacceptable  to  the  Curious,  to  see  a  Descrip 
tion  of  Carolina,  as  it  was  before  the  English  settled  there, 
which  we  find  very  distinctly  in  a  Discourse,  Printed  A.  D. 
1644.  The  nearest  River  of  any  Note,  to  Virginia,  falling  into 
the  Sea,  is  the  Jordan,  which  lies  in  32  Degrees;  from  whence, 
about  20  Leagues  downwards  to  the  South,  is  the  Promontory 
of  St.  Helen,  near  Port-Royal,  which  the  French  chose  for 
the  best  and  surest  Place  to  begin  their  Plantations.2  Between 
the  River  Jordan  and  St.  Helens,  are  Oristanum,  Ostanum, 
and  Cayagna;  Oristanum  lying  6  Leagues  from  St.  Helens; 
Ostanum  4  Leagues  from  Oristanum;  and  Cayagna  8  Leagues 
from  Ostanum.  From  St.  Helens  to  Dos  Baxos  Haven  is 
5  Leagues.  From  thence  to  the  Bay  de  Asapo,  3  Leagues; 
thence  to  Cafanusium  3,  to  Capula  5,  to  Saron  9,  to  S.  Alcany 
14,  and  to  S.  Peter  20  Leagues,  lying  in  31  Degrees  of  Latitude. 
The  next  Place  is  San  Mattaeo,  4  Leagues  from  St.  Peter. 

'Twill  be  difficult  for  an  Inhabitant  of  the  present  Carolina, 
to  reconcile  all  these  Names  to  the  Modern,  and  the  old  De 
scription  to  the  New;  wherefore  we  shall  not  pretend  to  it, 
at  least  but  occasionally,  and  where  we  can  be  almost  sure 
that  we  are  in  the  right. 

This  Country  having  been  abandoned  by  all  European 
Nations,  for  near  100  years,  it  seemed  reasonable  then,  that 
any  one  who  would  be  at  the  Expence  of  settling  upon  it, 
and  cultivate  it,  should  possess  it;  and  the  Pretence  of  Sebas 
tian  Cabot's  discovering  it,  gave  the  Crown  of  England  a 
Title  to  it,  which  King  Charles  II.  asserted:  For  some  Noble- 

1  "Ibid."     (Note  in  original.) 

1  "Castell,  p.  33."     (Note  in  original.) 


322  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1663 

men  and  Gentlemen  begging  it  of  him,  he  made  a  Grant  of 
it,  by  a  Pattent,  bearing  date  the  24th  of  March,  1663,  to 
Edward  Earl  of  Clarendon,  then  Lord  High  Chancellour  of 
England,  George  Duke  of  Albemarle,  William  Lord  Craven, 
John  Lord  Berkley,  Anthony  Lord  Ashley,  Sir  George  Carta- 
ret,  Sir  William  Berkley,  and  Sir  John  Colliton:  "Who,"  to 
use  the  Words  of  the  grand  Charter,  "  being  excited  with  a 
laudable  and  pious  Zeal,  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel, 
begg'd  a  certain  Country  in  the  Parts  of  America  not  yet 
cultivated  and  planted,  and  only  inhabited  by  some  barbarous 
People,  who  had  no  Knowledge  of  God,  etc.,  wherefore  the 
King  granted  them  all  that  Territory  in  his  Dominions  in 
America,  from  the  North  End  of  the  Island  called  Lucke- 
Island,  which  lies  in  the  Southern  Virginian  Sea,  and  within 
36  Degrees  of  N.  Latitude;  and  to  the  West  as  far  as  the 
South  Seas;  and  so  Southerly,  as  far  as  the  River  San  Mattseo, 
which  borders  on  the  Coast  of  Florida,  and  is  within  31  Degrees 
of  North  Latitude,  and  so  West,  in  a  direct  Line,  as  far  as  the 
South  Seas  aforesaid:"  With  all  Royal  Fisheries,  Mines, 
Power  of  Life  and  Limb,  and  every  thing  necessary  in  an 
absolute  Propriety,  paying  a  Quitrent  of  20  Marks  Yearly. 

We  are  not  to  enter  into  the  Merits  of  the  Cause,  nor 
inquire  by  what  Right  King  Charles  became  possess'd  of  this 
Province,  and  Carolina  to  be  a  part  of  his  Dominions  in 
America;  'tis  enough  for  us,  that  he  gave  the  Proprietaries 
such  a  Charter,  and  that  they  proceeded  towards  a  Settlement 
by  virtue  of  it :  which  was  in  a  few  Years  effected.  Whatever 
has  been  said  of  the  French  and  Spaniards,  'tis  but  just,  that 
if  one  Nation  does  not  think  a  Country  worth  cultivating,  and 
deserts  it,  another,  who  has  a  better  Opinion  of  it,  may  enter 
upon  it,  by  the  Law  of  Nature  and  Reason. 

The  Proprietaries,  after  they  had  got  their  Charter,  gave 
due  Encouragement  for  Persons  to  settle  in  this  Province, 
and  there  being  express  Provision  made  in  it  for  a  Toleration, 
and  Indulgence  to  all  Christians  in  the  free  Exercise  of  their 
Religion,  great  numbers  of  Protestants,  Dissenters  from  the 
Church  of  England,  retir'd  thither. 

This  Toleration  appears  so  firm  by  this  Charter,  that  we 
wonder  any  Palatine  could  presume  to  break  in  upon  it. 
The  King  granted  the  Proprietaries  full  and  free  License, 


1667]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  323 

Liberty  and  Authority,  by  such  legal  Ways  and  Means,  as 
they  shall  think  fit,  to  give  unto  such  Person  and  Persons, 
inhabiting,  and  being  within  the  said  Province,  or  any  Part 
thereof,  who  really  in  their  Judgments,  and  for  Conscience  sake, 
cannot,  or  shall  not  conform  to  the  Liturgy,  Form  and  Cere 
monies  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  take  and  subscribe  the 
Oaths,  and  Articles,  made  and  established  in  that  behalf,  or 
any  of  them,  such  Indulgences  and  Dispensations  in  that 
behalf,  for,  and  during  such  Time  and  Times,  and  with  such 
Limitations  and  Restrictions,  as  they,  etc.,  shall  think  fit. 

Let  us  now  see  what  the  Proprietaries  did,  pursuant  to 
the  Power  the  King  had  invested  them  with,  to  grant  Liberty 
of  Conscience.  We  cannot  have  a  better  Authority  than  the 
Case  of  the  Dissenters  in  Carolina,  publish'd  lately  by  a  gen 
tleman  of  this  Province.1 

The  first  Proprietors  were  so  sensible  that  nothing  could  peo 
ple  that  Province,  and  enrich  it,  but  an  universal  and  absolute 
Toleration,  that  they  made  the  most  express  and  ample  Provision 
for  such  a  Toleration  that  ever  was  made  in  any  Constitution  in 
the  World,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  96,  101,  102,  106  Articles  of  the 
Fundamental  Constitutions:  Which  provide,  as  the  Lords  Pro 
prietors  word  it  in  those  Constitutions,  That  "since  the  Natives 
of  that  Place,  who  will  be  concern'd  in  our  Plantations,  are  utterly 
Strangers  to  Christianity,  whose  Idolatry,  Ignorance,  or  Mistake, 
give  us  no  Right  to  expel  or  use  them  ill,  and  that  those  who  remove 
from  other  Parts  to  plant  there,  will  unavoidably  be  of  different 
Opinions  concerning  Matters  of  Religion,  the  liberty  whereof  they 
will  expect  to  have  allow'd  them;  and  that  it  will  not  be  reasonable 
for  us,  on  this  account,  to  keep  them  out;  therefore,  that  sure  Peace 
may  be  maintained,  amidst  the  Diversity  of  Opinions,  and  our 
Agreement  and  Compact  with  all  Men  may  be  duly  and  faithfully 
observed,  the  Violation  whereof,  upon  what  Pretence  soever,  can 
not  be  without  great  Offence  to  Almighty  God,  and  great  Scandal 
to  the  true  Religion  which  we  profess :  And  also  that  Jews,  Heath 
ens,  and  other  Dissenters,  from  the  Purity  of  the  Christian  Religion, 
may  not  be  scar'd,  and  kept  at  a  Distance  from  it,  but  by  having 
an  Opportunity  of  acquainting  themselves  with  the  Truth  and 
Reasonableness  of  its  Doctrines,  and  the  Peaceableness  and  Inof- 
fensiveness  of  its  Professors,  may  by  good  Usage  and  Persuasion, 
and  all  those  convincing  Methods  of  Gentleness  and  Meekness, 

1  The  margin  refers  to  pp.  27,  36,  of  Defoe's  pamphlet  of  that  title. 


324  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1667 

suitable  to  the  Rules  and  Designs  of  the  Gospel,  be  won  over  to 
embrace,  and  unfeignedly  receive  the  Truth."  Therefore  the  said 
Constitutions  provided  for  their  Liberty,  but  declar'd,  "That  no 
Person  above  seventeen  Years  of  Age,  shall  have  any  Benefit  or 
Protection  of  the  Law,  which  is  not  a  Member  of  some  Church  or 
Profession, having  his  Name  recorded  in  some  one  religious  Record."1 

Thus  did  these  Lords  Proprietors  take  care,  that  Persons 
of  all  Professions  in  Religion  should  be  protected  and  secur'd 
in  the  free  Exercise  of  them;  and  the  Reader  thus  prepossessed 
with  the  Laws  of  the  Country,  on  which  the  Government  of 
the  Colony  is  intirely  founded,  will  be  the  better  able  to  judge 
of  the  Principles  of  those  Men,  who,  in  the  Sequel  of  this 
History,  we  shall  find  endeavouring  to  over-turn  the  most 
considerable  Articles  of  these  Fundamentals;  for  great  Num 
bers  of  Protestant  Dissenters  from  the  Church  of  England, 
removing  with  their  Families  to  Carolina,  when  there  were  so 
many  Inhabitants,  that  a  Form  of  Government  was  necessary, 
the  Proprietaries  agreed  on  that  abovemention'd,  calPd,  the 
Fundamental  Constitutions,  consisting  of  120  Articles,  sign'd 
by  the  Duke  of  Albemarle,  then  Palatine  of  the  Province;  the 
Lord  Craven,  the  Lord  Ashley,  Sir  John  Colleton,  the  Lord 
Cornbury,  the  Lord  Berkley,  Sir  George  Cartaret,  the  1st  of 
March  1699.2  Which  Constitutions,  as  is  expressed  in  the 
last  Article,  shall  be,  and  remain  the  sacred  and  unalterable 
Form  and  Rule  of  Government  in  Carolina  for  ever. 

They  were  drawn  up  by  that  famous  Politician  the  Earl 
of  Shaftsbury,  one  of  the  Proprietors,  and  the  only  one  that 
could  be  suspected  of  having  the  least  Inclination  to  favour 
the  Dissenters.  The  first  Article  of  these  Fundamentals,  is, 
that  a  "  Palatine  shall  be  chosen  out  of  one  of  the  Proprie 
taries,  who  shall  continue  during  Life,  and  be  succeeded  by 
the  eldest  of  the  other  Proprietaries. "  The  Palatine  has  the 
executive  Power  in  most  Cases,  and  the  rest  of  the  Proprie 
taries  have  their  Places  and  Privileges.  Mr.  Archdale,  in  the 
before-mentioned  treatise  says, 

They  centered  all  their  Power  in  four  of  them,  viz.  in  a  Pala 
tine  of  their  own  choosing,  and  three  more,  who  were  authoris'd 

1  Oldmixon's  quotation  is  not  perfectly  accurate. 

•Misprint  for  1669;  the  reference  is  to  the  second  or  revised  constitution, 
dated  March  1,  1669/70.  Cornbury  was  the  son  of  Clarendon,  now  in  exile. 


1670]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  325 

to  execute  the  whole  Powers  of  the  Charter.  This  is  call'd  the 
Palatine's  Court;  and  their  Deputies  in  Carolina  execute  it  as  they 
are  directed  by  their  Principals.1 

By  the  Fundamental  Constitutions,  there  are  to  be  three 
Hereditary  Noblemen  in  every  County,  one  call'd  a  Land 
grave,  and  two  calPd  Cassiques.  The  Parliament  consists  of 
the  Proprietors,  or  their  Deputies,  the  Governour  and  Com 
mons;  and  by  the  Fundamentals  should  have  25  Landgraves, 
and  50  Cassiques  to  make  a  Nobility:  But  the  Number  of 
Landgraves  and  Cassiques  is  very  small,  and  they  are  not 
summoned  to  make  an  Upper-house,  on  that  Account;  so  the 
Governour  and  the  Proprietors  Deputies  arrogate  that  Title. 
The  Commoners  are  chosen  by  the  Free-holders  of  every 
County,  as  the  Commons  in  England;  and  all  were  at  first  to 
sit  in  one  House,  and  have  equal  Votes.  This  Parliament 
should  meet  once  in  every  two  Years,  and  oftener,  if  Occasion 
require.  The  Courts  of  Justice  are,  besides  those  of  the 
Palatine's  Court,  the  Chief  Justice's  Court,  the  High-Constable's 
Court,  the  Chancellor's  Court,  the  Treasurer's  Court,  the 
Chamberlain's  Court,  the  High-Steward's  Court:  Besides 
which,  there  are  the  Great  Council  and  the  Hundred  Courts. 
Mr.  Archdale,  on  this  head,  tells  us,2 

The  Charter  generally,  as  in  other  Charters,  agrees  on  Royal 
Privileges  and  Powers,  but  especially  at  that  Time  it  had  an  over 
plus  Power  to  grant  Liberty  of  Conscience,  tho  at  home  was  a  hot 
persecuting  Time;  as  also  a  Power  to  create  a  Nobility,  yet  not 
have  the  same  Titles  as  here  in  England:  And  therefore  they  are 
there  by  Pattent,  under  the  Great-Seal  of  the  Province,  call'd  Land 
graves  and  Cassiques,  in  lieu  of  Earls  and  Lords,  and  are  by  their 
Titles  to  sit  with  the  Lords  Proprietors  Deputies,  and  together 
make  the  Upper  House,  the  Lower  House  being  elected  by  the 
People.  These  Landgraves  are  to  have  four  Baronies  annex'd  to 
their  Dignities,  of  6000  Acres  each  Barony;  and  the  Cassiques  two 
Baronies,  of  3000  each,  and  not  to  be  divided  by  Sale  of  any  Part. 
Only  they  have  Power  to  let  out  a  third  Part  for  three  Lives,  to 
raise  Portions  for  younger  Children. 

Every  County  has  a  Sheriff  and  four  Justices  of  the  Peace. 
Every  Planter  pays  Id.  an  Acre  Quit-Rent  to  the  Proprie- 

1  See  p.  294,  supra.  *  See  pp.  294,  295,  supra. 


326  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1670 

taries,  unless  he  buys  it  off.  All  the  Inhabitants  and  Free 
men,  from  16  to  60  Years  old,  are  bound  to  bear  Arms,  when 
commanded  by  the  Great  Council.1 

The  Proprietaries  entered  into  a  Joint-Stock,  and  fitted 
out  Ships  on  their  own  proper  Charges,  to  transport  People 
and  Cattle  thither,  which  Expence  amounted  to  12000L 
besides  as  much  or  more  disburs'd  by  single  Proprietors  to 
advance  the  Colony;  and  all  their  Rents  and  Incomes  have 
since  the  Beginning  been  laid  out  in  publick  Services. 

Many  Dissenters  of  good  Estates  went  over,  and  many 
other  Persons  in  hopes  to  mend  their  Fortunes.  And  if  they 
could  tell  how  to  improve  the  Opportunities  that  were  put 
into  their  Hands  there,  they  had  seldom  any  Reason  to  repent 
of  going  thither. 

Tho  the  Difficulties  and  Dangers  they  met  with  at  first 
were  a  little  discouraging,  all  free  Persons,  who  came  over, 
were  to  have  50  Acres  of  Land  for  themselves,  50  more  for 
each  Man-Servant,  and  50  more  for  each  Woman-Servant 
Marriageable;  and  not  Marriageable,  40  Acres.  Each  Ser 
vant  out  of  his  or  her  Time  was  to  have  50  Acres,  paying  the 
Quit-Rent  of  Id.  an  Acre. 

The  Proportion  of  Land  was  much  greater  by  the  first 
Instructions  which  the  Proprietaries  sent  their  Governours, 
but  they  afterwards  thought  fit  to  reduce  it  to  the  present 
Allotment.  Some  Gentlemen  who  did  not  care  to  be  liable 
to  the  Yearly  Quit-Rent  of  Id.  an  Acre,  bought  their  Lands 
out-right. 

The  common  Rate  of  purchasing  now,  is  201.  for  a  100 
Acres,  and  10s.  a  Year  Quit-Rent.  The  Proprietors,  in  all 
their  Leases,  never  forget  to  except  all  Mines,  Minerals,  and 
Quarries  of  Gemms  and  precious  Stones. 

Things  being  thus  establish'd,  the  Lords  Proprietaries 
appointed  Col.  William  Sayle,  to  be  Governour  of  their  Prov 
ince,  about  the  Year  1670.2  The  first  Plantations  that  came 

1  Grand  Council. 

2  The  Proprietors  sent  a  commission  for  a  governor  of  South  Carolina  to  Sir 
John  Yeamans,  of  Barbados,  in  1669,  with  the  fleet  bearing  the  first  settlers  for 
South  Carolina,  leaving  the  place  for  the  name  blank,  and  requested  him  to  fill 
in  the  blank  with  his  own  name  if  he  desired  the  position,  or  with  that  of  someone 
else  in  case  he  did  not  desire  it.    Sir  John  selected  Col.  William  Sayle,  of  Bermuda. 


1671]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  327 

to  any  Perfection,  were  about  Albemarle  and  Port-Royal 
Rivers.1  But  Ashley  and  Cooper  Rivers  drew  People  that 
way,  for  the  Convenience  of  Pasture  and  Tillage,  for  which 
Reason  that  Part  of  the  Country  became  most  inhabited. 

In  1671.  The  Proprietors  sent  Cap.  Halsted  with  a  Supply 
of  Provisions  and  Stores  for  the  Colony,  and  created  James 
Cartaret,  Sir  John  Yeomans,  and  John  Lock,  Esq;  Land 
graves. 

The  Constitutions  having  been  found  deficient  in  some 
Cases,  Temporary  Laws  were  added,  and  the  Form  of  Gov 
ernment  settled  thus. 

A  Governour  named  by  the  Palatine. 
A  Council  ]  7  Deputies  of  the  Proprietors, 
consisting  }  7  Gentlemen  chosen  by  the  Parliament, 
of  J  7  of  the  eldest  Landgraves  and  Cassiques. 

An  Admiral.  High-Steward. 

A  Chamberlain.  High-Constable. 

Chancellor.  Register   of   Births,    Burials, 

Chief- Justice.  and  Marriages. 

Secretary.  Register  of  Writings. 

Surveyor.  Marshal  of  the  Amiralty. 

Treasurer. 

All  which  were  nominated  by  the  Proprietors  respect 
ively.  The  Quorum  of  the  Council  were  to  be  the  Governour 
and  6  Councillors,  of  whom  3  at  least  were  to  be  Proprietors 
Deputies;  and  because  there  were  not  Inhabitants  to  make  a 
Parliament,  according  to  the  Fundamental  Constitutions,  'twas 
order'd  to  consist  of  the  Governour,  the  Deputies  of  Pro 
prietors,  and  twenty  Members  chosen  by  the  free-holders; 
of  whom  ten  were  to  be  elected  by  Berkley's  County,  and 
ten  by  Colliton  County;  which  number  was  encreas'd,  as 
more  Counties  were  laid  out,  and  more  People  came  to  settle 
in  the  Province. 

1  No  settlement  "that  came  to  any  perfection"  was  made  about  either  of 
those  rivers.  The  first  settlers  were  intended  for  a  settlement  at  Port  Royal,  but 
after  reaching  that  point  they  changed  their  plans  and  settled  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Ashley  River.  They  stayed  at  Port  Royal  only  two  or  three  weeks,  and 
made  no  settlement. 


328  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA      [1671-1680 

The  Temporary  Laws  were  made  in  the  Year  1671.  At 
which  time  William,  Earl  of  Craven,  was  Palatine.  On 
which  Office  he  enter'd,  after  the  Death  of  the  Duke  of  Albe- 
marle;  who,  as  has  been  said,  was  Palatine,  when  the  Fun 
damental  Constitutions  were  sign'd,  but  dy'd  soon  after.  In 
the  same  Year  Cap.  Halsted  was  ordered  to  make  Discoveries 
up  Ashley  River,  and  a  Model  of  a  Town  was  sent,  which  it 
will  be  well,  if  the  People  of  Carolina  are  able  to  build  100 
Years  hence,  but  the  Proprietaries,  as  appears  by  their  Con 
stitutions  and  Instructions  to  their  Governours,  thought 
'twas  almost  as  easy  to  build  Towns,  as  to  draw  Schemes. 

The  next  Governour  to  Col.  Sayle  was  Sir  John  Yeomans, 
Baronet ;  in  whose  time  many  of  the  before-mentioned  Trans 
actions  happen'd,  but  we  have  not  been  able  to  distinguish 
the  Events  in  his  Government  from  those  in  Sayle's.1 

About  the  Year  1680.  the  Proprietaries  made  Joseph 
West,  Esq;  one  of  the  first  Planters,  their  Governour.2  He 
was  a  Man  of  Courage,  Wisdom,  Piety,  and  Moderation:  And 
such  an  One  was  necessary  in  his  time;  for  tho  many  Dis 
senters  had  fled  from  the  Rage  of  their  Enemies  in  England, 
yet  there  were  not  wanting  Men  of  other  Principles,  who  by 
Factions  disturb'd  the  Peace  of  the  Infant-Colony.  Mr. 
Archdale's  Word  will,  in  this  case,  be  more  acceptable  to  the 
Reader:3 

The  most  desperate  Fortunes  first  ventured  over  to  break  the 
Ice,  which  being  generally  the  ill  Livers  of  the  pretended  Church 
men,  tho  the  Proprietaries  commissionated  one  Col.  West  their 
Governour,  a  moderate,  just,  pious,  and  valiant  person;  yet  having 
a  Council  of  the  loose  principled  Men,  they  grew  very  unruly,  and 
had  like  to  have  ruin'd  the  Colony,  by  abusing  the  Indians,  whom 
in  Prudence  they  ought  to  have  obliged  in  the  highest  degree,  and 
so  brought  an  Indian  War  on  the  Country,  like  that  in  the  first 
planting  of  Virginia,  in  which  several  were  cut  off;  but  the  Gov 
ernour,  by  his  manly  Prudence  at  least  in  a  great  measure  extin- 
guish'd  the  Flame,  which  had  a  long  time  threatned  the  Dissolu 
tion  of  the  Colony. 

1  Joseph  West  served  as  governor  for  over  a  year  between  Sayle  and  Yeamans. 
He  succeeded  Sayle  March  4,  1671,  and  was  superseded  by  Yeamans  April  19, 
1672. 

*  West  succeeded  Yeamans  August  13,  1674,  and  served  to  June,  1682. 

*  See  p.  295,  supra. 


1G82J  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  329 

The  two  Factions  were  that  of  the  Proprietaries  and  that 
of  the  Planters,  like  Court  and  Country  Party  in  England. 
This  Division  got  to  such  a  Head,  that  one  Mr.  John  Culpeper, 
was  sent  Prisoner  to  England,  with  a  Charge  of  High-Treason 
against  him,  for  raising  a  Rebellion  in  Carolina;  for  which  he 
was  try'd  at  Westminster-Hall,  and  upon  hearing  the  Matter, 
it  appeared  only  to  be  a  disorderly  Quarrel  among  the  Planters 
and  Inhabitants  of  the  Province,  so  he  was  acquitted. 

Col.  West  held  a  Parliament  in  Charles  Town,  A.  D.  1682. 
In  which  several  Acts  were  pass'd  and  ratify'd  by  him,  (An 
drew  Percivall,  Esq;  William  Owen,  Esq;  and  Maurice  Mat 
thews,  Esq;  Deputies  of  the  Proprietaries);  as,  "An  Act  for 
High-ways,  for  suppressing  Drunkenness  and  profane  Swearing, 
for  Observation  of  the  Lord's  Day,  and  for  settling  the  Militia."1 

'Twas  in  this  Governour's  Time,  that  the  Westoes,  a 
Nation  of  the  Indians,  were  troublesome  to  the  Colony,  and 
attempted  the  Subversion  of  this  hopeful  Settlement,  as  the 
Act  of  Parliament  to  raise  Money  for  repelling  them  words  it. 
There  was  not  much  Blood  shed,  or  Money  spilt;  for  4  or  500 1. 
paid  the  Charge  of  the  War,  and  other  publick  Expences. 

The  Lords  Proprietaries  erected  a  Commission  for  Maurice 
Matthews,  Esq;  William  Fuller,  Esq;  Jonathan  Fitz,  Esq; 
and  John  Boon,  Esq;  to  decide  all  Causes  between  the  English 
and  Indians.  And  Mr.  West  is  charged  with  dealing  in  Indians: 
For  which,  and  opposing  the  Proprietaries  Party,  he  was 
removed,  in  the  Year  1683.  and  Joseph  Moreton,  Esq;  ap 
pointed  Governour  in  his  stead.2 

'Twas  about  this  time,  that  the  Persecution  rais'd  by  the 
Popish  Faction,  and  their  Adherents,  in  England,  against 

1  Sessions  of  Parliament,  or,  as  it  soon  came  to  be  known,  the  General  As 
sembly,  in  which  legislation  had  been  enacted,  had  been  held  almost  every  year 
from  1671. 

2  Landgrave  Joseph  Morton  superseded  West  in  June,  1682.    The  charge 
against  West  of  dealing  in  Indian  slaves  was  not  a  valid  one,  and  the  real  reason 
of  his  removal  was  doubtless  to  make  room  for  Morton,  whose  influence  at  that 
time  was  in  demand.     He  was  an  influential  Dissenter.    Some  Dissenters,  fear 
ing  a  Popish  successor  to  Charles  II. ,  were  leaving  England.     Axtell,  Morton, 
and  Blake  had  induced  many  to  settle  in  South  Carolina.    As  governor,  Morton 
would  induce  many  more  to  come.     By  this  policy  the  Proprietors  gave  the  Dis 
senters  a  position  in  South  Carolina  politics  that  eventually  split  the  people  of 
the  province  into  two  bitter  factions. 


330  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1683 

the  Protestant  Dissenters,  was  at  the  height;  and  no  Part 
of  this  Kingdom  suffered  more  by  it  than  Somerset-shire. 
The  Author  of  this  History  hVd  at  that  time  with  Mr.  Blake, 
Brother  to  the  famous  General  of  that  name,  being  educated 
by  his  Son-in-law,  who  taught  School  in  Bridgwater,1  and 
remembers,  tho  then  very  young,  the  Reasons  old  Mr.  Blake 
us'd  to  give  for  leaving  England:  One  of  which  was,  That 
the  Miseries  they  endur'd,  meaning  the  Dissenters  then,  were 
nothing  to  what  he  foresaw  would  attend  the  Reign  of  a  Popish 
Successor;  wherefore  he  resolv'd  to  remove  to  Carolina:  And 
he  had  so  great  an  Interest  among  Persons  of  his  Principles, 
I  mean  Dissenters,  that  many  honest  substantial  Persons 
engaged  to  go  over  with  him. 

I  must  prevent  all  prejudice  to  what  I  have  said,  by 
declaring  that  this  book  is  written  by  one  who  is  not  himself 
a  Dissenter,  but  verily  believes,  the  true  Church  of  England 
is  the  most  orthodox,  and  the  most  Pure  Church  in  the  World. 
And  by  the  true  Church  of  England,  he  understands  all  those 
who  live  up  to  the  doctrine  it  professes;  who  by  their  Piety, 
Charity,  and  Moderation,  are  Ornaments  of  our  Holy  Religion, 
and  who  do  not  blindly  espouse  a  Name  out  of  Interest,  or 
from  the  Impressions  of  Education;  who  pity,  and  not  hate, 
such  as  dissent  from  them;  who  are  loyal  to  their  Prince, 
submissive  to  their  Superiours,  true  to  their  Country,  and 
charitable  to  all:  Of  such  a  temper  is  every  true  Church-man; 
and  may  their  number  daily  encrease,  till  we  are  all  of  One 
Mind,  and  One  Religion,  as  we  have  but  One  God,  and  One 
Saviour. 

If  the  reader  will  pardon  this  Digression,  he  shall  have  no 
more;  and  so  much  'twas  necessary  to  say,  that  he  may 
not  think,  whatever  is  said  of  Mr.  Blake,  or  his  Brethren,  is 
out  of  respect  to  his  Profession,  but  as  a  Christian:  For  tho 
I  doubt  not  there  may  be  many  good  Christians  of  the  same 
principles,  I  should  esteem  them  more,  if  they  would  be  con- 
vinc'd,  and  conform;  that  the  Union  so  often  recommended 
by  our  Gracious  and  Glorious  Queen  Anne,  may  be  universal. 

I  say  the  more  of  Mr.  Blake,  because  his  Family  is  one 
of  the  most  considerable  in  this  Province;  where  he  arrived 

1  The  only  son-in-law  of  Benjamin  Blake  of  whom  we  can  now  cite  a  record 
WB°  William  Dry,  who  married  his  daughter  Elizabeth  Blake. 


1683]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  331 

in  the  Year  1683.1  with  several  other  Families,  the  followers 
of  his  fortune.  What  Estate  he  had  in  England,  he  sold, 
to  carry  the  Effects  along  with  him;  and  tho  the  Sum  was 
not  many  Thousands,  if  it  did  at  all  deserve  the  plural  Num 
ber;  yet  'twas  all  that  his  great  Brother  left  him,  tho  for 
several  Years  he  commanded  the  British  Fleet;  and  in  a 
time  when  our  Naval  Arms  were  victorious,  and  the  treasures 
of  New-Spain  seldom  reach'd  home. 

By  Mr.  Blake's  Presence  in  Carolina,  the  Sober  Party, 
we  call  them  so  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Archdale's  111  Livers, 
began  to  take  Heart,  and  the  other  to  be  discouraged  in  their 
irregular  Courses.  The  Gentleman  I  just  mentioned,  in  his 
Description  of  Carolina,  writes  thus:2  "In  Governour  More- 
ton's  time,  General  Blake's  Brother,  with  many  Dissenters, 
came  to  Carolina;  which  Blake  being  a  wise  and  prudent- 
Person,  of  an  heroick  Temper  of  Spirit,  strengthened  the 
Hands  of  sober  inclin'd  People,  and  kept  under  the  first  loose 
and  extravagant  Spirit,"  etc.  The  Governour,  as  we  are  told, 
marry 'd  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Blake,3  his  Daughter;  and  by  this 
Alliance,  the  Strength  of  their  Party  was  so  encreas'd,  that 
we  hear  little  of  the  other  till  Mr.  Colliton's  government. 

There  being  some  Complaints  against  Mr.  Matthews,  and  the 
other  Commissioners  for  deciding  Causes  between  the  English 
and  the  Indians,  they  were  discharg'd  and  the  Commission 
abrogated.  The  Lords  Proprietaries  order'd  the  Indians  400 
Miles  from  Charles  Town,  to  be  taken  into  their  protection. 

1  On  March  28,  1683,  the  Grand  Council  directed  the  surveyor-general  to 
lay  out  1000  acres  to  Benjamin  Blake  "being  soe  much  purchased  by  him  from 
the  right  honoble:  the  pallatine  and  the  rest  of  the  Lords  and  absolute  Proprieto": 
of  this  province  a  conveyance  under  their  hands  and  Scales  bearing  date  th  sixth 
day  of  June  Anno  Dni  1682." 

a  See  p.  295,  supra. 

3  Oldmixon  was  confused  in  this  matter,  as  in  others.  Elizabeth,  daughter 
of  Benjamin  Blake,  married  William  Dry  (p.  330,  note  1).  Governor  Morton's 
will  shows  that  his  wife's  name  was  Elinor.  It  also  contains  a  mention  of  a 
brother-in-law  Edward  Bowell.  Being  an  old  man  himself  he  was  necessarily 
much  older  than  any  child  of  Benjamin  Blake.  It  is  possible  that  Elinor  was 
a  second  wife  whom  he  married  late  in  life  and  that  she  was  Benjamin  Blake's 
daughter  and  that  Bowell  was  brother-in-law  by  another  connection,  but  it  is 
more  likely  that  Oldmixon 's  confusion  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  first  wife  of 
Benjamin  Blake's  son  Joseph  was  Deborah,  daughter  of  Governor  Morton.  In 
his  will,  made  in  1685,  Governor  Morton  mentions  his  daughter  Deborah  Blake. 


332  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1683 

The  County  of  Berkley,  between  Stono  and  Sewee,  was 
now  laid  out;  and  soon  after  Craven  County,  on  the  North 
of  Berkley;  and  Colliton  County,  on  the  South:  All  which 
Counties  were  divided  into  Squares  of  12000  Acres,  for  the 
several  Shares  of  the  Proprietaries,  Landgraves  and  Cas- 
siques. 

Mr.  Moreton,  at  his  entering  upon  his  Office,  calPd  a  Par 
liament,  which  met  in  Form,  and  pass'd  several  Acts;  as, 
"For  raising  500Z.  for  defraying  the  Publick  Charge  of  the 
Province;  for  regulating  the  Surveyor  General's  Fees;  for 
raising  the  Value  of  Foreign  Coin;  for  Trial  of  small  and 
mean  Causes  under  40s.  for  Damages  of  protested  Bills  of 
Exchange;  for  ascertaining  Publick  Officers  Fees;  to  sus 
pend  Prosecution  for  Foreign  Debts;  to  inhibit  the  trading 
with  Servants  or  Slaves;  for  laying  out,  and  making  good 
High- ways;  for  preventing  the  taking  away  Boats  and  Canoos; 
for  marking  of  all  sorts  of  Cattle;  to  prevent  unlicens'd  Tav 
erns  and  Punch-houses,  and  ascertaining  the  Rates  and  Prices 
of  Wine,  and  other  Liquors;  to  prevent  Runaways.'7  All 
which  Acts  were  sign'd  by  Joseph  Moreton,  Esq;  Governour, 
John  Godfrey,  Esq;  John  Boon,  Esq;  James  Moor,  Esq; 
Maurice  Matthews,  Esq;  Andrew  Percival,  Esq;  Arthur 
Middleton,  Esq;  Counsellors  and  Deputies;  and  Mr.  Joseph 
Oldys,  Clerk  to  the  Parliament.  At  this  time,  Robert  Gibs, 
Esq;  was  Treasurer  of  the  Colony;  John  Moor,  Esq;  Sec 
retary;  John  Boon,  Esq;  Robert  Daniel,  Esq;  Mr.  Bernard 
Schinkingh,  Mr.  Peter  Hearn,  and  Cap.  Florence  O'Sullivan, 
were  appointed  Commissioners  for  stating  and  passing  the 
Publick  Accounts.  Maurice  Matthews,  Esq;  was  also  Sur 
veyor-General.  The  Trade  of  dealing  in  Indians  continu'd, 
and  several  of  the  Proprietors  Deputies  were  concerned  in  it: 
Whether  the  Governour,  Mr.  Moreton,  favour'd  it  or  not,  we 
cannot  undertake  to  determine.  'Tis  certain,  he  did  not  long 
enjoy  his  Office;  For  it  appears  by  the  Copies  of  the  Original 
Instructions  sent  by  the  Proprietaries  to  his  Successor,  that 
in  the  following  Year  the  Pallatine  made  Sir  Richard  Kyrle 
Governour.  He  was  a  Gentleman  of  Ireland;  and  dying 
within  the  Year,  Joseph  West,  Esq;  was  again  chosen  Gov 
ernour  by  the  Council;  and  being  a  Man  of  great  Interest, 
the  Proprietaries  thought  fit  to  confirm  him  in  his  Govern- 


1686]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  333 

ment:1  But  they  turn'd  out  Maurice  Matthews,  Esq;  James 
Moor,  Esq;  and  Arthur  Middleton,  Esq;  from  being  Deputies 
and  Councillors,  for  disobeying  their  Orders,  and  sending 
away  Indians.  They  also  displaced  their  Secretary  John 
Moor,  Esq;  and  put  Rob.  Quarry,  Esq;  in  his  Place. 

Thus  we  see  the  Latter  has  enjoy 'd  honourable  Offices 
many  Years  in  the  American  Colonies;  with  the  Interest  of 
which  he  must,  by  this  means,  be  very  well  acquainted. 

In  Mr.  West's  second  Government,  the  Right  Honourable 
the  Lord  Cardrosse  removed  to  Carolina,  and,  with  ten  Scots 
Families,  settled  at  Port-Royal,  esteem'd  the  most  convenient 
Place  in  this  Province  for  Commerce,  as  being  the  best  Port. 
The  Lord  Cardrosse  having  been  disgusted  with  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  Province,  for  some  ill  Usage  he  met  with,  return'd 
to  Scotland,  and  the  Spaniards  dislodg'd  the  Scots  who  had 
seated  themselves  on  that  fine  River.    This  Lord  was  of  the 
House  of  Buchan,  and  in  King  William's  Reign  enjoy 'd  the 
Title  of  Earl  of  Buchan. 
r~~~l)issenters  continuing  to  come  hither  from  all  Parts  of 
(England,  the  Colony  thriv'd  and  encreas'd  in  Numbers  am 
[Riches. 

James  Colliton,  Esq;  of  Barbadoes,  Brother  to  Sir  Peter 
Colliton,  Baronet,  a  Proprietary,  being  honoured  with  the  Title 
of  Landgrave,  left  the  Island  he  liv'd  in,  and  transported 
himself  and  Family  to  Carolina,  where  he  seated  himself  at 
old  Charles  Town,  on  Cooper-river,  built  a  handsome  House 
there;  and  being  made  Governour,2  his  Seat  is  to  this  day 
calPd  the  Governour 's  House.  Had  this  Gentleman  had  as 
much  Honour  and  Capacity  as  his  Brother  Sir  Peter,  we 
should  have  had  no  Occasion  to  Excuse  our  selves  for  keeping 
to  the  Truth  of  History  in  his  Behalf.  One  of  his  Successors 
writes  in  this  Manner  of  his  Government:3  "The  Party  Gov 
ernour  Moreton  had  gone  a  great  way  in  suppressing,  grew 

1  Upon  the  death  of  Kyrle  the  Council  chose  Robert  Quary  as  governor.  He 
was  superseded  by  West,  under  appointment  by  the  Proprietors,  in  the  spring  of 
1685. 

3  Joseph  West  retired  from  the  governorship  toward  the  end  of  1685  and  was 
succeeded  by  Joseph  Morton,  who  was  succeeded  by  Landgrave  James  Colleton 
in  1686. 

'"Mr.  Archdale's  Description  of  Carolina."  (Note  in  margin  of  original. 
See  pp.  295,  296,  supra.} 


334  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1687 

now  so  strong  among  the  Common  People,  that  they  chose 
Members  to  oppose  whatsoever  the  Governour  requested; 
insomuch  that  they  would  not  settle  the  Militia  Act,  tho 
their  own  Security  depended  on  it,  and  that  it  would  be 
Grounds  of  their  further  Strength."  The  reason  of  the  Dis 
content  the  People  lay  under,  were  Disputes  about  the  Tenure 
of  their  Lands,  and  Payment  of  their  Quit-rents,  which  were 
not  settled  till  Mr.  Archdale's  Government. 

Mr.  Colliton  calPd  a  Parliament,  A.D.  1687.  This  Assembly 
not  liking  the  Proprietaries  Fundamental  Constitutions;  and 
thinking  they  could  supply  the  Deficiencies  in  them,  appointed 
a  Committee  to  examine  them:  And  these  Gentlemen  drew 
up  a  new  Form  of  Government,  differing  in  many  Articles 
from  the  former;  to  which  they  gave  the  Title  of  Standing 
Laws,  and  Temporary  Laws.  This  Committee  were  James 
Colliton,  Esq;  Governour,  Paul  Grimball,  Esq;  and  William 
Dunlop,  Esq;  Deputies;  Bernard  Schinking,  Thomas  Smith, 
John  Farr,  and  Joseph  Blake,  Esqs;  Commoners.  But  neither 
the  Lords  Proprietaries,  nor  the  People  of  Carolina  accepted 
of  them;  and  thus  the  Fundamental  Constitutions  keep  their 
Ground  to  this  Day. 

Mr.  Colliton  gave  such  Discontent  in  his  Administration, 
that  he  was  banish'd  the  Province;  a  fate  few  Governours  of 
Colonies  were  ever  so  unhappy  as  to  meet  with. 

Mr.  Archdale  tells  us,  Mr.  Smith  succeeded  Mr.  Colliton, 
and  that  he  succeeded  Mr.  Smith;  but  then  the  latter  must 
have  been  twice  Governour:  For  we  find  several  other  Gen 
tlemen,  who  had  that  Title  and  Office  before  the  Year  1694. 
when  Mr.  Archdale  says,  Governour  Smith  wrote  over  to  the 
Proprietaries,  to  advise  them  to  send  one  of  their  Number  to 
Carolina.  For  Col.  Robert  Quarry  was  Governour  about  the 
year  1690.  After  him,  Mr.  Southwell.  And  in  the  Year 
1692.  Col.  Philip  Ludwell  held  this  Government.  In  which 
'tis  certain,  he  was  succeeded  by  the  above-mention'd  Thomas 
Smith,  Esq;  Landgrave  of  this  Province. 

We  are  not  doubtful  of  any  Error  in  this  Order  of  the 
Governours,  except  in  Mr.  Southwell's;  our  informations 
having  been  uncertain  as  to  him.1 

'Sothell  succeeded  Colleton,  Ludwell  Sothell  and  Smith  Ludwell.  Old- 
mixon's  guesswork  was  not  accurate. 


1694]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  335 

"Mr.  Smith/7  says  Mr.  Archdale,  "was  a  wise,  sober, 
well-living  Man;  who  grew  so  uneasy  in  the  Government, 
by  Reason  he  could  not  satisfy  People  in  their  Demands, 
that  he  wrote  over,  Anno.  1694  'It  was  impossible  to 
settle  the  Country,  except  a  Proprietary  himself  was  sent 
thither,  with  full  Power  to  hear  their  Grievances/"  The 
Proprietaries  took  Governour  Smith's  Letter  into  Considera 
tion,  and  the  Lord  Ashley  was  pitched  upon  by  all  the  Lords 
as  a  Person  every  way  qualify  ;d  for  so  good  a  Work;  but  he 
desir'd  to  be  excused,  on  Account  of  his  particular  Affairs  in 
England.  Upon  which  Mr.  Archdale,  was  chosen  by  the 
Proprietaries,  to  be  sent  over  with  large  and  ample  Powers. 
Which  having  receiv'd,  he  embark'd  and  saiPd  to  Carolina. 
When  he  arriv'd,  and  entered  upon  the  Government,  in  August, 
1695.  he  found  all  Matters  in  great  Confusion,  and  every 
Faction  apply'd  themselves  to  him,  in  hopes  of  Relief.  In 
order  to  which  he  summon'd  an  Assembly,  and  made  a  kind 
Speech  to  them.  The  Parliament  chose  Jonathan  Amary 
Esq;  to  be  their  Speaker;  and  having  presented  a  dutiful 
Address  to  the  Governour,  proceeded  to  do  Business1.  But 
the  Divisions  among  them  were  so  great,  that  had  not  Mr. 
Archdale  exercis'd  a  great  deal  of  Patience,  neither  his  Power 
as  Governour,  nor  his  higher  Title  of  Proprietary,  could  have 
brought  that  Assembly  to  any  Temper;  which  he  at  last 
effected,  and  the  Disorders  of  the  Province  were  remedy'd. 

The  Parliament  presented  an  Address  of  Thanks  to  the 
Governour,  to  be  transmitted  to  the  Proprietaries,  and  all 
things  ended  well.  In  his  time  the  Tammasees,1  an  Indian 
Nation,  who  formerly  liv'd  under  the  Spanish  Government, 
and  now  under  the  English,  made  an  Incursion  into  the 
Territories  of  another  Indian  Nation,  near  Sancta  Maria,  not 
far  from  St.  Augustino,  took  several  Prisoners,  and  intended 
to  sell  them  for  Slaves  at  Barbadoes,  or  Jamaica,  as  had  been 
usual  among  them.  Mr.  Archdale  hearing  of  it,  sent  for  the 
King  of  the  Tammasees,  and  ordered  him  to  bring  those  Indians 
to  Charles  Town,  which  he  did.  They  were  Papists;  and  the 
Kings  of  England  and  Spain  being  at  that  time  Confederates, 
the  Governour  gave  the  King  of  the  Tammasees  Orders  to 
carry  them  to  St.  Augustino,  with  a  Letter  to  the  Governour; 

1  Yemassees. 


336  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1695 

which  may  serve  to  give  us  an  Idea  of  the  Power  of  an  Indian 
King,  who  receives  Orders  from  a  Governour  of  a  small 
Province,  as  Carolina  was  then  at  least,  whatever  it  is  now. 

The  Spaniard  who  commanded  in  St.  Augustino,  returned 
Mr.  Archdale  a  Letter  of  Thanks;  and  not  long  after  another 
Indian  King  was  sent  by  the  Spanish  Governour,  with  a  Letter 
of  Complaint,  of  wrong  done  the  Spanish  Indians  by  those 
ally'd  to  the  English. 

The  Spanish  Indians  were  called  Churchcates;  of  whom 
the  Apalachicoloes,  English  Indians,  had  kill'd  three.  The 
Governour  commanded  that  Nation,  and  all  others  depending 
on  the  English,  to  forbear  molesting  those  within  the  Spanish 
Jurisdiction;  which  had  so  good  an  Effect,  that  when  Mr. 
Robert  Barrow,  Mr.  Edward  Wardell,  and  other  Englishmen, 
were  afterward  cast  away  to  the  Southward  of  Augustino,  the 
barbarous  Indians  offered  them  no  hurt;  and  when  they 
arrived  at  that  Town,  the  Governour  supply'd  them  with  all 
Necessaries. 

Col.  Bull,  one  of  the  Council,  and  a  greater  Trader  with 
the  Indians,  engag'd  that  Nation  which  dwelt  about  Cape 
Fear,  to  submit  to  the  English,  who  however  were  afraid  to 
trust  them;  for  a  Vessel  coming  from  New-England,  being 
shipwrack'd  on  that  Coast,  the  Passengers,  to  the  Number  of 
52,  despair'd  of  their  Lives  from  those  Barbarians,  but  resolv'd 
to  defend  themselves  as  well  as  they  could:  Accordingly  they 
entrench'd  in  their  little  Camp.  The  Indians  came  down,  and 
by  Signs  of  Friendship  invited  them  to  come  forth;  which 
they  were  afraid  to  do.  At  last,  when  their  Provisions  were 
almost  all  spent,  some  of  them  ventur'd  out,  were  kindly 
received,  and  furnish'd  by  the  Indians  with  Necessaries.  The 
King  invited  them  to  his  Town,  treated  them;  and  4  or  5  of 
them  travelling  to  Charles  Town,  gave  the  Governour  notice  of 
their  Misfortunes;  which  hearing,  he  sent  a  Ship  to  fetch  the 
rest ;  and  they  arrived  safely  at  the  Capital  of  Carolina. 

In  Mr.  Archdale's  Time,  two  Indians  quarrelling  in  their 
Drinking,  one  of  them  presently  kilPd  the  other;  whose  Wife 
being  by,  immediately  dismembered  the  Murderer,  to  revenge 
her  Husband's  Death,  cutting  off  his  Privities  with  a  Knife. 
The  Governour  happening  to  be  near  the  Place  where  the 
Murder  was  committed,  order 'd  the  Criminal  to  be  pursued. 


1695]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  337 

He  was  taken  in  a  Swamp  about  16  Miles  from  the  Town;  to 
which  he  was  sent  under  a  Guard.  The  Nation  to  whom  the 
slain  Indian  belonged,  hearing  of  his  Death,  their  King  came 
to  Mr.  Archdale,  and  desir'd  Justice  upon  the  Murderer. 
Some  of  whose  Friends  would  have  bought  him  off  as  usual; 
but  nothing  less  than  his  Death  would  satisfy  the  injur'd 
Nation;  and,  according  to  the  Custom  of  his  Country,  the 
Governour  ordered  him  to  be  shot  by  the  Kinsman  of  the 
Deceas'd.  As  he  was  leading  to  Execution,  his  King  came  to 
him,  and  bid  him  die  like  a  Man,  since  he  must  die,  adding, 
he  had  often  forewarned  him  of  Rum,  the  Liquor  which  he 
was  drunk  with  when  he  kill'd  the  Man,  and  now  he  must 
loose  his  Life  for  not  taking  his  Council. 

When  he  came  to  the  Tree,  he  desir'd  not  to  be  ty'd  to  it, 
but  to  stand  loose,  saying,  I  will  not  stir  when  he  shoots  me. 
So  he  was  shot  in  the  Head,  and  fell  down  dead. 

This  Piece  of  Justice  hindered  a  War  between  the  Nations 
to  which  these  two  Indians  belong'd.  The  Indians  inhab 
iting  the  Country  about  the  River  Pemlico,  were  almost  all 
consumed  by  a  Pestilential  Disease,  while  this  Governour  was 
in  Carolina;  and  the  Coranines,  a  bloody  and  barbarous 
People,  were  most  of  them  cut  off  by  a  neighbouring  Nation. 

In  his  Time  several  Families  remov'd  from  New-England, 
to  settle  at  Carolina,  and  seated  themselves  on  the  River 
Sewee,  in  North  Carolina.  These  are  all  the  Events  which 
happened  during  Mr.  Archdale's  Government,  at  least  he  has 
thought  fit  to  communicate  no  more  to  the  Publick;  and  as 
inconsiderable  as  they  may  appear  to  some  Persons,  who  are 
us'd  to  turn  over  the  Grecian  and  Roman  Histories,  if  they 
will  give  themselves  the  Trouble  to  examine  the  Affairs  of 
these  two  Empires,  they  will  find  them  as  trivial,  in  the  begin 
ning  at  least,  if  they  can  distinguish  the  History  from  the 
Fable. 

We  cannot  expect  much  Business  in  the  Infancy  of  a 
Colony;  and  yet  Carolina  is  not  so  young,  but  Factions  have 
been  as  rampant  there,  as  if  the  People  had  been  made  wanton 
by  many  Ages  of  Prosperity. 

Mr.  Archdale,  to  use  his  own  Phrase,  Returned  for  England, 
being  not  sent  for  Home.  And  Joseph  Blake,  Esq;  Son  of 
the  before-mention'd  Mr.  Blake,  being  become  a  Proprie- 


338  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1696 

tary,1  was  look'd  upon  as  the  fittest  Person  to  succeed  him  in 
his  Government;  in  which  Office  he  behav'd  himself  to  the 
Satisfaction  of  the  Country,  which  he  governed  with  equal 
Prudence  and  Moderation. 

In  his  time,  Major  Daniel  brought  from  England  new 
Constitutions,  consisting  of  41  Articles,  wherein  as  ample 
Provision  was  made  for  Liberty  of  Conscience,  as  in  the 
Fundamental  Constitutions.  These  new  Laws  were  call'd, 
the  last  Fundamental  Constitutions,  and  sign'd  by  John  Earl 
of  Bath,  Palatine;  Anthony  Lord  Ashley,  the  Lord  Craven, 
the  Lord  Cartaret,  the  Earl  of  Bath,  Sir  John  Colliton,  Will 
iam  Thornburgh,  merchant,  Thomas  Amy,  and  Wil.  Thorn- 
burgh;  but  they  were  never  confirmed  in  Parliament  at 
Carolina. 

Mr.  Blake,  tho  he  was  himself  a  dissenter,  finding  there 
was  no  settled  Maintenance  for  the  Church  of  England  min 
ister,  procured  an  Act  of  Assembly  (in  which  there  were  a 
great  Number  of  Dissenters)  for  the  settling  a  very  convenient 
House  with  a  Glebe,  two  Servants,  and  150Z.  per  Annum 
upon  the  Minister  of  Charles  Town  for  ever.  Twas  by  his 
Influence  that  Act  past,  and  he  gave  his  Assent  to  it;  he,  as 
Governour,  having  a  negative  Voice  to  all  Bills.  His  Lady 
also  was  one  of  the  greatest  Benefactors  towards  the  Orna 
ments  of  the  Church.  And  this  Friendship  deserv'd  a  more 
grateful  Return  than  they  met  with  from  those  who  suc 
ceeded  in  the  Government. 

Mr.  Blake  dying  about  the  Year  1700.  after  he  had  been 
Governour  4  or  5  Years,  the  Proprietaries  Deputies  met, 
according  to  their  Instructions  in  such  Cases,  and  proceeded 
to  the  Election  of  a  new  Governour;  which  Post  is  generally 
conferred  on  the  eldest  Landgrave,  if  there  's  no  Objection 
to  him,  and  no  Person  sent  from  England  with  that  Character. 

Joseph  Moreton  Esq;  being  the  eldest  Landgrave,2  was 
elected  Governour  by  the  Deputies:  but  Capt.  James  Moor, 

1  Blake  did  not  become  a  Proprietor  for  two  years  after  becoming  governor. 
Landgrave  Thomas  Smith,  who  had  died  in  1694,  had  willed  him  his  patent  as 
landgrave,  and,  being  in  the  Council,  he  was,  as  a  landgrave,  chosen  governor 
by  the  Council.  The  Proprietors  also  issued  him  a  patent  as  landgrave. 

*  Edmund  Bellinger  was  the  oldest  landgrave  and  was  ballotted  for  first, 
but  received  but  one  vote  out  of  five  members  of  the  Council  voting,  and  the 
same  objection  was  raised  to  him  that  was  made  against  Morton. 


1700]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  339 

one  of  these  Deputies,  knowing  the  Party  he  had  among 
them,  objected  against  Mr.  Moreton,  as  if  he  had  made  a 
Breach  of  the  Trust  repos'd  in  him  by  the  true  and  absolute 
Lords  and  Proprietaries,  by  accepting  of  a  Commission  from 
King  William,  to  be  Judge  of  the  Admiralty,  when  he  had  at 
the  same  time  a  Commission  from  the  Lords  Proprietaries 
for  the  same  Office. 

Tho  this  Objection  was  answered  by  Mr.  Moreton's  Friends;1 
"That  it  did  not  appear  by  the  Charter,  the  Proprietaries  can 
empower  any  one  to  try  Persons  for  Facts  committed  out  of 
their  Dominions,  which  is  necessary  for  such  a  Judge;"  and 
the  Proprietaries  could  not  grant  it;  yet  such  was  Mr.  Moor's 
Interest,  that  on  this  his  Objection  Mr.  Moreton  was  set 
aside,  and  his  Opponent  Mr.  Moor  chosen  Governour.  Mr. 
Moreton  informed  and  complain'd  to  the  Proprietaries,  but 
was  never  redrest. 

From  this  Election  I  date  the  Rise  of  all  the  Misfortunes 
that  have  since  befallen  this  Colony,  and  that  have  given  the 
Government  of  England  so  much  Trouble. 

The  Earl  of  Bath  was  dead,  and  his  Son,  John  Lord  Gran- 
ville,  lately  advanced  to  the  House  of  Peers,  was  Palatine. 
All  the  World  knew  how  zealous  that  Gentleman  had  been  for 
promoting  a  Bill  against  Occasional  Conformists  in  England, 
and  that  he  shew'd  his  Aversion  to  Dissenters  even  in  the 
Court  of  Stannaries  in  the  West,2  while  he  was  Warden. 
The  Bitterness  of  his  Spirit  appeared  in  the  Speeches  he  made 
to  the  Representatives  of  that  Court;  and  was  such,  that  he 
was  not  long  employed  by  a  Government,  which  is  founded  on 
Principles  of  Justice  and  Moderation;  which  has  in  all  things 
promoted  Union,  and  which  has  united  the  Hearts  of  all  the 
Subjects  of  the  British  Empire  more  than  all  the  Princes 
could  do  since  the  Conquest,  and  many  Ages  before  it. 

In  an  ill  time  therefore  did  this  Palatine  countenance  the 
Divisions  in  Carolina,  by  encouraging  this  and  the  succeeding 
Governour  in  their  vain  Endeavours,  to  establish  that  for  a 
Law  there,  which  had  been  rejected  with  such  Marks  of 
Abhorrence  in  England  by  our  Illustrious  Representatives. 

1  Landgrave  Morton  alone  offered  a  protest  against  the  validity  of  the  ob 
jection  offered  to  him  by  Deputies  Daniell  and  Moore. 

*  The  court  having  jurisdiction  over  the  region  of  tin  mines  in  Cornwall. 


340  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1701 

Mr.  Moor  was  easily  confirmed  in  his  new  Dignity  by 
the  Palatine;  and  as  he  is  said  to  have  sought  after  it,  to 
enrich  himself,  so  he  made  use  of  it  to  that  end,  he  being  in 
mean  Circumstances,  if  the  Representation  of  the  principal 
Inhabitants  of  the  Colony  does  not  deceive  us. 

Let  us  give  the  Reader  the  proper  Words,  that  we  may 
not  be  accus'd  of  Partiality,  which  we  detest  in  all  things 
that  hurt  the  Truth.  But  we  know  very  well,  that  Faction 
will  often  accuse  Fact  of  Partiality;  and  an  Historian  may 
write  Things  true,  and  yet  by  writing  the  Truth  only  of  one 
Side,  and  concealing  what  is  to  its  Disadvantage,  it  may  give 
a  plausible  Appearance  to  a  bad  Cause;  wherefore  we  solemnly 
declare,  that  after  a  full  Enquiry  we  have  not  been  able  to 
learn  any  thing  that  could  excuse  the  Disorders  we  are  about 
to  relate,  and  vindicate  the  Administration  in  Carolina,  while 
the  Lord  Granville  was  Palatine.  Whether  that  Lord  or  his 
Governours  ought  to  be  blam'd  most,  let  the  World  judge. 

Mr.  Moor,  says  the  author  of  the  above-mention'd  Re 
presentation,1  having  thus  boldly  gotten  the  Government, 
resolv'd  to  make  the  best  use  of  his  Authority,  and  finding 
himself  too  poor,  with  the  Countenance  of  his  Office,  to  make 
any  considerable  Profit  of  the  Indian  Trade,  he  laid  the  Design 
of  getting  it  wholly  into  his  Power.  He  to  that  end  procured 
a  Bill  to  be  brought  into  the  Assembly,  then  sitting,  for 
regulating  the  Indian  Trade:  which  Bill  was  so  drawn,  that 
had  it  past,  he  would  have  engross'd  all  that  beneficial  Com 
merce.  But  Mr.  Robert  Stephens  and  Mr.  Nicholas  Trott 
(who  had  not  then  forsaken  the  Country  Interest)  and  some 
others,  so  plainly  shew'd  the  ill  Aim  of  that  Act,  that  'twas 
thrown  out  of  the  Assembly:  Which  Mr.  Moor  dissolv'd, 
perceiving  they  would  not  answer  his  Ends. 

We  do  not  think  our  selves  obliged  to  keep  to  the  Words 
of  this  Representation,  which  are  too  rough  in  some  Places; 
but  we  keep  religiously  to  the  Sense;  and  having  refer'd  the 
Reader  in  the  Margint  to  our  Authority,  he  cannot  suppose  we 
endeavour  to  impose  on  him. 

The  Governour  calPd  a  new  Assembly  about  the  latter 
end  of  the  Year  1701.  At  the  choosing  of  which,  tho  the 
Right  of  Electing  be  in  the  Freeholders  only,  he  so  influenced 

1  "Case  of  Diss.  in  Car.,  p.  29,  30."     (Note  in  original.) 


1701]  OLDMIXON'S   BRITISH  EMPIRE  341 

the  Sheriff,  that  Strangers,  Servants,  Aliens;  nay,  Malatoes 
and  Negroes  were  polFd,  and  returned. 

Such  as  at  the  Place  of  Election  opposed  these  Practices, 
were  abus'd,  and  some  assaulted  by  Mr.  Moor's  Favourites. 
By  this  means  having  got  several  into  the  Assembly,  Men 
of  no  Sense  and  Credit,  who  would  vote  as  he  wou'd  have 
them;  he  there  kept  them  from  being  thrown  out,  on  the 
Petition  of  those  who  were  unjustly  excluded. 

Colliton  County  sent  a  Representation  against  him  to  the 
Palatine,  containing  in  Substance  the  same,  as  that  we  have 
spoken  of  before;  therefore  we  cannot  suspect  the  Truth 
of  it. 

When  the  Governour  was  afraid  any  of  the  Members  1 
he  was  sure  was  in  his  Interest  would  be  turn'd  out,  on  Pe 
titions,2  he  prorogued  the  Assembly:  And  when  at  last  they 
were  suffered  to  sit,  the  Inquiry  into  the  Sheriff  of  Berkley 
County's  Return  was  obstructed,  by  setting  on  foot  an  ill 
contrived  Design  of  raising  Forces  to  attack  St.  Augustino,  a 
Fort  belonging  to  the  Spaniards,  to  the  Southward  of  Carolina. 
If  any  Member  of  the  Assembly  undertook  to  speak  against 
it,  and  to  shew  how  unable  the  Province  was  at  that  time  to 
undertake  such  an  Expedition,  he  was  presently  look'd  upon 
by  him,  and  his  Adherents,  as  an  Enemy  and  Traitor  to  his 
Country;3  and  accordingly  revil'd  and  affronted;  tho  the 
true  Design  of  the  Expedition,  as  the  Representation  from 
Colliton  County  tells  us,  was  no  other  than  catching  and 
making  Slaves  of  Indians  for  private  Advantage.  He  would 
have  had  this  Military  Enterprize  been  undertaken  before  the 
War  with  Spain  was  proclaim'd;  but  the  Assembly  carry'd 
that  in  the  Negative. 

Before  we  treat  of  this  Expedition,  we  must  observe 
what  past  further  in  the  Assembly.  Mr.  John  Ash,  one  of 
the  Members,  propos'd  to  have  the  last  Fundamental  Constitu- 

1  "Ibid.,  p.  34."     (Note  in  original.) 

2  There  was  no  reason  for  Moore's  party  to  fear  investigation ;  there  was  no 
prospect  of  any  of  their  number  being  turned  out,  and  the  journal  shows  that 
Moore  prorogued  the   House  from  time  to  time  because  no  quorum  could  be 
obtained  because  the  Dissenters  absented  themselves  to  prevent  Moore's  meas 
ures  from  being  adopted,  and  perhaps  because  they  realized  that  an  investiga 
tion  of  their  charges  of  fraud  would  show  that  there  had  been  little,  or  no,  fraud, 

3  "P.  35."     (Note  in  original.) 


342  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1702 

tions,  which  Mr.  Daniel  brought  over,  confirmed;  but  he 
was  opposed  by  Mr.  Trott  and  Mr.  How,  the  Governour's 
Creatures.1 

This  Mr.  Trott  had  himself  been  Governour  of  Providence/ 
and  behav'd  himself  so  arbitrarily,  that  he  was  complain'd 
of  to  King  William  some  Years  before.  Trott  and  How  ex- 
pos'd  the  Constitutions  as  ridiculous;  and  the  Country  was 
thus  left  in  an  unsettled  Condition. 

There's  one  Article  in  this  Representation  which  is  very 
extraordinary:  That  the  said  late  Governour  Moor  did  grant 
Commissions,  to  Anthony  Dodsworth,  Robert  Mackoone  and 
others,3  to  set  upon,  assault,  kill,  destroy,  and  take  as  many 
Indians  as  they  possibly  could;  the  Profit  and  Produce  of 
which  Indian  Slaves  were  turn'd  to  his  private  Use.  Whereas 
such  Undertakings,  unjust  and  barbarous  in  themselves,  will 
in  all  Probability  draw  upon  us  an  Indian  War. 

We  have  said  enough  to  give  an  Idea  of  the  Condition  the 
People  of  Carolina  were  in  under  such  a  Government,  and 
have  taken  it  all  from  Memorials  presented  by  their  Agents 
to  the  Lords  Proprietaries.  The  next  thing  that  comes  in 
our  way  is  the  War  of  Augustino. 

Two  Thousand  Pounds  were  rais'd  by  an  Act  of  the  Assem 
bly,  to  defray  the  Charge  of  this  Expedition.  The  Governour 
prest  as  many  Merchant  Ships  as  were  necessary  to  transport 
the  Troops  he  intended  to  embark;  who  were  order'd  to 
rendezvous  at  Port  Royal. 

The  Number  of  Men  which  were  listed  for  this  Enterprize 
were  1200,  600  English,  and  600  Indians.  Col.  Moor  took  the 
Command  on  himself,  as  General  of  all  the  Forces  that  should 
be  rais'd  within  the  Limits  of  his  Government. 

Col.  Rob.  Daniel,  a  very  brave  Man,  commanded  a  Party 
who  were  to  go  up  the  River  in  Periaga's,4  and  come  upon 
Augustino  on  the  Land  side,  while  the  Governour  sail'd 

1  "Ibid."     (Note  in  original.) 

3  New  Providence  or  Nassau  in  the  Bahamas.  But  the  Nicholas  Trott  who 
had  been  governor  of  that  island  was  not  the  Nicholas  Trott  who  now  held  high 
position  in  South  Carolina.  Nicholas  Trott  of  London,  the  son-in-law  of 
Thomas  Amy  (see  p.  307,  note  2  supra),  was  the  man  who  had  been  governor 
of  New  Providence. 

3  "Coll.  County  Repr.,  Article  5."     (Note  in  original.) 

*  Periaguas. 


1702]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  343 

thither  and  attacked  it  by  Sea.  '  They  both  set  out  in  August, 
1702.  Col.  Daniel  in  his  Way  took  St.  John's,  a  small  Spanish 
Settlement;  as  also  St.  Mary's,  another  little  Village,  belonging 
to  the  Spaniards.  After  which  he  proceeded  to  Augustino, 
came  before  the  Town,  enter'd  and  took  it;  Col.  Moor  not 
being  yet  arriv'd  with  the  Fleet. 

The  Inhabitants  having  notice  of  the  Approach  of  the 
English  had  pack'd  up  their  best  Effects,  and  retir'd  with 
them  into  the  Castle,  which  was  surrounded  by  a  very  deep 
and  broad  Moat. 

They  had  laid  up  Provisions  there  for  4  Months,  and 
resolv'd  to  defend  themselves  to  the  last  Extremity.  How 
ever  Col.  Daniel  found  a  considerable  Booty  in  the  Town. 
The  next  Day  the  Governour  arriv'd,  and  a  Council  of  War 
was  immediately  call'd,  in  which  'twas  resolv'd  to  land. 

Accordingly  the  Governour  came  ashore,  and  his  Troops 
following  him,  they  entrench'd,  posted  their  Guards  in  the 
Church,  and  block'd  up  the  Castle.  The  English  held  the 
Possession  of  the  Town  a  whole  Month,  but  finding  they  could 
do  nothing  for  want  of  Mortars  and  Bombs,  they  dispatch'd 
away  a  Sloop  for  Jamaica;  but  the  Commander  of  the  Sloop, 
instead  of  going  thither,  came  to  Carolina,  out  of  Fear  or 
Treachery.  Finding  others  offer'd  to  go  in  his  stead,  he  pro 
ceeded  in  the  Voyage  himself,  after  he  had  lain  some  time  at 
Charles-Town. 

The  Governour  all  this  while  lay  before  the  Castle  of 
Augustino,  in  Expectation  of  the  Return  of  the  Sloop:  Which 
hearing  nothing  of,  he  sent  Col.  Daniel,  who  was  the  Life  of 
the  Action,  to  Jamaica,  on  the  same  Errand. 

This  Gentleman  being  hearty  in  the  Design,  procured  a 
Supply  of  Bombs,  and  return'd  towards  Augustino.  But  in 
the  mean  time  two  Ships  appear'd  in  the  Offing,  which  being 
taken  to  be  two  very  large  Men  of  War,  the  Governour  thought 
fit  to  raise  the  Siege,  and  abandon  his  Ships,  with  a  great 
Quantity  of  Stores,  Ammunition,  and  Provision,  to  the  Enemy. 
Upon  which  the  two  Men  of  War  enter'd  the  Port  of  Augustino, 
and  took  the  Governour's  Ships.  Some  say  he  burnt  them  him 
self.  Certain  it  is,  they  were  lost  to  the  English,  and  that 
he  return'd  to  Charles-Town  over  Land,  300  Miles  from 
Augustino.  The  two  Men  of  War  that  were  thought  to  be  so 


344  NARRATIVES   OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1702 

large,  prov'd  to  be  two  small  Frigats,  one  of  22,  and  the  other 
of  16  Guns. 

When  Col.  Daniel  came  back  to  Augustino,  he  was  chas'd, 
but  got  away;  and  Col.  Moor  retreated  with  no  great  Honour 
homewards.  The  Periagas  lay  at  St.  John's,  whether  the  Gov- 
ernour  retired,  and  so  to  Charles  Town,  having  lost  but  two 
Men  in  the  whole  Expedition.  Arratommakaw,  King  of  the 
Yanioseaves,  who  commanded  the  Indians,  retreated  to  the 
Periagas  with  the  rest,  and  there  slept  upon  his  Oars,  with 
a  great  deal  of  Bravery  and  Unconcern.  The  Governour's 
Soldiers  taking  a  false  Alarm,  and  thinking  the  Spaniards 
were  coming,  did  not  like  this  slow  Pace  of  the  Indian  King 
in  his  Flight;  and  to  quicken  him  in  it,  bad  him  make  more 
Haste:  But  he  reply'd,  No;  tho  your  Governour  leaves  you, 
I  will  not  stir  till  I  have  seen  all  my  Men  before  me. 

The  First  Representation,  calPd  also,  The  present  State  of 
Affairs  in  Carolina*  reflects  a  little  too  bitterly  on  Col.  Moor 
on  this  Head;  and  one  would  suspect  the  Truth  of  what  it 
contains,  if  it  was  not  confirmed  by  the  second.  We  are  told 
there,  They  sent  Plunder  to  Jamaica  by  their  trusty  Officers, 
under  colour  of  seeking  Supplies,  and  sending  for  Bombs  and 
Mortars.  Which  is  a  malicious  Turn  given  by  Col.  Moor's 
Enemies  to  Col.  Daniel's  going  to  Jamaica,  who  by  the  Dis 
patch  he  made  there  shew'd  he  went  really  for  Mortars;  and 
had  the  Governour  staid  till  he  had  returned,  the  Castle  of 
Augustino  had  perhaps  now  been  in  English  Hands;  for  the 
Spaniards  had  not  above  200  Men  aboard  the  two  Frigats.2 
This  Expedition,  as  unfortunate  as  it  was  in  it  self,  was  much 
more  so  in  the  Consequence  of  it;  for  it  brought  a  Debt  of 
6000Z.  on  the  Province.  The  Assembly  had  been  under  a 
Prorogation  during  the  Governour's  Absence,  and  when  he 
returned  they  met.  The  first  thing  they  went  upon,  was 
to  raise  Money  to  pay  off  the  Debt  above-mentioned,  and 
then  they  took  into  Consideration  the  Danger  of  the  Country, 
as  it  lay  exposed  to  the  Southward.  But  while  these  Bills 

1  "Coll.  County  Repr.,  p.  30."     (Note  in  original.) 

2  And  just  as  Governor  Moore  was  misrepresented  about  the  plunder  he 
sent  to  Jamaica  by  Daniell  just  so  was  he  misrepresented  in  other  respects. 
The  failure  of  his  expedition  was  due  to  cowardice  or  traitorousness  on  the  part 
of  some  of  his  officers,  as  is  even  here  partially  shown  by  Oldmixon. 


1702]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  345 

were  passing,  another  for  the  better  regulating  Elections, 
pass'd  the  Lower  House  twice,  and  was  sent  up  to  the  Gov- 
ernour  and  Council,  by  whom  't  was  rejected  without  so  much 
as  a  Conference.  Upon  which  several  of  the  Members,  jealous 
of  their  Privileges,  and  being  so  ordered  by  those  that  sent 
them,  entered  their  Protestation,  and  left  the  House;1  but 
returned  the  next  Day,  offering  to  sit  longer  if  the  rest  of  the 
Assembly  would  join  with  them,  in  asserting  their  Right.  The 
Whole  Assembly  consists  of  but  30  Members,  and  15  of  them 
protested  against  the  irregular  Proceedings  of  the  Governour. 
Instead  of  tempering  Matters,  when  they  returned  to  the 
House,  they  were  abus'd  and  treated  with  the  most  scandalous 
Reflections,  unbecoming  an  Assembly  that  represented  a 
whole  Province.  And  as  they  were  insulted  within  doors, 
they  were  assaulted  without;  for  a  Day  or  two  after  Lieut. 
Col.  George  Dearsby  drew  his  Sword  upon  Thomas  Smith, 
Esq;  a  Landgrave,  and  once  Governour  of  the  Colony,2 
threatning  his  Life.  John  Ash,  Esq;  a  Member  of  the 
Assembly,  was  not  only  abus'd  in  the  Streets  by  a  Company 
of  Drunken  Fellows,  but  forc'd  aboard  a  Ship  belonging  to 
Cap.  Rhett,  and  threatned  to  be  hang'd,  or  sent  to  Jamaica, 
or  left  on  some  Desart-Island.  This  Mr.  Ash  is  the  Man  who 
was  employed  as  Agent  for  the  People  of  Carolina,  to  repre 
sent  their  Grievances  in  the  first  Memorial,  call'd,  The  Present 
State  of  Affairs  in  Carolina]  and  the  Persons  who  thus  bar 
barously  treated  him,  were  George  Dearsby,  Nicholas  Nary, 
Thomas  Dalton,  and  others,  whom,  says  the  Representation 
of  Colliton  County,  Article  xi.  the  Governour  had  treated 
immediately  before  the  Riot  began,  and  us'd  such  Expressions 
to  them,  as  gave  them,  next  their  Drink,  the  greatest  Encour 
agements  for  what  they  acted;  telling  them,3  The  Protesting 
Members  would  bring  the  People  on  their  Heads  for  neglecting 
to  pay  the  Country's  Debts.  After  the  Riot  began,  of  Part 
of  which  he  was  an  Eye- Witness,  having  first  drunk  with  some 
of  them,  he  withdrew  himself  out  of  the  way.  This  Riot  con- 

1  "See  the  Representation  of  the  Members  of  Colliton  County"  (Note  in 
original.) 

8  This  Landgrave  Thomas  Smith  (1664-1738)  was  the  son  of  the  former 
governor,  who  died  in  1694. 

3  "P.  36."     (Note  in  original.) 


346  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1702 

tinu'd  4  or  5  Days;  and  Edmund  Bellinger,  Esq;  a  Landgrave, 
and  Justice  of  Peace,  attempting  to  suppress  it,  was  call'd 
opprobrious  Names  by  the  Rioters,  and  Rhett  can'd  him  for  a 
considerable  time.  The  Rioters  assaulted  Mr.  Joseph  Boon,  a 
Merchant,  deputed  by  Colliton  County,  to  present  the  above- 
mention'd  Second  Representation  to  the  Palatine  and  Lords 
Proprietaries,  and  put  him  in  Danger  and  Fear  of  his  Life, 
without  any  Provocation.  The  same  they  did  by  Mr.  James 
Byres;  who  with  the  rest  complained  to  the  Governour;  and 
receiving  no  Satisfaction,  they  ask'd  him,  whether  he  did  not 
look  on  himself,  as  Governour,  obliged  to  keep  the  Peace  of 
the  Province:  The  Governour  reply 'd,  That's  a  Question  I  am 
not  oblig'd  to  answer.  He  told  them,  'twas  a  Justice  of  Peace's 
Business. 

The  Rioters  went  one  Night  to  the  house  of  one  John 
Smith,  a  Butcher  in  Charles-Town,  and  forcing  open  the 
Door,  threw  down  a  Woman  big  with  Child,  and  otherwise 
misusing  her;  she  brought  forth  a  dead  Child,  with  the  Back 
and  Skull  broken.  These  Instances  are  enough  to  shew  any 
Man  the  Temper  of  this  Governour  and  his  Party;  who  were 
the  same  that  stickled  so  much  for  the  unhappy  Bill  we  must 
speak  of  in  the  Sequel  of  this  History.  What  followed  upon 
this  Riot,  is  told  us  in  a  late  Tract,  which  I  shall  make  use  of 
in  the  Author's  own  Words, 

As  this  Riot  was  rais'd  encouraged  and  countenanced  by  the 
said  Governour  and  Council;1  And  as  no  Assistance  could  be 
obtained  to  quell  it,  so  all  Methods  to  enquire  into,  and  punish  it, 
have  been  rendered  ineffectual,  and  the  Course  of  Justice  intirely 
stop'd.  For  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson  was  made  Governour  in  the 
Room  of  the  said  Moor.  The  said  Governour  Moor  was  presently 
made  Attorney  General;  and  Mr.  Trott,  another  of  the  chief  Abet 
tors  of  the  Riot,  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas;  who  in 
this  Province  is  sole  Judge.  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson  was  General 
of  the  Leward  Islands,  in  the  Reign  of  the  late  King  James;  but 
he  quitted  his  Government  upon  the  Revolution,  and  retir'd  to 
Carolina,  where  he  liv'd  privately  till  the  Death  of  the  late  King 
James.  Upon  which  he  first  took  the  Oaths  to  the  Government; 
and  some  time  after  was  made  Governour  of  the  Province.  And 
he  has  since  his  being  Governour  appointed  such  Sheriffs,  as  pre- 

1  "Case  of  Dis.  in  Car.,  19."     (Note  in  original.) 


1704]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  347 

vent  all  Prosecutions  of  this  Riot  at  their  Assizes  or  Quarter  Ses 
sions  (which  are  the  only  Courts  of  Justice  in  this  Province)  where 
Crimes  of  this  Nature  can  be  try'd;  and  where  the  said  Mr.  Trott 
is  sole  Judge,  by  returning  such  Jurors  as  were  known  Abettors  of 
the  said  Riot:  So  that  there  is  a  total  Failure  of  Justice,  and  nothing 
but  Corruption  in  the  whole  Frame  and  Administration  of  Govern 
ment. 

Colliton-County  Representation  tells  us  particularly,  that 
Mr.  Bellinger  did  what  in  him  lay  to  have  the  said  Riot  in- 
quir'd  into.  He  gave  in  the  Record  of  it  to  the  Bench;  and 
some  of  the  Grand  Jury  urg'd  to  have  it  presented,  but  to 
no  purpose.  The  first  Representation  informs  us,  that  the 
Grand  Jury  presented  it  to  the  Court  as  a  great  Grievance, 
that  the  Riot  was  not  look'd  into,  and  the  Rioters  prosecuted; 
yet  no  Justice  against  them  could  be  obtained ;  the  Judge 
giving  for  Answer,  Twas  before  the  Council,  his  superiors: 
The  present  Governour,  That  it  was  an  Action  done  before 
his  coming  to  the  Government;  that  he  thought  the  time  of 
Prosecution  laps'd,  but  would  take  care  the  like  should  be  no 
more. 

This  Answer  had  in  the  last  part  of  it  a  Face  of  Moderation; 
and  such  an  Air  was  necessary,  because  an  Assembly  was 
about  being  elected.  "The  Conspirators/'  as  my  Author 
terms  them,1  "saw  that  a  new  Parliament  might  set  all  things 
to  rights  again,  and  therefore  when  the  time  of  a  new  Election 
came,  which,  according  to  their  Constitution,  is  once  in  two 
Years;  they  resolv'd  to  procure  a  Commons  House  of  Assem 
bly  of  the  same  Complexion  with  the  former,  and  by  more 
illegal  Practices.  If  those  they  had  us'd  in  the  former  Elec 
tions  would  not  do  their  Business,  their  Designs  took  Effect; 
and  such  a  Commons  House  of  Assembly  was  returned,  as 
fully  answered  their  Expectations." 

The  first  Representation  brought  over  by  Mr.  Ash,  in 
forms  us,  That  at  the  Election  for  Berkley  and  Craven 
County,  the  Violence  in  Mr.  Moor's  Time,  and  all  other  illegal 
Practices,  were  with  more  Violence  repeated,  and  openly 
avow'd  by  the  present  Governour,  and  his  Friends. 

The  second  Representation  adds,  Jews,  Strangers,  Sailors, 
Servants,  Negroes,  and  almost  every  Frenchman  in  Craven 

1  "lb.,  p.  20."     (Note  in  original.) 


348  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

and  Berkley  Counties,  came  down  to  elect,  and  their  Votes 
were  taken,  and  the  Persons  by  them  voted  for,  were  ret  urn 'd 
by  the  Sheriffs. 

The  Assembly  meeting,  chose  Job  How,  Esq;  to  be  their 
Speaker,  and  this  was  that  Parliament,  who,  to  oppress  the 
Protestant  Dissenters,  brought  in  a  Bill  contrary  to  the  first 
and  last  Fundamental  Constitutions,  to  the  true  Interest  of 
the  Colony,  and  the  right  of  every  Freeholder  there.  'Twas 
entitl'd,  An  act  for  the  more  effectual  Preservation  of  the 
Government,  by  requiring  all  Persons  that  shall  hereafter  be 
chosen  Members  of  the  Commons  House  of  Assembly,  and 
sit  in  the  same,  to,  etc.,  and  to  conform  to  the  religious  Wor 
ship  in  this  Province,  according  to  the  Church  of  England, 
and  to  receive  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  according 
to  the  Rights  and  Usage  of  the  said  Church. 

Every  Dissenter  that  was  turn'd  out  of  the  House,  by 
virtue  of  this  Act,  made  room  for  the  most  bigotted  of  the 
Faction  to  get  in;  for  it  provided,  that  the  Person  who  had 
the  most  Votes  next  to  such  Dissenter,  should  be  admitted 
in  his  place;  and  those  that  opposed  the  Dissenters  being 
generally,  according  to  the  before-mentioned  Author,  Men  of 
violent  and  persecuting  Principles,  the  Faction  secured  the 
Power  in  their  own  Hands. 

There  were  12  Members  for  this  Bill,  and  11  against  it, 
in  the  Lower  House;  and  in  the  Upper,  Joseph  Moreton,  Esq; 
a  Landgrave,  and  one  of  the  Proprietary's  Deputies  was 
deny'd  the  Liberty  of  entering  his  Protest  against  it.  The 
Bill  pass'd  the  6th  of  May,  A.  D.  1704.  and  was  sign'd  by  Sir 
Nathaniel  Johnson,  Col.  Thomas  Broughton,  Col.  James  Moor, 
Robert  Gibbs,  Esq;  Henry  Noble,  Esq;  Nicholas  Trott,  Esq; 

The  Governour  and  Proprietaries  Deputies,  upon  passing 
this  Act,  allarm'd  all  the  Dissenters,  who  according  to  the 
Orthodox  Minister  of  Charles  Town,  the  Reverend  Mr.  Mars- 
ton's  Letter  to  the  Reverend  Dr.  Stanhope,1  are  the  soberest, 
most  numerous,  and  richest  People  of  this  Province;  and  this 
Assembly  was  compos'd  of  many  Men  of  very  loose  and  cor 
rupt  Morals. 

We  have  shewn  .in  the  Beginning  of  the  History  of  Caro 
lina,  that  by  the  Fundamentals  of  the  Province,  the  Dis- 

*  "Case  of  Diss.,  part  2,  p.  57."     (Note  in  original.) 


1704]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  349 

senters  could  not  be  justly  excluded  from  any  Rights  of  the 
Members  of  it ;  we  have  shewn  here  what  a  sort  of  Convention, 
and  by  what  Government  countenanced,  this  Assembly  was; 
and  there's  no  need  of  exaggerating  Matters,  to  make  the 
thing  look  black;  wherefore  we  shall  proceed  in  our  History. 

It  cannot  be  imagined  that  a  People  who  had  been  us'd 
so  ill,  wou'd  sit  still,  and  tamely  bear  such  barbarous  Usage: 
especially  considering  those  that  were  concern'd  in  the  Riot 
were  some  of  the  worst,  and  those  that  suffered  by  it,  some 
of  the  best  Men  in  the  Province. 

Col.  Joseph  Moreton,  and  Edmund  Bellinger,  Esq;  Land 
graves,  and  Deputies  of  the  Lords  Proprietaries,  all  the  other 
Members  of  Colliton  County,  and  several  of  the  greatest 
Worth  and  Reputation  in  Berkley  County,  prevailed  with 
Mr.  Joseph  Ash  to  come  for  England,  to  represent  the  miser 
able  State  of  the  Province  to  the  Proprietaries. 

The  Faction  being  apprehensive  of  their  Danger  in  such 
a  Proceeding,  did  their  utmost  to  prevent  Mr.  Ash's  Voyage; 
and  'twas  not  without  the  greatest  Difficulty  that  he  got 
away  from  Carolina  to  Virginia,  where  his  Powers  and  Instruc 
tions  were  convey 'd  to  him,  as  Agent  for  the  Gentlemen  and 
Inhabitants  above-nam'd. 

Coming  to  England,  he  apply'd  himself  to  the  Lord  Gran- 
ville,  then  Proprietary  of  the  Province:  But  finding  he  was 
entirely  in  the  Interests  of  the  prevailing  Party  in  Carolina, 
he  despaired  of  seeing  the  Grievances  he  came  to  complain  of, 
redress'd:  He  therefore  drew  up  the  first  Representation,  often 
cited  in  this  Treatise,  printed  a  Sheet  of  it,  and  intended  to  go 
through  with  it;  but  dy'd  before  he  could  finish  it;  and  his 
Papers,  after  his  Death,  were  betray'd  into  his  Enemies  Hands. 

How  this  Agency  was  lik'd  in  Carolina,  we  may  suppose; 
and  that  the  Author  of  The  Case  of  the  Dissenters  in  Carolina, 
does  not  impose  upon  us,  in  telling  us,  The  Governour  and 
his  Agents  prosecuted  and  insulted  several  of  the  Inhabitants, 
and  particularly  Landgrave  Smith,  on  the  account  of  some 
private  Letters  which  they  sent  to  the  said  Ash,  while  he  was 
in  Virginia  and  England,  and  which  were  found  among  the 
Papers  betray'd  to  the  Governour's  Agents. 

Mr.  Ash  may  probably  represent  Things  with  too  much 
Partiality,  especially  if  what  Mr.  Archdale  says  of  him  be 


350  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

true;1  "Their  first  Agent  seem'd  not  a  Person  suitably 
qualified  to  represent  their  State  here,  not  that  he  wanted 
Wit,  but  Temper/' 

What  Share  the  Governour  had  in  this  Business,  appears 
also  in  the  same  Tract.2  "Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson  by  a  Chy- 
mical  Wit,  Zeal,  and  Art,  transmuted  or  turn'd  this  Civil  Differ 
ence  into  a  religious  Controversy;  and  so  setting  up  a  Standard 
for  those  called  High  Church,  ventured  at  all  to  exclude  all 
the  Dissenters  out  of  the  Assembly,  as  being  those  principally 
that  were  for  a  strict  Examination  into  the  Grounds  and 
Causes  of  the  Miscarriage  of  the  Augustino  Expedition.77 

The  Party  did  not  stop  here;  for  on  the  4th  of  Novem 
ber  an  Act  past,  and  was  sign'd  by  the  Governour,  and  the 
Deputies  above-nam'd;  entitPd,  "An  Act  for  establishing 
Religious  Worship  in  this  Province,  according  to  the  Church 
of  England;  and  for  the  erecting  of  Churches  for  the  Publick 
Worship  of  God,  and  also  for  the  Maintenance  of  Ministers, 
and  the  building  convenient  Houses  for  them."  3 

Which  Act  Mr.  Archdale  acquaints  us,  "notwithstanding 
its  splendid  Gloss,  savour'd  of  a  persecuting  Spirit,  and  of  a 
haughty  Dominion  over  the  Clergy  itself;  for  they  set  up  a 
High  Commission  Court,  giving  them  Power  to  place  and  dis 
place  Ministers,  and  act  much  in  the  Nature  of  the  High  Com 
mission  Court  erected  by  King  James  II.  in  England."  These 
Commissioners  were  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson,  Thomas  Brough- 
ton,  Esq;  Col.  James  Moor,  Nicholas  Trott,  Esq;  Col.  Robert 
Gibbes,  Job  How,  Esq;  Ralph  Izard,  Esq;  Col.  James  Risbee, 
Col.  George  Logan,  Lieut.  Colonel  William  Rhett,  William 
Smith,  Esq;  Mr.  John  Stroude,  Mr.  Thomas  Hubbard,  Richard 
Beresford,  Esq;  Mr.  Robert  Seabrook,  Mr.  Hugh  Hicks/ 
John  Ashby,  Esq;  Capt.  John  Godfrey,  James  Serurier,  alias 
Smith,  Esq;  and  Mr.  Thomas  Barton. 

It  will  not  be  improper  to  give  a  Character  of  this  James 
Serurier,  who  has  been  mightily  employed  by  the  present 
Government  in  Carolina;  and  we  cannot  do  it  better,  than  in 
using  the  same  Words  Mrs.  Blake,  Mother  of  the  Proprietary 
Joseph  Blake,  Esq;  writes  to  the  Lords  Proprietaries.5 

1  "Description  of  Carolina,  p.  25."     (Note  in  original.) 

»  "P.  23."     (Note  in  original.)  3  "P.  24."     (Note  in  original.) 

4  Hugh  Hext.  5  See  p.  250,  supra. 


1704]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  351 

Towards  the  Satisfaction  of  the  Augustino  Debt,  an  Act  was 
contrived,  for  forcing  the  Currency  of  Bills  of  Credit  to  the  Value 
of  6000/.  These  Bills  were  declar'd  current  in  all  Payments,  and 
the  Refuser  of  them  sueable  in  double  the  Value  of  the  Sum  re- 
fus'd;  whereby  the  boldest  Stroke  has  been  given  to  the  Property 
of  the  Settlers  in  this  Province,  that  ever  was  known  in  any  Country 
not  governed  by  Arbitrary  Power.  And  the  bad  Consequences  of 
this  forc'd  Currency,  in  Relation  to  trade  with  Strangers,  are  so 
great,  that  they  can  scarcely  be  exprest.  But  there  has  nothing  of 
this  been  weigh'd  by  your  Lordship's  Deputies  here,  or  by  the 
pack'd  Members  of  our  Commons  House  of  Assembly.  Besides 
all  this,  the  people  are  not  satisfy'd  how  many  Bills  are  truly  sent 
abroad;  and  the  great  Concern,  Mr.  James  Smith,  alias  Serurier 
(who  cheated  the  Scots  Company  of  a  considerable  Sum  of  Money, 
and  with  his  Keeper  made  his  Escape  from  London  hither)  had 
in  this  Contrivance,  gives  a  Jealousy  of  indirect  practices. 

By  this  the  Reader  understands  what  Inconveniences  the 
Augustino  Expedition  brought  upon  the  Colony,  and  what 
sort  of  Persons  were  Promoters  of  this  Occasional  Bill  in 
America.  But  to  shew  that  this  Faction  in  the  Assembly 
had  nothing  less  in  their  View,  than  the  real  Advancement  of 
Religion,  and  the  Church  of  England;1  the  Reverend  Mr. 
Edward  Marston,  minister  of  that  Church  in  Charles  Town, 
was  censur'd  by  them,  for  three  Passages  of  a  Sermon  preach'd 
there  by  him;  two  of  which  Passages  were  not  in  the  said  Ser 
mon;  and  that  which  was  amounted  to  no  more,  than  that  the 
Clergy  had  a  Divine  Right  to  a  Maintenance.  They  deprived 
him  of  his  Salary  settl'd  on  him  by  Act  of  Parliament,  and  of 
50Z.  besides  due  to  him  by  an  Act  of  Assembly:  Tho  the 
chief  Reason  was  his  having  visited  Mr.  Landgrave  Smith, 
when  he  was  in  Custody  of  a  Messenger,  being  committed  by 
the  Commons  House,  and  living  Friendly  with  the  Dissenters. 

Of  this  Assembly  the  same  Reverend  Divine  says,  "They 
made  some  very  odd  and  unjustifiable  Laws,  which  have 
occasioned  great  Feuds  and  Animosities  here.772  And  in  his 
Representation  to  the  Lords  Proprietaries;  "Most  of  the 
late  Members  of  Assembly  have  been  constant  Absenters  from 

1  "Case  of  Diss.  Car.,  p.  23."     (Note  in  original.) 

1  "See  his  letter  to  Dr.  Stanhope,  Part  2,  p.  57."  (Note  in  margin  of  origi 
nal,  with  subsequent  references  to  pp.  62,  63,  67,  60,  58.) 


352  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

the  Holy  Sacrament:  So  'tis  no  Wonder  they  have  inserted 
an  absurd  Oath  in  a  late  Act,  etc.  I  cannot  think  it  will  be 
much  for  the  Credit  and  Service  of  the  Church  of  England 
here,  that  such  Provisions  should  be  made,  for  admitting  the 
most  loose  and  profligate  Persons  to  sit  and  vote  in  the  making 
of  our  Laws,  who  will  but  take  the  Oath  appointed  by  the 
late  Act."  And  of  the  High  Commissioners  'tis  said,  "  Eleven 
of  the  Twenty  were  never  known  to  receive  the  Sacrament  of 
the  Lord's  Supper." 

And  that  this  furious  Faction  were  no  Friends  to  the 
Church  of  England  is  plain,  by  their  Design  to  wrest  the 
Ecelesiastical  Jurisdiction  out  of  the  Hands  of  the  Right 
Reverend  Father  in  God,  Henry  Lord  Bishop  of  London.1 
Mr.  Marston  being  threatened  in  Col.  Risbee's  House,  "That 
at  the  next  Sessions  of  Assembly  he  should  see  the  Bishop 
of  London's  Jurisdiction  abolish'd  there.'7  And  of  this 
Carolina  Parliament  he  adds  further,  "Our  Lower  House  of 
Assembly  imprison  by  a  Vote  of  the  House,  sine  die,  and  bid 
Defiance  to  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  tho  made  in  Force  there 
by  an  Act  of  Assembly."  The  Governour  was  very  "cholerick 
with  the  Minister,  because  he  had  made  Landgrave  Smith  a 
Visit,  at  the  House  of  the  Messenger;  and  a  Bully  lash'd 
him  causelesly  with  his  Whip,  and  tore  his  Gown  from  his 
Back.  His  Creatures  also  in  the  Assembly  were  the  Occasion 
of  his  Sufferings." 

If  I  am  accus'd  of  being  partial  in  representing  this  Matter, 
I  answer,  that  besides  the  Memorials  publish'd  by  the  Agent 
of  Carolina,  Mr.  Archdale's  Tract  and  others,  I  have  diligently 
inquir'd  into  the  Truth  of  the  Fact,  and  have  not  been  able 
to  learn  the  least  hint  that  makes  against  it,  or  vindicates 
the  Party  that  is  complain'd  of,  and  were  powerfully  protected 
by  the  Lord  Granville;  notwithstanding  it  was  made  out  to 
him,  that  the  Assembly  in  passing  the  Occasional  Bill  in 
Carolina,2  were  guilty  of  the  most  notorious  ill  Practices,  and 
were  Men  of  corrupt  Principles  and  Manners.  That  Bill  was 
brought  into  the  House  the  4th  of  May,  and  carry'd  so  pre 
cipitately,  that  it  past  the  6th,  four  Days  before  the  time 
to  which  they  were  prorogu'd.  There  never  were  above  23 
Members  present,  from  the  26th  of  April  to  the  6th  of  May. 

1  Bishop  Henry  Compton.  a  "Part  I.,  p.  38."     (Note  in  original.) 


1704;  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  353 

There  was  but  one  more  for  it  than  against  it ;  and  of  the  latter 
many  were  Members  of  the  Church  of  England. 

There's  one  thing  very  remarkable  in  the  Act,  which  is  the 
Stile:  "Be  it  enacted,  by  his  Excellency  John  Lord  Granville, 
and  the  rest  of  the  true  and  absolute  Lords  and  Proprietors  of 
Carolina,"  etc.  A  Stile  never  assum'd  by  them  till  very 
lately.1  From  whence  we  may  observe  how  pleas'd  that 
Faction  is  every  where  with  the  Despotick  and  Absolute 
Power,  insomuch  as  to  usurp  the  Name,  when  they  cannot 
obtain  any  thing  more.  The  Case  of  the  Dissenters  in  Carolina, 
is  so  full  of  Irregularities  in  the  Course  of  this  Affair,  that 
we  must  refer  the  Reader  to  it.  We  have  taken  the  most 
material,  and  now  are  to  see  what  was  done  in  England  re 
lating  to  this  Matter. 

The  principal  Merchants  in  London  trading  to  Carolina, 
drew  up  a  Petition  to  the  Lord  Granville  against  passing 
this  Act,  or  to  order  its  Repeal.  Which  Petition  they  lodg'd 
with  Mr.  Boone,  the  Agent  of  Carolina,  who  solicited  the 
Palatine  seven  Weeks  before  he  could  prevail  to  have  a 
Board  of  Proprietaries  calPd. 

Mr.  Arehdale,  one  of  the  Proprietaries,  opposed  the  rati 
fying  of  the  Bill  against  the  Dissenters  at  the  Board,  and 
with  such  solid  Reasons,  that  'tis  amazing  to  find  the  Palatine 
make  this  short  Answer  to  all  of  7em:  "Sir,  you  are  of  one 
Opinion,  and  I  am  of  another;  and  our  Lives  may  not  be  long 
enough  to  end  the  Controversy:  I  am  for  this  Bill,  and  this 
is  the  Party  that  I  will  head  and  countenance." 

What  other  Tone  could  he  have  talk'd  in  had  he  been 
Sultan  of  Carolina?  Mr.  Boon  pray'd  he  might  be  heard 
by  Council.  The  Palatine  reply 'd,  "What  Business  has 
Council  here?  It  is  a  prudential  Act  in  me;  and  I  will  do 
as  I  see  fit.  I  see  no  harm  at  all  in  this  Bill,  and  am  resolv'd 
to  pass  it."  He  should  have  added,  Car  tel  est  noire  Plaisir.2 

As  all  Methods  to  procure  Justice  from  this  Board  were 
ineffectual,  in  the  Case  of  the  Dissenters,  the  same  were 

1  The  earliest  original  acts  of  the  General  Assembly  of  South  Carolina  now 
in  possession  of  the  state  of  South  Carolina  were  enacted  in  1690  (Sothell's  ad 
ministration)  and  they  are  worded  in  exactly  that  "stile,"  save  that  "William 
Earl  of  Craven  Palatine"  appears  instead  of  "John  Lord  Granville." 

a  The  customary  subscription  of  the  edicts  of  the  kings  of  France. 


354  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1704 

they  in  Mr.  Marston's  Case,  and  the  Abuses  he  met  with 
from  the  Party,  the  Lord  Granville  was  resolv'd  to  head 
and  countenance.  And  what  that  Party  was  in  England, 
and  how  they  have  seen  their  unreasonable  Attempts  banTd 
and  exploded,  is  too  well  known,  to  need  any  Remembrance 
here. 

The  Bill  which  occasioned  all  the  Complaints  in  Caro 
lina,  having  past  thus  illegally  and  arbitrarily,  the  Dissenters 
in  this  Province  being  notoriously  known  to  be  above  two  thirds 
of  the  People,1  and  the  richest  and  soberest  among  them, 
according  to  Mr.  Marston's  Evidence,  'twas  not  likely  that 
they  would  suffer  themselves  to  be  insulted  and  persecuted 
without  seeking  Redress.  The  very  Assembly  who  past  the 
Bill,  about  half  a  year  afterwards  past  another  to  repeal  it, 
when  the  House  was  full;  but  it  was  lost  in  the  Upper  House; 
and  the  Governour,  in  great  indignation,  dissolved  the  Com 
mons  House,  by  the  Name  of  the  Unsteady  Assembly. 2  The 
Society  for  propagating  the  Gospel  in  America  and  else 
where,  meeting  in  St.  Paul's  Church,  taking  the  Act  for 
the  Establishing  Religious  Worship,  etc.,  into  Consideration, 
resolv'd  not  to  send  or  support  any  Missionaries  in  that 
Province,  till  the  said  Act,  or  the  Clause  relating  to  the  Lay 
Commissionaries,  was  annuFd. 

There  being  no  Hopes  of  any  Redress  of  the  Grievances 
the  Inhabitants  of  this  Colony  suffered  in  Carolina,  nor  from 
the  Lords  Proprietaries  in  England,  they  resolv'd  to  bring  the 
Matter  before  the  House  of  Lords  in  England,  not  doubting 
but  to  have  entire  Justice  done  them  by  that  august  Assembly; 
where  the  Language  of  their  Palatine  was  never  heard  from 
the  Throne,  at  least  in  this  Reign,  or  the  last;  both  which 
are  the  Glory  of  the  British  Annals. 

Mr.  Boon  was  not  only  empowered  by  the  principal  inhabi 
tants  of  Carolina  to  act  as  their  Agent,  but  he  was  assisted 
in  his  Agency  by  several  eminent  Merchants  of  London,  who 
sign'd  the  Petition  to  the  House  of  Lords;  as  Mr.  Micaiah 
Perry,  Mr.  Joseph  Paice,  Mr.  Peter  Renew,  Mr.  Christopher 
Fowler,  and  others. 

The  Effect  of  which  was,  after  a  full  hearing  of  the  Cause 
at  the  Lord's  Bar,  that  most  Honourable  House,  who  have 

1  "P.  12."     (Note  in  original.)  3  "P.  41."     (Note  in  original.) 


1705]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  355 

done  such  great  Things  for  the  Liberties  of  England,  voted 
an  Address  to  the  Queen,  in  behalf  of  the  Province  of  Carolina: 
But  the  Reader  cannot  be  better  satisfy 'd,  than  to  have  it  in 
their  own  Words;  by  which  the  State  of  the  Case  will  be  best 
seen.1 

The  House  having  fully  and  maturely  weigh 'd  the  Nature  of 
.these  two  Acts,  found  themselves  oblig'd  in  Duty  to  Your  Majesty, 
and  in  Justice  to  your  Subjects  in  Carolina  (who  by  the  Express 
Words  of  the  Charter  of  Your  Royal  Uncle  King  Charles  II.  granted 
to  the  Proprietors,  are  declared  to  be  the  Liege  People  of  the  Crown 
of  England,  and  to  have  Right  to  all  the  Liberties,  Franchises,  and 
Privileges  of  Englishmen,  as  if  they  were  born  within  this  Kingdom: 
And  who  by  the  Words  of  the  same  Charter,  are  to  be  subject  to  no 
Laws,  but  such  as  are  consonant  to  Reason,  and  as  near  as  may 
be  to  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  England)  to  come  to  the  following 
Resolutions. 

First,  That  it  is  the  Opinion  of  this  House,  that  the  Act  of  the 
Assembly  of  Carolina,  lately  pass'd  there,  and  since  sign'd  and 
seal'd  by  John  Lord  Granville,  Palatine,  for  himself,  and  for  the 
Lord  Cartarett,  and  the  Lord  Craven,  and  Sir  John  Colliton,  four 
of  the  Proprietors  of  that  Province,  in  order  to  the  ratifying  it, 
entitled,  "An  Act  for  the  establishing  Religious  Worship  in  this 
Province,  according  to  the  Church  of  England,  and  for  the  erecting 
of  Churches  for  the  publick  Worship  of  God,  and  also  for  the  Main 
tenance  of  Ministers,  and  building  convenient  Houses  for  them," 
So  far  forth  as  the  same  relates  to  the  establishing  a  Commission 
for  the  displacing  the  Rectors  or  Ministers  of  the  Churches  there, 
is  not  warranted  by  the  Charter  granted  to  the  Proprietors  of  that 
Colony,  as  being  not  consonant  to  Reason,  repugnant  to  the  Laws 
of  this  Realm,  and  destructive  to  the  Constitution  of  the  Church 
of  England. 

Secondly,  That  it  is  the  Opinion  of  this  House,  That  the  Act 
of  the  Assembly  of  Carolina,  entitled,  "An  Act  for  the  more  effectual 
Preservation  of  the  Government  of  this  Province,  by  requiring  all 
Persons  that  shall  hereafter  be  chosen  Members  of  the  Commons 
House  of  Assembly,  and  sit  in  the  same,  to  take  the  Oaths,  and 
subscribe  the  Declaration  appointed  by  this  Act,  and  to  conform 
to  the  Religious  Worship  in  this  Province,  according  to  the  Rites 
and  Usage  of  the  said  Church,"  lately  pass'd  there,  and  sign'd  and 

1  "  The  Humble  Address  of  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  Spiritual  and 
Temporal  in  Parliament  assembled,  Die  Martii  12,  1705."  (Note  in  original; 
see  also  p.  264,  note  1,  supra.) 


356  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1706 

seal'd  by  John  Lord  Granville,  Palatine,  for  himself,  and  the  Lord 
Craven,  and  also  for  the  Lord  Cartarett,  and  by  Sir  John  Colliton, 
four  of  the  Proprietors  of  that  Province,  in  order  to  the  ratifying 
of  it,  is  founded  upon  Falsity  in  Matter  of  Fact,  is  repugnant  to  the 
Laws  of  England,  contrary  to  the  Charter  granted  to  the  Proprietors 
of  that  Colony,  is  an  Encouragement  to  Atheism  and  Irreligion, 
destructive  to  Trade,  and  tends  to  the  depopulating  and  ruining 
the  said  Province. 

May  it  please  your  Majesty; 

We  your  Majesty's  most  dutiful  Subjects,  having  thus  humbly 
presented  our  Opinions  of  these  Acts,  we  beseech  your  Majesty  to 
use  the  most  effectual  methods  to  deliver  the  said  Province  from 
the  arbitrary  Oppressions,  under  which  it  now  lies;  and  to  order 
the  Authors  thereof  to  be  prosecuted  according  to  Law. 

To  which  Her  Majesty  was  graciously  pleas'd  to  answer: 

I  thank  the  House,  for  laying  these  Matters  so  plainly  before 
me;  I  am  very  sensible  of  what  great  Consequence  the  Plantations 
are  to  England,  and  will  do  all  that  is  in  my  Power  to  relieve  my 
Subjects. 

It  appeared  to  the  House,  that  some  of  the  Proprietors 
absolutely  refus'd  to  join  in  these  Acts.  This  Matter  being 
referred  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  of  Trade,  they  ex- 
amin'd  into  it;  and  finding  all  the  Fact  charg'd  upon  the 
Promoters  of  these  Bills,  true,  represented  to  Her  Majesty. 
the  24th  of  May,  1706,  That  the  making  such  Laws  is  an 
Abuse  of  the  Power  granted  to  the  Proprietors  by  their  Charter, 
and  will  be  a  Forfeiture  of  such  Power.  They  further  humbly 
offered  to  her  Majesty,  That  she  would  be  pleas'd  to  give 
Directions  for  re-assuming  the  same  into  her  Majesty's  Hands 
by  Scire  Facias,  in  her  Majesty's  Court  of  Queen's  Bench. 
Which  Representation  was  signed  by  the  Right  Honourable 
the  Lord  Dartmouth,  the  Honourable  Robert  Cecil,  Esq; 
Sir  Philip  Meadows,  William  Blathwayte,  Esq;  Matthew 
Prior,  Esq ;  and  John  Pollexfen,  Esq. 

On  the  10th  of  June,  her  Majesty  was  pleas'd  to  approve 
of  the  said  Representation;  and  accordingly  having  declared 
the  Laws  mention'd  therein  to  be  null  and  void,  did  Order, 
That  for  the  more  effectual  Proceeding  against  the  said  Charter 
by  way  of  Quo  Warranto,  Mr.  Attorney,  and  Mr.  Solicitor 


1705]  OLDMIXON'S   BRITISH  EMPIRE  357 

General  do  inform  themselves  fully  concerning  what  may  be 
most  necessary  for  effecting  the  same. 

Thus  did  our  most  Gracious  Sovereign  hear  the  Cry  of 
the  Oppressed,  right  the  Innocent,  and  do  Justice  on  the 
Oppressor.  For  no  Distance  of  Country  can  put  any  of  her 
Subjects  out  of  her  Protection;  nor  no  Difference  of  Opinion 
(provided  they  are  kept  within  the  Bounds  of  Duty  and  Re 
ligion)  prevent  her  favouring  alike  all  her  People,  and  doing 
her  utmost  to  make  them  all  happy,  as  the  infinite  God  has 
made  her  Reign  to  her  self,  and  her  Empire  in  a  distinguished 
manner. 

The  Assembly  which  passed  these  two  memorable  Acts 
were  dissolv'd  in  the  following  Year,  and  a  new  one  sum- 
mon'd  to  meet  at  Charles  Town.  At  the  Election,  Craven 
and  Berkley  Counties  were  so  streightned  by  the  Qualifying 
Act,  that  they  had  not  20  Men  to  represent  them,  unless  they 
would  choose  a  Dissenter,  or  a  Man  not  fit  to  sit  in  the  Assem 
bly.  Nineteen  of  the  Party  against  the  Occasional  Bill  were 
chosen,  and  one  Mr.  Job  How  was  elected  by  the  Interest  of 
the  Goosecreek  Faction,  a  Branch  of  the  former.  The  French, 
who  were  Free-holders,  voted  for  them,  being  induc'd  to  it,, 
by  a  Frenchman's  being  set  up  for  a  Candidate.  They  also 
procured  Masters  of  Ships,  particularly  Cap.  Cole,  who  lay  in 
the  Harbour,  to  vote  on  their  Side.  This  Election  was  made 
in  the  Town,  and  the  Faction  gave  out,  an  Assembly  was 
chosen,  who  would  repeal  the  Church-Act,  and  not  pay  the 
Augustino  Debt,  threatning  if  they  did,  the  House  and  Town 
should  quickly  be  too  hot  to  hold  them. 

In  Colliton  County,  there  were  but  14  Men  would  qualify 
themselves:  Therefore  none  of  the  Dissenters  appeared,  and 
there  were  but  10  Votes  out  of  200  that  appeared  at  the 
Election.  The  10  Electors  voted  for  14  Candidates,  and  the 
Sheriff  returned  10  that  had  the  Majority  of  Votes. 

On  Jan.  2.  1705.  the  Members  met,  but  not  enough  to 
make  a  House,  and  choose  a  Speaker.  Mr.  Stephens,  one  of 
the  Members,  ask'd  Mr.  How,  in  the  Governour's  Presence, 
to  attend;  but  he  refused.  Before  Night  the  House  was 
compleat,  and  waited  on  the  Governour,  and  ask'd  if  he 
would  direct  them  to  choose  a  Speaker?  He  Answer'd,  he 
thought  'twas  too  late,  but  if  they  would  venture  they  must 


358  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1705 

do  it  with  speed,  for  he  was  not  well,  and  'twould  endanger 
his  Health  to  sit  up.  So  they  presently  chose  Mr.  Seabrook, 
and  presented  him  to  the  Governour;  who  approved  of  the 
Choice. 

The  next  Day  the  House  met,  the  Speaker  in  the  Chair, 
and  the  Members  were  calPd  upon  to  qualify  themselves: 
Six  did,  and  three  more  were  ready  to  do  it,  and  Debates 
arising  about  Qualifying,  the  House  adjourn'd. 

The  House  meeting  again,  a  Report  was,  as  'tis  said, 
industriously  spread,  that  the  Members  had  forfeited  501. 
a  Man  for  adjourning  before  they  were  qualify'd.  Mr.  How 
and  Mr.  Wiggington  attended  in  their  Places,  and  offered  to 
qualify  themselves;  but  Mr.  Born  well  coming  with  a  Message, 
the  House  waited  on  the  Governour;  who  spoke  to  this  Purpose : 

Gentlemen, 

You  are  building  on  a  wrong  Foundation,  and  then  the  Super 
structure  will  never  stand;  for  you  have  dissolved  your  selves  by 
adjourning,  before  there  was  a  competent  Number  of  Members  to 
adjourn,  and  I  cannot  dissolve  you  if  I  would,  you  not  being  a 
House.  All  this  I  know  very  well,  as  being  my  self  many  Years  a 
Member  of  the  House  of  Commons  in  England;  and  therefore  as 
I  am  Head,  I  would  advise  you  to  go  back  no  more  to  the  House, 
but  go  every  Man  about  his  own  Business:  For  if  you  should  per 
sist  in  settling  and  making  Laws,  besides  incurring  the  Penalties 
of  the  Act,  the  Laws  would  be  of  no  force,  etc. 

The  Speaker  refused  to  return  to  the  Chair,  and  the  Mem 
bers  dispersed.  The  Governour  and  Council  disowning  the 
Assembly,  Mr.  Wiggington  declared,  'Twas  his  Opinion  the 
House  was  dissolved.  But  their  Dissolution  was  aggravated, 
by  the  Pleasure  the  Government  took  in  making  them  Felo 
de  se,  their  own  Murderers.1 

Then  another  Assembly  was  calPd,  the  Choice  of  which 
was  carry'd  on  with  greater  Violence  than  the  former.  Job 

1  The  journal  prior  to  January  31,  1704/5,  has  been  lost,  but  if  the  above 
statement  is  correct  the  General  Assembly  which  met  on  the  2nd  was  dissolved 
after  several  days,  new  writs  were  issued,  a  new  election  was  held,  and  the  new 
House  met  before  January  31st — all  with  a  haste  that  was  not  duplicated  on  any 
other  occasion  in  the  history  of  the  province,  so  far  as  is  shown  by  authentic 
records. 


1705]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  359 

How,  Esq;  was  chosen  Speaker,  and  the  Members  for  the 
most  Part  qualify'd  themselves  according  to  the  Qualifying 
Act.  The  Faction  had  not  then  heard  of  the  Proceedings 
against  them  in  England,  which  indeed  were  not  come  to  a 
Conclusion.  They  continued  their  Irregularities  as  if  they 
were  the  most  innocent  Men  in  the  Province,  and  the  only 
true  Patriots.  They  pass'd  an  Act  for  their  Continuance 
two  Years  after  the  Death  of  the  present  Governour,  or  the 
Succession  of  a  new  one:  The  Reason  is  told  us  in  the  Pre 
amble,  "  Whereas  the  Church  of  England  has  of  late  been  so 
happily  established  among  them,  fearing  by  the  Succession  of 
a  new  Governour,  the  Church  may  be  either  undermined,  or 
wholly  subverted,  to  prevent  that  Calamity  befalling  them, 
be  it  enacted/7  etc.  Mr.  Job  How,  Speaker  of  the  Assembly, 
dying  some  time  after,  Col.  William  Rhett  was  chosen  in  his 
Place.  But  what  has  been  since  done  in  these  Affairs,  we 
know  not  more  than  in  general,  that  the  two  Acts  have  been 
repeaPd,  and  the  Party  who  drove  things  on  with  such  Fury, 
have  entirely  lost  their  Credit,  and  that  the  Proprietaries  are 
oblig'd  to  them  for  the  cause  now  depending;  wherein  if  they 
are  cast,  the  Government  of  the  Province  will  be  forfeited  to 
the  Crown.  They  may  thank  themselves  for  it,  or  at  least 
their  late  Palatine  the  Lord  Granville;  for  since  the  foregoing 
Pages  were  written,  that  Lord  dy'd. 

How  things  may  be  manag'd  now,  is  not  difficult  to  be 
foreseen,  from  the  good  Intelligence  between  the  Persons  we 
have  just  mention'd;  and  the  Fall  of  this  Faction  is  a  terrible 
Example  to  all  Colonies,  not  to  let  any  Prejudice  or  Passion 
hurry  them  on  to  do  things  which  they  cannot  answer  to  their 
Superiours  in  England. 

'Tis  not  yet  known  who  will  be  Palatine  of  this  Province, 
there  being  some  Disputes  in  the  Succession.  Tis  suppos'd 
the  Lord  Craven  will  succeed  the  late  Lord  Granville,  who 
assign'd  his  Propriety  to  the  Duke  of  Beaufort. 


360  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1708 


CHAPT.  II. 

Containing  a  Geographical  Description  of  Carolina;  as  also  an 
Account  of  the  Climate,  Soil,  Product,  Trade,  First  Inhabi 
tants,  etc. 

Tis  very  well  known,  that  the  Province  of  Carolina  has 
been  a  long  time  divided  into  two  separate  Governments,  the 
one  called  North  Carolina,  and  the  other  South  Carolina; 
but  the  latter  being  the  more  populous,  goes  generally  under 
the  Denomination  of  Carolina,  and  as  such  we  have  treated 
of  it  in  the  foregoing  Pages.  The  Proprietaries  of  North 
Carolina  are  the  Proprietaries  of  South  Carolina;  tho  the 
Governours  are  different,  in  other  things  they  are  exactly 
the  same  And  we  shall  put  them  together  in  the  Geographical 
Description;  as  also  in  our  Account  of  the  Climate,  Soil, 
Product,  Trade,  first  Inhabitants,  etc. 

Carolina,  as  has  been  said,  contains  all  the  Coast  of  North 
America,  between  31  and  36  Degrees  of  Northern  Latitude. 
Its  breadth  is  not  to  be  computed,  King  Charles  II.  having 
granted  the  Proprietors  all  the  Land  Westward  in  a  direct 
Line  from  the  above  mentioned  Degrees  to  the  South  Seas. 
'Tis  in  Length  three  hundred  Miles.  Its  Situation  is  most 
convenient  for  Trade,  the  Coast  pleasant  and  safe,  not  stormy, 
or  frozen  in  the  Winter. 

As  to  the  Climate,  Mr.  Archdale  says  of  it,  Carolina  is 
the  Northern  Part  of  Florida,  viz.  from  29  Degrees  to  36£, 
and  is  indeed  the  very  Center  of  the  habitable  Part  of  the 
Northern  Hemisphere;  for  taking  it  to  be  habitable  from 
the  Equinoctial  to  64  Degrees,  the  center  of  Carolina  lies  in 
about  32.  which  is  about  the  middle  of  64,  lying  Parallel 
with  the  Land  of  Canaan,  and  may  be  called  the  temperate 
Zone  comparatively,  as  not  being  pester'd  with  the  violent 
Heats  of  the  more  Southern  Colonies,  or  the  Extremes  and 
violent  Colds  of  the  more  Northern  Settlements.  Its  Pro 
duction  answers  the  Title  of  Florida,  quia  Regio  est  Florida. 
Carolina  North  and  South  is  divided  into  6  Counties;  of 
which  two  are  in  North  Carolina,  Albemarle  and  Clarendon; 


1708]  OLDMIXON'S   BRITISH  EMPIRE  361 

and  four  in  South,  Craven,  Berkley,  Colliton,  and  Cartarett 
Counties.1 

The  first  is  Albemarle  County,  to  the  North,  bordering  on 
Virginia.  Tis  water 'd  by  Albemarle  River;  and  in  this 
Part  of  the  Country  lies  the  Island  Roanoke,  where  Philip 
Amidas  and  Arthur  Barlow,  whom  Sir  Walter  Rawleigh  sent 
to  Virginia,  landed.  This  County  may  be  said  to  belong  to 
Virginia,  as  New  England,  etc.,  did,  which  justifies  King 
Charles's  Grant.  When  Carolina  was  first  settled,  Albemarle 
was  more  planted  than  any  of  the  other  Counties,  and  con 
sisted  of  near  300  Families.  But  the  Plantations  upon  Ashley 
River  in  time  grew  upon  it  so  much,  that  most  of  the  Planters 
here  removed  thither.  This  River  is  full  of  Creeks  on  both 
Sides  of  it,  which  for  Breadth  deserve  the  Name  of  Rivers, 
but  they  do  not  run  far  into  the  Country.  At  Sandy  Point, 
it  divides  it  self  into  two  Branches,  Noratoke  and  Notaway; 
and  in  the  North  Point  lives  an  Indian  Nation,  call'd  the 
Mataromogs.  Next  to  Albemarle  is  Pantegoe  River;  between 
them  is  Cape  Hattoras,  mentioned  in  the  History  of  Virginia. 
Next  to  it  is  Neuse  River.  The  Coranines,  an  Indian  Nation, 
inhabit  the  Country  about  Cape  Look  out. 

Next  to  Albemarle  is  Clarendon  County;  in  which  is  the 
famous  Promontary,  call'd  Cape  Fear,  at  the  Mouth  of  Claren 
don  River,  call'd  also  Cape  Fear  River.  Hereabouts,  a  Colony 
from  Barbadoes  formerly  settled.  The  Indians  in  this  Neigh 
bourhood  are  reckoned  the  most  barbarous  of  any  in  the 
Province.  The  next  River  is  nam'd  Waterey  River,  or  Win- 
yann,  about  25  Leagues  distant  from  Ashley  River:  Tis 
capable  of  receiving  large  Ships,  but  inferior  to  Port  Royal, 
nor  is  yet  inhabited.  There's  another  small  River  between 
this  and  Clarendon  River  call'd  Wingon  River,  and  a  little 
Settlement  honour'd  with  the  Name  of  Charles  Town,  but  so 
thinly  inhabited,  that  'tis  not  worth  taking  Notice  of.  We 
come  now  to  South  Carolina,  which  is  parted  from  North  by 
Zantee  River.2  The  adjacent  Country  is  call'd, 

1  "Des.  of  Car.,  p.  6."  (Note  in  original.  See  p.  288,  supra.)  The  name 
of  Carteret  County  was  changed  to  Granville  after  Archdale's  time  as  governor. 

'  The  Cape  Fear  River  was  called  the  Charles  at  the  time  of  the  settlement  of 
the  Barbadian  colony  thereon.  The  Wateree  River  is  a  branch  of  the  San  tee. 
Winyah  Bay  indents  the  coast  just  above  the  mouth  of  the  Santee.  There  is  no 


362  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1708 

Craven  County;  it  is  pretty  well  inhabited  by  English 
and  French;  of  the  latter  there's  a  Settlement1  on  Zantee 
River,  and  they  were  very  instrumental  in  the  irregular 
Election  of  the  Unsteady  Assembly.  The  next  River  to 
Zantee  is  Sewee  River;2  where  some  Families  from  New 
England  settled:  And  in  the  Year  1706,  the  French  landing 
there,  they  were  vigorously  oppos'd  by  this  little  Colony; 
who  beat  off  the  Invaders,  having  forc'd  them  to  leave  many 
of  their  Companions  dead  behind  them.  This  County  sends 
10  Members  to  the  Assembly.  We  now  enter 

Berkley  County,  passing  still  from  North  to  South.  The 
Northern  Parts  of  this  Shire  are  not  planted,  but  the  Southern 
are  thick  of  Plantations,  on  Account  of  the  two  great  Rivers, 
Cooper  and  Ashley.  On  the  North  Coast  there's  a  little  River 
calFd  Bowal  River;  which,  with  a  Creek,  forms  an  Islands, 
and  off  the  Coasts  are  several  Isles,  nam'd  the  Hunting-Islands, 
and  Sillivant's  Isle.  Between  the  latter  and  Bowal  River,  is  a 
Ridge  of  Hills;  which,  from  the  Nature  of  the  Soil,  is  call'd 
the  Sand-Hills.3  The  River  Wando  waters  the  North- West 
Parts  of  this  County,  and  has  several  good  Plantations  upon  it, 
as  Col.  Daniel's  on  the  South  Side,  and  Col.  Dearsby's  lower 
down  on  the  North.  It  runs  into  Cooper  River,  near  the 
latter,  and  they  both  unite  their  Streams  with  Ashley  River 
at  Charles  Town.  The  late  Assembly  enacted,  "That  a 
Church  should  be  built  on  the  South-East  of  Wando  River, 
and  another  upon  the  Neck  of  Land,  lying  on  the  North- 
West  of  Wando/7  but  we  do  not  see  that  this  Act  was  obey'd.4 

Charles  Town,  the  Capital  of  this  Province,  is  built  on  a 

such  river  as  the  Wingon  between  Winyah  and  North  Carolina.  Two  rivers 
run  into  Winyah  Bay  from  that  territory:  the  Peedee  and  the  Waccamaw. 
There  was  no  Charles  Town  then  in  Carolina  other  than  that  between  the  Ashley 
and  Cooper  rivers.  The  Barbadian  settlement  on  the  Cape  Fear  had  been  called 
by  that  name,  but  it  had  been  abandoned  before  the  Ashley  River  settlement  was 
effected. 

1  On  this  French  settlement,  James  Town,  see  Mr.  H.  A.  M.  Smith  in  The 
South  Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical  Magazine,  IX.  220-227. 

3  Seewee  is  not  a  river,  but  a  bay. 

3  There  is  no  river  in  that  quarter  and  there  are  no  such  sandhills  as  are  here 
described.     All  of  the  coastal  islands  just  to  the  northward  of  Charleston  are 
sandy  and  the  wind  piles  this  sand  into  dunes,  but  there  are  no  hills  near  that 
coast. 

4  Churches  were  built  in  both  parishes  about  that  time. 


1708]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  363 

Neck  of  Land  between  Ashley  and  Cooper  Rivers,  but  lying 
most  on  Cooper  River,  having  a  Creek  on  the  North  Side,  and 
another  on  the  South.  It  lies  in  32  Deg.  40  Min.  N.  Lat. 
2  Leagues  from  the  Sea.  It  is  the  only  free  Port  in  the  Prov 
ince,  which  is  a  great  Discouragement  to  it,  and  a  vast  Injury 
to  Trade:  "'Tis  fortify'd  more  for  Beauty  than  Strength." 
It  has  6  Bastions,  and  a  Line  all  round  it.  Towards  Cooper 
River  are  Blake's  Bastion,  Granville  Bastion,  a  Half  Moon,  and 
Craven  Bastion.  On  the  South  Creek  are  the  Pallisades,  and 
Ashley  Bastion;  on  the  North  a  Line;  and  facing  Ashley 
River  are  Colliton  Bastion,  Johnson's  cover'd  Half-Moon,  with 
a  Draw-bridge  in  the  Line,  and  another  in  the  Half-Moon, 
Carterett  Bastion  is  next  to  it.  If  all  these  Works  are  well 
made,  and  can  be  well  mann'd,  we  see  no  Reason  why  they 
should  not  defend  as  well  as  beautify  the  Town;  which  is  a 
Market  Town,  and  thither  the  whole  product  of  the  Province 
is  brought  for  Sale.  Neither  is  its  Trade  inconsiderable;  for 
it  deals  near  1000  Miles  into  the  Continent:  However,  'tis 
unhappy  in  a  Bar,  that  admits  no  Ships  above  200  Tuns.  Its 
Situation  is  very  inviting,  and  the  Country  about  it  agreeable 
and  fruitful:  The  High- ways  extremely  delightful,  especially 
that  call'd  Broad-way,  which  for  three  or  four  Miles  make  a 
Road  and  Walk  so  pleasantly  green,  that,1  says  my  Author,  I 
believe  no  Prince  in  Europe,  by  all  his  Art,  can  make  so 
pleasant  a  Sight  for  the  whole  Year.  There  are  several  fair 
Streets  in  the  Town,  and  some  very  handsome  buildings;  as 
Mr.  Landgrave  Smith's  House  on  the  Key,  with  a  Drawbridge 
and  Wharf  before  it;  Col.  Rhett's  on  the  Key:  also  Mr. 
Boon's,  Mr.  Loggan's,  Mr.  Schinking's,  and  10  or  12  more, 
which  deserve  to  be  taken  Notice  of.  As  for  publick  Edifices, 
the  Church  is  most  remarkable :  'Tis  large  and  stately  enough; 
but  the  Number  of  the  Professors  of  the  Anglicane  Worship 
encreasing  daily,  the  Auditory  begin  to  want  Room,  and 
another  Church.  This  is  dedicated  to  St.  Philip;  and  by  the 
Act,  which  appointed  the  High  Commission  Court,  'twas 
enacted,  "That  Charles  Town,  and  the  Neck  between  Cooper 
and  Ashley  River,  as  far  up  as  the  Plantation  of  John  Bird, 
Gent,  on  Cooper  River,  inclusive,  is,  and  from  henceforth  shall 
for  ever  be  a  distinct  Parish,  by  the  Name  of  St.  Philip's  in 

1  "Archd.,  p.  9.'"   (Note  in  original.     See  p.  290,  supra.) 


364  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1708 

Charles  Town;"  and  the  Church  and  Csemetry  then  in  this 
Town  were  enacted  to  be  the  Parish  Church  and  Church- 
Yard  of  St.  Philip's  in  Charles  Town.  Mr.  Williams  was  the 
first  Church  of  England  Minister  in  Carolina:  A  Person  of 
whom  since  Mr.  Marston  has  said  so  much,  we  shall  say  no 
more.  One  Mr.  Warmel  was  sent  over  after  him.  The 
Reverend  Mr.  Samuel  Marshal  was  the  first  established  Minister 
at  Charles  Town;  and  his  Successor  was  Mr.  Edward  Marston, 
the  present  Rector  of  St.  Philip's;  he  came  over  seven  Years 
ago.  Mr.  Kendal,  Minister  of  Bermudas,  was  invited  to  this 
Colony;  and  Mr.  Corbin,  an  Acquaintance  of  Mr.  Marston's, 
coming  by  chance,  he  got  him  settl'd  in  this  Province. 

The  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel  sent  over  one 
Mr.  Thomas,  to  convert  the  Roman  Catholick  Indians;  but. 
he  did  not  obey  his  Mission.1  On  the  contrary,  'twas  by  his 
Influence  on  some  Men  of  Interest  here,  that  Mr.  Kendal  was 
displaced:  Upon  which  he  went  distracted. 

Mr.  Warmell  was  also  us'd  so  ill  by  him,  that  he  also 
dy'd  distracted;  and  Mr.  Corbin  was  forc'd  to  leave  the 
Colony,  by  the  causeless  Quarrels  of  the  Inhabitants;  in  which 
the  Dissenters  had  the  least  Hand.  'Twas  by  their  Procure 
ment  that  the  150/.  a  Year,  etc.,  was  settled  on  the  Orthodox 
Minister  of  this  Church.  The  Church  stands  near  the  cover'd 
Half  Moon. 

There  's  a  Publick  Library  in  this  Town,  and  a  Free-School 
has  been  long  talk'd  of:  Whether  founded  or  not,  we  have 
not  learn'd.  The  Library  is  kept  by  the  Minister  for  the 
time  being.  It  owes  its  Rise  to  Dr.  Thomas  Bray;  as  do 
most  of  the  American  Libraries,  for  which  he  zealously  solicited 
Contributions  in  England. 

Not  far  off,  by  Cartarett  Bastion,  is  the  Presbyterian 
Meeting-house;  of  which  Mr.  Archibald  Stobe  is  Minister.2 
Between  Colliton  and  Ashley  Bastion  is  the  Anabaptist  Meet 
ing-house,  Mr.  William  Screven  Minister.  The  French  Church 

1  "See  Mr.  Marston's  Letter  to  Dr.  Stanhope,  Part  2,  Case  of  Dissent.,  p. 
58."  (Note  in  original.)  The  contemporaneous  records  on  both  sides  of  the 
ocean  show  Rev.  Samuel  Thomas  to  have  been  a  splendid  man,  whose  work  in 
South  Carolina  was  of  great  benefit  to  the  people.  The  statement  that  he  caused 
these  two  ministers  to  die  distracted  is  absurd. 

a  Archibald  Stobo,  an  ancestor  of  former  President  Roosevelt. 


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PLAN  OF  CHARLES  TOWN,  BY  EDWARD  CI 

From  a  copy  of  Ramsay's  "  History  of  South  Carolina,"  in  the  N 


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BY  EDWARD  CRISP,  1704 
Carolina,"  in  the  New  York  Public  Library 


1708]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  365 

is  in  the  Chief  Street :  Besides  which  there  is  a  Quakers  Meet 
ing-house,  in  the  Suburbs  of  it,  properly  so  call'd,  on  the  other 
Side  of  the  Draw-bridge,  in  the  Half  Moon,  toward  Ashley 
River. 

To  the  Southward  is  the  Watch-house;  and  the  most 
noted  Plantations  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  Charles  Town, 
are  Ferguson's,  Underwood's,  Gilbertson  and  Garnett's. 

We  may  see  by  this  Description  that  the  Town  is  full  of 
Dissenters,  and  would  flourish  more,  were  not  the  Inhabitants 
uneasy  under  the  Government  there.  For  one  may  imagine 
they  who  fled  from  England,  to  avoid  Persecution,  cannot  be 
well  pleas'd  to  meet  with  it  in  America;  or  to  cross  the  Atlan- 
tick,  to  live  under  Oppression  abroad,  while  their  Relations 
and  Friends  at  home  enjoy  all  the  blessings  of  a  peaceful  and 
gentle  Administration. 

There  are  at  least  250  Families  in  this  Town,  most  of 
which  are  numerous,  and  many  of  them  have  10  or  12  Children 
in  each;  in  the  whole  amounting  to  about  3000  souls. 

In  Charles  Town  the  Governour  generally  resides,  the 
Assembly  sit,  the  Courts  of  Judicature  are  held,  the  Publick 
Offices  are  kept,  and  the  Business  of  the  Province  is  transacted. 

The  Neck  of  Land  between  Cooper  and  Ashley  Rivers 
is  about  4  Miles  over;  and  the  Banks  of  both  of  these  are 
well  planted.  The  chief  Settlements  on  Cooper  River  are 
Mathew's,  Green's,  Gray's,  Starkey's,  GrimbolPs,  Dickeson's, 
and  Izard's;  the  latter  on  Turkey  Creek.  About  a  Mile  from 
thence  is  the  mouth  of  Goose-Creek,  which  is  also  very  well 
planted.  Here  Mr.  William  Corbin  above-mention'd  liv'd, 
and  had  a  Congregation  of  Church  of  England  Men;  and  one 
of  the  Churches  propos'd  to  be  built  by  the  Assembly  which 
pass'd  the  two  fatal  Acts  we  have  spoken  of,  was  to  be  erected.1 

Mr.  Thomas,  a  Missionary  sent  by  the  Society  before- 
mention'd,  settled  here,  by  Capt.  How's  and  Col.  Moor's  Sollic- 
itations;  as  did  Mr.  Stackhouse,  and  the  Reverend  Dr.  Lejau. 

Mr.  Marston  in  his  Letter  to  the  Reverend  Dr.  Stanhope, 
accuses  Mr.  Thomas  of  being  the  Occasion  of  the  ill  Usage 
that  made  Mr.  Kendal  run  distracted.  He  Complains  he  never 

1  There  had  been  a  church  there  so  early  as  1702.  The  new  church  was 
commenced  soon  after  the  passage  of  the  Church  Act  of  1706  and  was  finished 
about  1711.  It  still  stands— one  of  the  oldest  church  edifices  in  America. 


366  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1708 

had  University  Education,  saying.  That  the  best  Service 
your  Society  can  do  this  young  Man,  Mr.  Thomas,  is,  to 
maintain  him  a  few  Years  at  one  of  our  Universities,  where 
he  may  better  learn  the  Principles  and  Government  of  the 
Church  of  England,  etc.,  and  some  other  useful  Learning, 
which  I  am  afraid  he  wants. 

Sir  John  Yeaman's,  and  Mr.  Landgrave  Bellenger's  Plan 
tations  are  here;  as  also  Col.  Gibbs's,  Mr.  Schinking's,  and 
Colliton's  Company.  Between  this  and  Back  River  are  Col. 
Moor's  and  Col.  Quarry's  plantations. 

Back  River  falls  into  Cooper  River,  about  2  Miles  above 
Goose  Creek,  and  its  Western  Branch  a  little  higher.  Here 
another  Church  was  proposed  to  be  built.  The  most  noted 
Plantations  are  Capt.  Comming's,  and  Sir  Nathaniel  Johnson's, 
bordering  on  the  Barony  of  Mr.  Thomas  Colliton. 

We  must  now  take  a  View  of  Ashley  River,  where  we 
first  meet  with  Mr.  Landgrave  West's  Plantation  on  one 
side,1  and  Col.  Gibbs's  on  the  other.  Mr.  Baden's  over  against 
Col.  Godfrey's;  Mr.  Simond's  opposite  to  Dr.  Trevillian's;  and 
Mr.  Pendarvis's  to  Mr.  West's,  Mr.  Colliton's  to  Mr.  Marshal's, 
and  others,  almost  contiguous. 

This  Part  of  the  Country  belongs  to  the  Lord  Shaftesbury. 
On  the  South-West  of  Ashley  River  is  the  great  Savana. 
One  of  the  Churches  intended  to  be  erected  in  this  County, 
was  to  have  been  built  on  Ashley  River. 

Dorchester  is  in  this  Shire,  bordering  on  Colliton  County. 
'Tis  a  small  Town,  containing  about  350  Souls.  There  's  a 
Meet  ing-House  belonging  to  the  Independants,  the  Pastor  of 
which  is  Mr.  John  Lord.2  Next  to  it  is  Stono  River,  which 
divides  Berkley  from  Colliton  County,  To  which  we  must  now 
proceed,  observing  only  that  Berkley  County  sends  ten  Mem 
bers  to  the  Assembly.  The  same  does, 

Colliton  County;  which  Stono  River  waters,  and  is  join'd 

1  Landgrave  Joseph  West  had  long  since  died.  On  March  7,  1691/2,  Miles 
Forster,  of  the  "  Citty  of  New  Yorke  Merchant  Sole  Executor  of  the  Last  Will  and 
Testament  of  Joseph  West,  Esq  late  of  the  sd.  Citty  deceased  and  formerly  of 
South  Carolina"  executed  a  power  of  attorney  to  Thomas  Smith  of  South  Caro 
lina  to  recover  all  property  belonging  to  West's  estate  in  South  Carolina.  (Rec 
ords  of  the  Register  of  the  Province  of  South  Carolina,  2,  200-201.) 

*  See  p.  196.  note  1,  supra. 


1708]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  367 

by  a  Cut,1  near  Mr.  Blake's  Plantation,  to  Wadmoolaw  River. 
The  North-East  Parts  of  this  Division  of  the  Province  is  full 
of  Indian  Settlements;  and  the  Stono  and  other  Rivers,  form 
an  Island,  calPd  Boone's  Island,  a  little  below  Charles  Town, 
which  is  well  planted  and  inhabited.  The  two  chief  Rivers 
in  this  County  are  North  Edistow,  and  South  Edistow.  At 
the  Mouth  of  the  Latter  is  Col.  Paul  GrimbolPs  Plantation; 
and  for  two  or  three  Miles  up  the  River,  the  Plantations  are 
thick  on  both  sides,  as  they  continue  for  three  or  four  Miles 
higher  on  the  North-side,  and  branching  there,  the  River 
meets  with  the  North  Edistow. 

Two  Miles  higher  is  Wilton,  by  some  call'd  New  London, 
a  little  Town,  consisting  of  about  80  Houses.2  Landgrave 
Moreton,  Mr.  Blake,  Mr.  Boon,  Landgrave  Axtel,  and  other 
considerable  Planters,  have  Settlements  in  this  Neighbourhood, 
which  is  Sir  John  Colliton's  Precinct. 

A  Church  was  to  have  been  built  on  the  South-side  of 
the  Stono,  had  that  Project  gone  on,  and  the  Act  taken  effect. 
This  County  has  200  Freeholders,  that  vote  in  Election  for 
Parliament  Men.  There  's  an  Orthodox  Church  in  this  Pre 
cinct,  of  which  Mr.  Williams  is  Minister. 

Carterett  County  is  not  yet  inhabited,  but  is  generally 
esteem'd  to  be  the  most  fruitful  and  pleasant  Part  of  the 
Province;  this  and  Colliton  County  are  distinguish^  from 
the  other  by  the  Name  of  the  Southward.  In  it  is  the  great 
River  Cambage,  which  joining  with  the  River  May,  forms 
with  the  Sea  Island  Edelano.3 

The  country  upon  the  River  May  was  inhabited  by  the 
Westoes,  an  Indian  Nation  already  mentioned.  There's  a 
pleasant  Lake  and  Valley  in  it;  and  the  first  English  that 
came  to  Carolina,  thought  of  settling  hereabouts;  but  the 
Indians  advis'd  them  to  the  contrary,  because  the  Harbour 
of  Port  Royal  was  the  finest  in  Florida,  and  would  have 
tempted  the  Spaniards  to  disturb  them. 

1  New  Cut. 

2  See  Mr.  H.  A.  M.  Smith's  article  on  Willtown  or  New  London  in  The 
South  Carolina  Historical  and  Genealogical  Magazine,  X.  20-32. 

3  There  was  no  river  Cambage.     Possibly  the  Combahee  was  meant,  but 
that  does  not  unite  with  what  was  then  called  the  May  (Savannah).     There  was 
no  Island  Edelano.     It  is  difficult  to  tell  whether  the  writer  meant  Edisto  Island 
or  St.  Helena  Island.     In  either  case  he  was  wrong. 


368  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1708 

The  Scots  settled  here,  under  the  Lord  Cardross,  but 
were  soon  forc'd  to  abandon  their  Settlements,  as  has  been 
elsewhere  hinted.  Port  Royal  River  lies  20  Leagues  from 
Ashley  River,  to  the  South,  in  31  Degrees,  45  Minutes,  North 
Latitude.  It  has  a  bold  Entrance,  17  Foot  low  Water  on  the 
Bar.  The  Harbour  is  large,  commodious,  and  safe  for  Ship 
ping,  and  runs  into  a  fine  fruitful  Country,  preferable  to  the 
other  Parts  of  Carolina.  It  spends  its  self,  by  various 
Branches,  into  other  large  Rivers.  This  Port  is  not  200 
Miles  from  Augustino,  and  would  be  a  great  Curb  to  the 
Spaniards  there,  where  their  Settlement  is  not  very  consid 
erable. 

Next  to  it  is  the  River  of  May,  and  then  San  Mattseo; 
which  is  the  last  of  any  Note  in  the  English  Florida,  a  Name 
this  Province  highly  deserves. 

The  Air  of  this  Country  is  healthy,  and  Soil  fruitful,1  of  a 
sandy  Mould,  which  near  the  Sea  appears  ten  times  more 
barren  than  it  proves  to  be.  There's  a  vast  Quantity  of 
Vines  in  many  Parts  on  the  Coasts,  bearing  abundance  of 
Grapes,  where  one  would  wonder  they  should  get  Nourish 
ment.  Within  Land  the  Soil  is  more  mix'd  with  a  black 
ish  Mould,  and  its  Foundation  generally  Clay,  good  for 
Bricks. 

Its  Products  are  the  chief  Trade  of  the  Inhabitants,  who 
send  it  abroad,  according  as  the  Market  offers;  and  'tis  in 
demand  in  America  or  Europe.  But  the  Chief  Commerce 
from  hence  is  to  Jamaica,  Barbadoes,  and  the  Leward  Islands. 
Yet  their  Trade  to  England  is  very  much  encreas'd;  for  not 
withstanding  all  the  Discouragements  the  People  lie  under, 
seventeen  Ships  came  last  Year,  laden  from  Carolina,  with 
Rice,  Skins,  Pitch,  and  Tar,  in  the  Virginia  Fleet,  besides 
stragling  Ships. 

Its  principal  Commodities  are  Provisions,  as  Beef,  Pork, 
Corn,  Pease,  Butter,  Tallow,  Hides,  Tann'd  Leather,  Hogs 
head  and  Barrel  Staves,  Hoops,  Cotton,  Silk;  besides  what 
they  send  for  England.  Their  Timber  Trees,  Fruit  Trees, 
Plants,  and  Animals,  are  much  the  same  with  those  in  Virginia; 
in  which  History  may  be  seen  a  large  Account  of  them:  But 

1  "Arch.,  p.  8."     (Note  in  original.     See  p.  288,  supra.) 


1708]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  369 

since  Mr.  Archdale  has  been  a  little  particular  in  his,  and  has 
added  a  short  Description  of  the  Natives,  etc.,  we  will  com 
municate  what  he  says  to  the  reader.1 

'Tis  beautify'd  with  odoriferous  Woods,  Green  all  the  Year; 
as  Pine,  Cedar,  and  Cypress.  'Tis  naturally  fertile,  and  easy  to 
manure.  Were  the  Inhabitants  industrious,  Riches  would  flow  in 
upon  them;  for  I  am  satisfy'd,  a  Person  with  500/.  discreetly  laid 
out  in  England,  and  again  prudently  manag'd  in  Carolina,  shall  in 
a  few  Years  live  in  as  much  Plenty,  as  a  Man  of  300/.  a  Year  in 
England;  and  if  he  continues  careful,  not  covetous,  shall  increase 
to  great  Riches,  as  many  there  are  already  Witnesses,  and  many 
more  might  have  been,  if  Luxury  and  Intemperance  had  not  ended 
their  Days. 

As  to  the  Air,  'tis  always  serene,  and  agreeable  to  any  Constitu 
tions,  as  the  first  Planters  experienced.  There's  seldom  any  raging 
Sickness,  but  what  is  brought  from  the  southern  Colonies;  as  the 
late  Sickness  was,  which  rag'd,  A.  D.  1706.  and  carry 'd  off  abun 
dance  of  People  in  Charles  Town,  and  other  Places. 

Intemperance  also  has  occasioned  some  Distempers.  What 
may  properly  be  said  to  belong  to  the  Country  is,  to  have  some  gentle 
Touches  of  Agues  and  Fevers  in  July  and  August,  especially  to  new 
Comers.  It  has  a  Winter-Season,  to  beget  a  new  Spring.  I  was 
there,  adds  my  Author,  at  twice,  five  Years,  and  had  no  Sickness, 
but  what  I  got  by  a  careless  violent  Cold;  and  indeed  I  perceiv'd 
that  the  Fevers  and  Agues  were  generally  gotten  by  Carelesness  in 
Cloathing,  or  Intemperance. 

Everything  generally  grows  there  that  will  grow  in  any  part  of 
Europe,  their  being  already  many  sorts  of  Fruits,  as  Apples,  Pears, 
Apricocks,  Nectarines,  etc.  They  that  once  tast  of  them,  will  de 
spise  the  watry  washy  Tast  of  those  in  England.  There's  such 
Plenty  of  them,  that  they  are  given  to  the  Hogs.  In  4  or  5  Years 
they  come  from  a  Stone  to  be  bearing  Trees. 

All  sorts  of  Grain  thrive  in  Carolina,  as  Wheat,  Barley,  Peas, 
etc.  And  I  have  measur'd  some  Wheat-ears  7  or  8  of  our  Inches 
long.  It  produces  the  best  Rice  in  the  known  World,  which  is  a 
good  Commodity  for  returns  Home;  as  is  also  Pitch,  Tar,  Buck, 
Doe,  Bear  Skins,  and  Furs,  though  the  last  not  so  good  as  the 
Northern  Colonies. 

It  has  already  such  Plenty  of  Provisions,  that  it  in  a  gree* 
measure  furnishes  Barbadoes,  Jamaica,  etc.  There  are  vast  Num 
bers  of  wild  Ducks,  Geese,  Teal;  and  the  Sea  and  Rivers  abound 

1  "P.  9,  p.  7."    (Note  in  original.    See  pp.  290,  291,  288,  289,  291,  supra.) 


370  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1708 

in  Fish.  That  which  makes  Provisions  so  cheap,  is  the  Shortness 
of  the  Winter:  For  having  no  need  to  mow  for  Winter  Fodder,  they 
can  apply  their  Hands  in  raising  other  Commodities. 

The  Rivers  are  found  to  be  more  navigable  than  was  at  first 
believ'd;  and  t'was  then  prudently  contrived,  not  to  settle  on  the 
most  navigable;  but  on  Ashley  and  Cooper  River,  those  Entrances 
are  not  so  bold  as  the  others;  so  that  Enemies  and  Pirates  have 
been  disheartened  in  their  Designs  to  disturb  that  Settlement. 

The  new  Settlers  have  now  great  Advantages  over  the  first 
Planters,  since  they  can  be  supply'd  with  Stocks  of  Cattle  and  Corn 
at  reasonable  Rates. 

I  shall  conclude  this  Account  of  Carolina,  with  an  Extract 
of  a  Letter  from  thence,  from  a  Person  of  Credit;  in  whose 
Words  I  communicate  it  to  the  Publick:  He  Speaks  of  the 
Southward. 

The  many  Lakes  we  have  up  and  down  breed  a  Multitude  of 
Geese,  and  other  Water-Fowl.  All  along  Port-Royal  River,  and 
in  all  this  part  of  Carolina,  the  Air  is  so  temperate,  and  the  Seasons 
of  the  Year  so  regular,  that  there's  no  Excess  of  Heat  or  Cold, 
nor  any  troublesome  Variety  of  Weather:  For  tho  there  is  every 
Year  a  kind  of  Winter,  yet  it  is  both  shorter  and  milder  than  at 
Ashley  or  Cooper  River;  and  passes  over  insensibly,  as  if  there 
was  no  Winter  at  all.  This  sweet  Temperature  of  Air,  causes  the 
Banks  of  this  River  to  be  covered  with  various  Kinds  of  lovely  Trees; 
which  being  perpetually  green,  present  a  thousand  Landskips  to  the 
Eye,  so  fine,  and  so  diversify'd,  that  the  Sight  is  entirely  charm'd 
with  them.  The  ground  is  very  low  in  most  Places  near  the  River; 
but  rises  gradually,  at  a  distance,  with  little  Hills,  adjoining  to 
fruitful  Plains,  all  cover'd  with  Flowers,  without  so  much  as  a  Tree 
to  interrupt  the  Prospect.  Beyond  these  are  beautiful  Vales, 
cloath'd  with  green  Herbs,  and  a  continual  Verdure,  caus'd  by  the 
refreshing  Rivulets  that  run  through  them.  There  are  a  great 
many  Thickets,  which  produce  abundance  of  Simples.  The 
Indians  make  use  of  them  for  the  Cure  of  their  Diseases.  There 
are  also  Sarsaparilla,  Cassia  Trees,  Gumms,  and  Rosin,  very  good 
for  Wounds  and  Bruises;  and  such  a  prodigious  Quantity  of 
Honey,  which  the  Bees  make  every  where,  that  the  Store  of  it  is 
not  to  be  exhausted.  Of  this  they  make  excellent  Spirits,  and 
Mead  as  good  as  Malaga  Sack.1  The  Bees  swarm  five  or  six 
times.  There's  a  kind  of  Tree,  from  which  there  runs  an  Oil  of 

1  Sherry. 


1708]  OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE  371 

extraordinary  Virtue,  for  the  Curing  Wounds.  And  another 
Tree,  which  yields  a  Balm,  thought  to  be  scarce  inferior  to  that  of 
Mecca. 

Silk  is  come  to  a  great  Improvement  here,  some  Families 
making  40  or  50  Pound  a  Year,  and  their  Plantation  Work 
not  neglected,  their  little  Negro  Children  being  serviceable 
in  feeding  the  Silk- Worms.  And  we  must  do  Sir  Nathaniel 
Johnson  the  Justice,  to  own  he  has  been  the  principal  Promoter 
of  this  Improvement,  as  also  of  Vineyards.  He  makes  yearly 
3  or  400Z.  in  Silk  only. 

But  'tis  objected,  Since  the  Climate  is  so  proper,  since 
Grapes  are  so  plentiful,  and  the  Wine  they  make  so  good, 
why  is  there  not  more  of  it?  Why  do  we  not  see  some  of  it? 

To  which  I  answer,  That  the  Inhabitants  either  think 
they  can  turn  their  Hands  to  a  more  profitable  Culture,  or 
impose  upon  us  in  their  Reports;  for  I  would  not  think 
them  so  weak,  as  to  neglect  making  good  Wine,  and  enough 
of  it,  if  they  could,  and  thought  it  worth  their  while. 

They  manufacture  their  Silk  with  Wool,  and  make  Drug 
gets.  The  French  Protestants  have  set  up  a  Linnen  Manu 
facture;  and  good  Romalls1  are  made  here. 

A  French  Dancing-Master  settling  in  Craven  County, 
taught  the  Indians  Country-Dances,  to  play  on  the  Flute 
and  Hautboit,  and  got  a  good  Estate;  for  it  seems  the  Bar 
barians  encourag'd  him  with  the  same  Extravagance,  as  we 
do  the  Dancers,  Singers,  and  Fidlers,  his  Countrymen. 

Tho  we  have  said  enough  of  the  Virginian  Indians,  who 
are  much  the  same  with  the  Carolinian;  yet  since  we  find  Mr. 
Archdale  speaks  of  them  in  particular,  let  the  Reader  see 
what  he  has  said  of  'em. 

Providence  was  visible  in  thinning  the  Indians,  to  make  Room 
for  the  English.  There  were  two  potent  Nations,  the  Westoes  and 
Sarannas,  who  broke  out  into  an  usual  Civil  War  before  the  Eng 
lish  arriv'd;  and  from  many  Thousands  reduced  themselves  to  a 
small  Number.  The  most  cruel  of  them,  the  Westoes,  were  driven 
out  of  the  Province;  and  the  Sarannas  continued  good  Friends,  and 
useful  Neighbours  to  the  English.  It  pleas'd  God  also  to  send 

1  Kerchiefs  or  small  shawls. 


372  NARRATIVES  OF  EARLY  CAROLINA  [1708 

unusual  Sicknesses  among  them;  as  the  Small-Pox,  etc.1  The  Pem- 
lico  Indians  in  North  Carolina,  were  lately  swept  away  by  a  Pesti 
lence;  and  the  Caranine,  by  War.  The  Natives  are  somewhat 
tawny,  occasioned  chiefly  by  oiling  their  Skins,  and  by  the  naked 
rays  of  the  Sun.  They  are  generally  streight  body'd,  comely  in 
Person,  quick  of  Apprehension,  and  great  Hunters;  by  which  they 
are  not  only  very  serviceable,  by  killing  Deer,  to  procure  Skins  for 
Trade  with  us;  but  those  that  live  in  Country-Plantations  procure 
of  them  the  whole  Deer's  Flesh,  and  they  will  bring  it  many  Miles 
for  the  Value  of  about  6d.  and  a  wild  Turkey  of  40  Pound,  for  the 
Value  of  2d. 

They  have  learn'd  one  of  their  worst  Vices  of  the  English, 
which  is,  Drinking;  and  that  occasions  Quarrels  among  them, 
one  of  which  we  have  mentioned  in  the  time  of  Mr.  Archdale's 
Government.  As  to  what  he  would  excite  us,  to  their  Con 
version  to  Christianity,  'tis  a  Project  which,  like  a  great  many 
other  very  good  ones,  we  rather  wish  than  hope  to  see  effected. 

Mr.  Thomas  was  sent  to  instruct  the  Yammosees  in  the 
Christian  Religion,  and  had  an  Allowance  of  50Z.  a  year  from 
the  before-mentioned  Society,  besides  other  Allowances:  But 
finding  it  an  improper  Season,  his  Mission  is  respited;  the 
Reason  is,  those  Indians  revolted  to  the  English  from  the 
Spaniards;  and  not  being  willing  to  embrace  Christianity,  'tis 
fear'd  they  would  return  to  their  old  Confederates,  if  any 
means  were  made  use  of  to  that  purpose. 

This  Country  is  in  a  very  flourishing  Condition;  the 
Families  are  very  large,  in  some  are  10  or  12  Children;  and 
the  Number  of  Souls  in  all  is  computed  to  be  12000.  The 
Children  are  set  to  Work  at  8  Years  old.  The  ordinary  Women 
take  care  of  Cows,  Hogs,  and  other  small  Cattle,  make  Butter 
and  Cheese,  spin  Cotton  and  Flax,  help  to  sow  and  reap 
Corn,  wind  Silk  from  the  Worms,  gather  Fruit,  and  look 
after  the  House.  7Tis  pity  this  People  should  not  be  easy  in 
their  Government;  for  all  their  Industry,  all  the  Advantages 
of  the  Climate,  Soil,  and  Situation  for  Trade,  will  be  useless 
to  them,  if  they  live  under  Oppression;  and  Pennsylvania 
will  have  no  occasion  to  complain,  that  she  tempts  away  her 
Inhabitants;  being  a  new  Beauty,  a  fairer,  and  consequently  a 
powerful  Rival. 

1  "P.  2,  3."    (Note  in  original.    See  pp.  285,  289,  supra.) 


1708] 


OLDMIXON'S  BRITISH  EMPIRE 


373 


We  shall  conclude  this  History  and  Account  of  Carolina, 
with  a  List  of  the  present  Proprietaries,  and  chief  Officers  of 
this  Colony. 


William  Lord  Craven, 
Henry  Duke  of  Beaufort, 
The   Honourable   Maurice 
Ashley,  Esq;  Brother  to 
the  Earl  of  Shaftsbury, 
John  Lord  Cartarett, 
Sir  John  Colliton,  Baronet, 
Joseph  Blake,  Esq; 
John  Archdale,  Esq; 
Nicholas  Trott,  Esq; 


Proprietaries. 


Sir  Nath.  Johnson,  Governour,  sallary  200Z.  a  Year. 

Col.  James  Moor, 

Col.  Thomas  Brought  on, 

Col.  Rob.  Gibbs, 

Mr.  Nich.  Trott, 

Mr.  -  .  Ward, 

Mr.  Hen.  Noble, 


Counsellors. 


Speaker  of  the  Assembly,  William  Rhett,  Esq. 

The  Secretary,  -  Ward,  Esq;  his  Salary  60Z.  a  Year. 

The  Chief  Justice,  Mr.  Trott,  60Z. 

The  Judge  of  the  Admiralty-Court,  Col.  James  Moor,  4QL 

Surveyor  General,  --  How,  Esq;  40Z. 

Attorney  General,  Col.  James  Moor,  60£. 

Receiver  General,  the  same,  60Z. 

Naval  Officer,  Mr.  Trott,  40Z. 

Collector  of  the  Customs,  Col.  Thomas  Broughton. 

Agent  for  the  Colony  in  England,  Mr.  Joseph  Boone. 


INDEX 


Abaco,  wreck  near,  111. 

Abrahall,  Richard,  85;  testimonial 
relative  to  Sandford's  explorations, 
108. 

Adventure,  ship,  33. 

Albemarle,  George,  Duke  of,  patent 
granted  to,  33,  287. 

Albemarle,  ship,  wreck  of  the,  111. 

Albemarle  County,  166;  description 
of,  361. 

Albemarle  Point,  location,  120  n; 
West's  narrative  of  events  at,  112; 
see  also  Charles  Town. 

Allibone's  Dictionary  of  American  Au 
thors,  36. 

Alumni  Oxonienses,  by  Foster,  179  n. 

Alush,  40,  90,  101,  116  n. 

America,  discovery  of,  286-287. 

America,  by  John  Ogilby,  139  n. 

America,  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Criti 
cal  History  of,  29  n. 

American  Historical  Review,  180,  215  n. 

Amory,  Jonathan,  speaker,  299,  335. 

Amy,  Thomas,  338;  received  share  in 
Carolina  from  Seth  Sothell,  308  n. 

Andrews,  Charles  M.,  Colonial  Self- 
Government,  180. 

Anne,  Queen,  bounty,  214,  214  n. 

Apachancano,  see  Opechancanough. 

Apalachicola  River,  133  n. 

Apalachicoloes,  336. 

Apalachites,  321. 

Appamattuck  guide,  see  Pyancha. 

Aranjuez  y  Cotes,  Don  Alonso,  Gover 
nor  of  Florida,  54. 

Archdale,  Gov.  John,  204  n,  307;  op 
poses  the  passage  of  the  Exclusion 
Act,  259,  259  n;  claim  to  governor 
ship,  279,  335;  sale  of  Berkeley's 
share  to,  279;  establishes  harmony 
in  South  Carolina,  279;  pamphlet 
printed,  280-281 ;  New  Description  of 
that  Fertile  and  Pleasant  Province  of 
Carolina,  282-310;  introduction  to 
readers,  282-283;  comments  on  the 


Exclusion  Act,  283;  remarks  on 
Divine  Providence,  284-285;  sketch 
of  the  discovery  of  America  by  Co 
lumbus,  286-287;  comments  on  the 
propagation  of  the  Gospel,  293,  294; 
entrusted  with  mission  to  South 
Carolina,  296,  297;  letter  of  the 
Carolina  Assembly  to,  297;  letter  of 
thanks  from  the  Commons  in  Charles 
Town,  298-299;  letter  relative  to 
transportation  of  New  Englanders 
to  South  Carolina,  299-300;  letter 
to  the  Spanish  governor,  300-301; 
returns  to  England,  302;  efforts  to 
pacify  Dissenters  and  Churchmen, 
305;  comments  on  government  of 
Carolina,  307;  advice  relative  to 
conditions  in  Carolina,  308-309; 
comments  on  the  silk  industry  in 
Carolina,  310;  Parliament  presents 
address  of  thanks  to,  335;  settles 
differences  between  the  English  and 
Spanish  Indians,  335-336;  opposes 
ratification  of  bill  against  Dissenters, 
353. 

Arguelles,  Capt.  Alonso  de,  letters  from, 
53-54,  56-57. 

Arratommakaw,  King  of  the  Yani- 
oseaves,  conduct  in  the  expedition 
against  St.  Augustine,  344. 

Arx  Carolina,  see  Fort  Charles. 

Ash,  John,  252;  presents  petition  rela 
tive  to  election  abuses,  258,  268,  274, 
345,  349;  The  Present  State  of  Affairs 
in  Carolina,  269-276;  objection  to 
election  of  Governor  Morton,  269; 
election  of  Governor  Moore,  269; 
Moore's  plan  to  gain  the  Indian 
trade,  270,  270  n,  271  n;  the  As 
sembly  dissolved,  270,  270  n.;  elec 
tion  abuses,  271,  271  n.;  Moore's 
plan  to  take  St.  Augustine,  272; 
results  of  expedition,  273;  various 
riots  under  Moore's  governorship, 
273-274;  appointed  to  present  peti- 


375 


376 


INDEX 


tion,  274;  extortions  practised,  275; 
proposes  confirmation  of  the  Funda 
mental  Constitutions,  341-342. 

Ashby,  John,  350. 

Ashe,  Thomas,  Carolina,  or  a  De 
scription  of  the  Present  State  of  that 
Country,  138-158;  first  discovery  of 
the  country,  138;  object  of  going  to 
Carolina,  140;  derivation  of  the 
name  Carolina,  140;  settlements  at 
Fort  Charles,  141,  141  n.;  descrip 
tion  of  the  country,  141-142;  variety 
of  trees,  142-143;  the  cultivation  of 
silk,  143;  vineyards,  144;  building 
material,  144;  roots  and  herbs,  144- 
145;  vegetables,  grain  and  tobacco, 
145-147;  other  productions  de 
scribed,  148-149;  cattle  and  game, 
150-155;  minerals,  155-156;  de 
scription  of  the  natives,  156-157; 
settlement  of  Charles  Town,  157- 
158. 

Ashepoo  River,  92  n.,  96,  96  n. 

Ashley,  Lord,  see  Shaftesbury,  Earl  of. 

Ashley  Barony,  128  n. 

Ashley  River,  94  n.;  location,  106- 
107;  Mr.  Carteret's  Relation  of  their 
Planting  at  Ashley  River,  116-120. 

Ashley  River  settlement,  94,  94  n.; 
beginning  of,  112,  166;  climate,  168; 
founding  of  a  church,  195,  196,  197; 
productions,  168. 

Axtell,  Lady  Rebecca,  entertains  Elder 
William  Pratt,  195,  195  n. 

Bahama  Islands,  124;  West's  explora 
tion  party  wrecked  on  the,  111. 

Bandoleer,  41  n. 

Barbados  Adventurers,  Corporation  of 
the,  34. 

Barbados,  important  colony,  33;  Hil 
ton's  exploration  party  returns  to, 
53. 

Barony,  definition  of,  128  n.,  295  n. 

Barrow,  Robert,  301,  336. 

Barton,  Thomas,  350. 

Baskerville,  Hannibal,  179. 

Bath,  John,  Earl  of,  338;  eldest  Pro 
prietor,  232  n. 

Beamer,  Mrs.,  197  n. 

Bellinger,  Landgrave  Edmund,  349; 
attempts  to  suppress  riot,  346,  347. 

Beresford,  Richard,  350;  votes  for, 
271  n. 


Berkeley,  Lord  (John  Berkeley),  patent 
granted  to,  33,  287. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  8,  8  n.;  letters 
patent  granted  to,  33;  death,  279. 

Berkeley  Bay,  named,  85. 

Berkeley  County,  332,  366;  descrip 
tion  of,  362. 

Berkeley  Island,  named,  15. 

Bermuda,  sloop  obtained  at,  to  replace 
the  Port  Royal,  111. 

Birds  of  South  Carolina,  by  A.  T. 
Wayne,  151  n. 

Blair,  Rev.  John,  sent  out  as  mission 
ary  to  North  Carolina,  213;  hazard 
ous  journey,  214;  arrival  in  Virginia, 
214;  ordination,  214;  preachings 
and  baptisms,  215;  maintenance, 
216;  different  religious  sects,  216; 
difficulties  of  labor,  217;  distances 
between  settlements,  217;  account 
of  the  Indians,  217-218;  prisoner 
of  war  in  France,  218. 

Blake,  Benjamin,  295,  295  n.;  arrival 
in  Carolina,  331. 

Blake,  Elizabeth  (Axtell),  250  n.,  let 
ter  relative  to  conditions  in  Carolina, 
250-252. 

Blake,  Gov.  Joseph,  196,  196  n.,  260  n., 
268;  appointed  deputy  governor  of 
South  Carolina,  204,  204  n.;  rule 
in  South  Carolina,  280;  purchases 
share  of  Lord  Berkeley,  302  n.; 
succeeds  Governor  Archdale,  302, 
302  n.,  338,  338  n.;  procures  main 
tenance  for  Church  of  England  min 
ister,  306,  338;  Proprietor  of  Caro 
lina,  307;  death,  221,  267,  338. 

Bland,  Edward,  pamphlet  of,  3-4; 
title-page  of  the  original  pamphlet, 
5;  Discovery  of  New  Brittaine,  5-19, 
23;  permission  granted  to  make 
discoveries,  7;  exploring  party  meets 
Indians,  8-9;  invited  to  home  of 
Oyeocker,  9;  visited  by  Chounter- 
ounte,  9;  Indian  tells  them  of  dan 
gers,  10;  journey  to  Meherrin,  10-11; 
Indians  at  Meherrin  entertain,  11; 
sends  message  to  Tuscarora  Indians, 
11;  leaves  Meherrin,  12;  journey  to 
Roanoke  River,  12-13;  arrival  at 
river,  14;  kindness  of  Indians,  14- 
15;  names  rivers,  etc.,  15;  Oye 
ocker  refuses  to  lead,  16;  names 
New  Brittaine,  16;  reaches  Brew- 


INDEX 


377 


ster's  River,  17;  treachery  of  Ind 
ians  to,  17-19;  dealings  with  Oc- 
connosquay,  17;  returns  to  Meherrin, 
18;  arrival  at  Fort  Henry,  19. 

Blandina  River,  named,  15;  descrip 
tion  of,  16-17. 

Blandina  River  Indians,  treachery  of 
Appachancano,  16. 

Blome,  Richard,  Description  of  the 
Island  of  Jamaica,  139,  139n.;  Pres 
ent  State  of  His  Majesty's  Isles  and 
Territories  in  America,  139  n,  163. 

Blowers,  Pyam,  reward  for  discoveries 
on  the  Carolina  coast,  57. 

Board  of  Trade,  report  to,  by  Edward 
Randolph,  203. 

Boone,  Joseph,  petition  presented  by, 
247,  264  n.,  353,  354;  comments 
by  Daniel  Defoe,  258-260;  appointed 
on  the  commission  to  decide  dif 
ferences  between  the  English  and  the 
Indians,  329;  assault  on,  346. 

Bowell,  Edward,  imprisoned  by  Span 
iards,  205. 

Bray,  Rev.  Dr.  Thomas,  215,  215  n., 
364. 

Brayne,  Henry,  85,  placed  in  command 
of  vessel  by  Sandford,  86;  biographi 
cal  sketch,  86  n.;  meets  Sandford, 
101;  testimonial  relative  to  Sand- 
ford's  explorations,  108;  letter  to 
Lord  Ashley,  124  n. 

Brayne  Sound,  100. 

Braziletto,  124  n. 

Brewster,  Sackford,  3,  5,  8,  19. 

Brewster's  Island,  named,  13. 

Brewster's  Point,  named,  15. 

Brewster's  River,  named,  13. 

British  Empire  in  America,  The  His 
tory  of  the,  by  John  Oldmixon,  315. 

Broad  River,  100  n. 

Broughton,  Col.  Thomas,  256,  350; 
votes  for,  271  n. 

Buckley,  John,  votes  for,  271  n. 

Bull,  Col.  Stephen,  336;  votes  for, 
271  n.;  tale  relative  to  the  Indians, 
301-302. 

Bull's  Bay,  117  n. 

Bull's  Island,  Beaufort  County,  103  n. 

Burnet,  Bishop  Gilbert,  283. 

Burnham,  Dr.  Charles,  votes  for,  271  n. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  165  n.,  furnished 
with  ships,  287,  317;  expedition  to 


Florida  coast,  287,  288;  discovery  of 
Carolina,  157. 

Cacores,  description  of,  27-28. 

Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial, 
1661-1668,  67  n.,  77  n.,  78  n.,  79, 
80  n. 

Calibogue  Sound,  exploration  of,  103, 
103  n. 

Caouitas,  133,  133  n. 

Cape  Carteret  (Romain),  111,  113, 
116. 

Cape  Fear  Indians,  treatment  of  the 
English,  302;  treatment  by  other 
Indians,  302. 

Cape  Fear  River,  33;  Hilton  explores 
country  around,  34;  description  of 
the  sail  of  Hilton's  party  up,  45-49; 
purchase  of  the  river  and  land,  52; 
description  of  the  country  around, 
67-68,  68-70;  settlement  made,  77; 
casting  away  of  an  English  vessel  on, 
302. 

Cardross,  Lord  (Henry  Erskine),  settle 
ment  made  by,  292,  292  n.,  333; 
returns  to  Scotland,  333. 

Caribby  Islands,  History  of  thet  by 
John  Davies,  320  n. 

Carlisle  Bay,  53. 

Carolina,  Province  of,  brief  description 
published  in  London,  65;  location, 
66-67,  141,  165,  288,  360;  source  of 
name,  66,  88,  140,  140  n.,  319,  319  n.; 
climate,  141,  168-169,  288,  290-291, 
360;  soil,  141-142,  290,  368;  trees, 
142-143,  144,  170,  290;  silk  indus 
try,  143,  143  n.,  310;  vineyards,  144, 
174-175;  roots  and  herbs,  144-145; 
gardens,  145;  grain,  146;  vegetables, 
146;  indigo,  147,  147  n.;  tobacco, 
147,  147  n.;  ambergris,  148-149; 
cattle  and  game,  149-150,  170,  171- 
172,  289;  birds,  150-151;  fire-flies, 
151-152;  fish,  152-155,  171;  pro 
ductions  and  commodities,  175-176, 
288-289,  368;  rivers,  291,  361,  361  n. 
362,  362  n.,  370;  charter  granting 
extension  of  boundaries,  33;  excur 
sions  into,  letter  of  Francis  Yeardley 
relative  to,  25-29;  expedition  to  ex 
plore  coast,  33-35;  grant  for  the 
province,  33;  Hilton's  expedition 
reaches  coast,  34;  inducements  to 
settle  in,  35;  terms  to  subscribers  of 
the  expedition  fund,  35;  rewards  for 


378 


INDEX 


discoveries  made  in,  57-58;  pro 
posals  made  to  the  first  settlers, 
57-61;  grants  to  settlers,  71-73, 
158,  173,  322;  formal  possession 
taken  by  Sandford,  88;  map  of,  139; 
settlement  by  the  French,  140,  141, 
141  n.;  natives  and  their  customs, 
156,  172-173,  289;  letters  patent, 
165;  power  of  the  Lords  Proprietors, 
165-166;  method  of  obtaining  land, 
173-174;  letters  of  Thomas  Newe 
relative  to  conditions  in,  181-187; 
constitution,  225,  227-233;  address 
to  the  Proprietors  from  Colleton 
County,  236-248;  petition  from 
certain  freeholders,  248-250;  letter 
from  Elizabeth  Blake  relative  to 
conditions  in,  250-252;  act  against 
the  Dissenters,  253-256,  256  n.; 
election  abuses  and  contests,  271, 
271  n.,  272  n.,  341,  345;  first  dis 
coveries  of,  287;  provisions  for 
transportation  and  settlement,  288, 
326;  advantages  of  trade  with,  292; 
propagation  of  the  gospel,  293,  294, 
311,  311  n.,  322;  powers  and  officers 
of  the  government,  294-295;  diffi 
culties  and  dangers  of  the  govern 
ment,  295;  governors,  295,  296,  334; 
to  be  made  a  bulwark  to  the  colonies, 
306;  names  of  Proprietors,  307; 
comments  by  Governor  J.  Archdale, 
307;  advice  of  the  governor  relative 
to  conditions  in,  308-309;  repealing 
of  injurious  acts,  311;  expeditions 
sent  by  Admiral  Coligny,  318,  319; 
arrival  of  Rene*  Laudonniere,  319; 
expedition  of  Captain  De  Gourgues, 
320;  conflict  between  French  and 
Spanish  under  Ribaut  and  Laudon 
niere,  320;  description  of,  before  the 
English  settlement,  321;  patent 
granted  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  322; 
powers  given  to  the  Proprietors, 
322-323;  conduct  of  the  Proprietors, 
323;  religious  toleration,  324;  Con 
stitutions  drawn  up  by  the  Pro 
prietors,  324;  Palatine's  powers, 
324-325:  Fundamental  Constitutions, 
325-326;  division  of,  326,  360;  Ash 
ley  River  settlement,  327,  327  n.; 
Captain  Halsted  sent  with  provisions, 
327;  form  of  government,  327; 
aaodel  of  a  town,  328;  date  of  tem 


porary  laws,  328;  differences  be 
tween  Proprietors  and  planters,  329; 
counties,  332,  360-361,  362,  365,  366- 
367;  settlement  of  the  Scots  in, 
333;  new  form  of  government  drawn 
up,  334;  no  vindication  for  disorders 
in,  340;  act  establishing  the  Church 
of  England,  350;  illegality  of  the 
Church  Act  of  1704,  352;  repeal  of 
act,  354;  address  to  the  Queen  in 
behalf  of,  355-356;  Assembly  dis 
solved,  357;  Assembly  disowned  by 
the  governor,  358;  list  of  Proprietors 
and  chief  officers,  373;  Account  of 
the  Province  of  Carolina,  139  n.; 
Carolina,  or  a  Description  of  the 
Present  State  of  that  Country,  by 
Thomas  Ashe,  138-158;  Descrip 
tion  of  Carolina,  331,  333  n.;  The 
Humble  Address,  etc.  Relating  to 
the  Province  of  Carolina,  264  n.; 
The  Present  State  of  Affairs  in  Caro 
lina,  345;  see  also  North  Carolina; 
South  Carolina. 

Carolina,  ship,  111;  letter  of  Governor 
Sayle  relating  to  expedition  of,  122- 
124. 

Carroll,  B.  R.,  Historical  Collections  of 
South  Carolina,  163,  281,  316. 

Carteret,  Sir  George,  patent  granted 
to,  33,  288. 

Carteret,  James,  appointed  Land 
grave,  327. 

Carteret,  Lord,  see  Granville,  Lord. 

Carteret,  Nicholas,  narrative  relative 
to  the  settlement  at  Ashley  River, 
112;  biographical  sketch,  116  n.; 
Relation  of  their  Planting  at  Ashley 
River,  116-120;  kind  reception  by 
the  Indians,  117;  landing  on  Bull's 
Island,  117;  trade  with  the  Indians, 
117,  119;  food  prepared  by  the  Ind 
ian  women,  117;  arrival  at  Port 
Royal  River,  118;  goes  with  Captain 
Brayne  to  explore  channel,  118-119; 
whales  found  in  river,  119;  descrip 
tion  of  St.  Helena,  119. 

Carteret  County,  description  of,  367. 

Cartwright,  Sir  George,  see  Carteret, 
Sir  George. 

Gary,  Capt.  George,  85;  accompanies 
Sandford  on  visit  to  Edisto,  90-91; 
testimonial  relative  to  Sandford 's  ex 
plorations,  108. 


INDEX 


379 


Gary  Island,  named,  96,  96  n.;  situa 
tion,  98. 

Cassiques,  of  the  Indians,  90-104, 
passim;  under  the  Proprietors,  294. 

Castell,  W.,  A  Short  Discoverie  of  the 
Coasts  and  Continent  of  America,  317 
n.,  321  n. 

Chaplin's  Island,  98  n. 

Charles  I.,  King  of  England,  grants 
Carolina  to  Heath,  3,  319  n. 

Charles  II.,  King  of  England,  grants 
patent  for  Carolina,  321-322. 

Charles  II.,  King  of  Spain,  death,  206  n. 

Charles  V.,  sends  Panfilo  de  Narvaez 
to  Florida,  318. 

Charles  IX.,  318. 

Charles  Fort,  41,  41  n.;  location,  319, 
319  n. 

Charles  Island,  named,  15. 

Charles  River,  see  Cape  Fear  River. 

Charles  Town,  Ashley  River,  261  n.; 
named,  128,  128  n.;  location  and  de 
scription  of,  157-158,  205,  362-364; 
settlement  of,  167,  167  n.;  arrival 
of  Thomas  Newe,  181;  letter  of 
thanks  to  Governor  Archdale  from 
the  Commons  in,  298-299;  expan 
sion  of  trade,  310  n.;  churches  and 
ministers,  363-365,  366;  public 
library,  364;  population,  365. 

Charles  Town,  Cape  Fear  River,  de 
scription  of,  68,  68  n.;  settlement 
made,  77. 

Charleston,  Year  Book  of  the  city  of, 
35,  79,  111  n. 

Charleston  Harbor,  94  n.,  106  n. 

Chatooga  River,  133  n. 

Chawan  Indians,  king  of,  13-14;  grave 
of  great  man;  14. 

Chawan  River,  8,  9,  12. 

Cherokee  Indians,  133,  133  n. 

Chickahominy  River,  13. 

Chounterounte,  visits  the  English,  9, 
10;  apprehensions  of  danger  to  the 
English,  10. 

Chowan,  North  Carolina,  228  n.;  see 
also  Chawan. 

Church  Act,  of  1704,  224-225,  248-249, 
251-252,  257;  text  of,  253-256; 
Archdale  on,  304-307;  Oldmixon  on, 
348-352;  Proprietors  sustain,  258- 
260,  353-354;  House  of  Lords  dis 
approves,  355-356;  Queen  Anne 
annuls,  356-357. 


Church  Act,  of  1706,  304,  304  n. 

Church  of  England,  223,  268;  Arch- 
dale  on,  308-309;  Oldmixon  on,  330; 
see  also  Church  Act. 

Churchcates,  336. 

Clarendon,  Earl  of  (Edward  Hyde), 
patent  granted  to,  33,  287. 

Clarendon  County,  description  of,  361. 

Clutterbuck,  Thomas,  58. 

Codner,  Richard,  179. 

Coligny,  Admiral  Gaspard  de,  sends 
ships  to  America,  318;  procures 
ships  for  a  second  expedition,  319. 

Colleton,  Maj.  Charles,  votes  for,  271  n. 

Colleton,  Gov.  James,  settles  in  Charles 
Town,  333;  chosen  governor,  333; 
character,  333;  expelled  from  the 
province,  279,  296  n.,  334. 

Colleton,  Sir  John,  260  n.,  307,  338; 
patent  granted  to,  33,  288;  presented 
set  of  proposals  for  encouragement  of 
settlers  in  Carolina,  35. 

Colleton  County,  204,  204  n.,  332; 
address  to  the  Lords  and  Proprietors 
of  Carolina,  236-248;  complaints 
against  the  government,  237;  elec 
tion  abuses,  238-240,  245,  347-348, 
357;  ruin  of  Indian  trade,  240; 
charges  relative  to  expedition  against 
St.  Augustine,  240-242;  enumera 
tion  of  riots,  243-244;  description  of, 
366-367. 

Colliton  County,  Representation  of  the 
Members  of,  345  n. 

Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina, 
77  n.,  140  n.,  213,  230  n. 

Colonial  Self-Government^  by  C.  M. 
Andrews,  180. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  attempt  to 
obtain  ships  for  expedition,  286; 
furnished  with  vessels  by  the  King 
and  Queen  of  Spain,  287;  departure 
for  the  Indies,  287. 

Combahee  (Jordan)  River,  38,  42; 
Hilton's  party  sail  up,  34;  en 
trance  to,  43-44;  description  of  the 
land  around,  44-45;  explored  by 
Sandford,  92,  92  n.,  93. 

Compton,  Bishop  Henry,  352,  352  n. 

Cooper,  Anthony  Ashley,  see  Shaftes- 
bury,  Earl  of. 

Cooper  River,  167. 

Coranines,  286,  337. 

Cosmographie,  by  Peter  Heylin,  151  n. 


380 


INDEX 


Courtenay,  William  A.,  The  Genesis  of 
South  Carolina,  35-36. 

Cowetas,  133  n. 

Crane,  Joshua  Eddy,  193. 

Crane  Island,  52. 

Craven,  William,  Earl  of,  338;  patent 
granted  to,  287;  Proprietor  of  Caro 
lina,  307;  made  Palatine,  328. 

Craven  County,  332;  election  abuses, 
347-348,  357;  description  of,  362. 

Culpeper,  John,  sent  to  England  as  a 
prisoner,  329. 

Currituck  Inlet,  25  n. 

Cusitaw  Indians,  134,  134  n. 

Dalton,  Thomas,  345. 

Daniel,  Maj.,  new  constitution  brought 
from  England,  338. 

Daniel,  Col.  Robert,  177;  commanded 
land  division  in  the  expedition 
against  St.  Augustine,  342-343; 
captures  St.  John's  and  St.  Mary's, 
343;  takes  St.  Augustine,  343; 
escape  of,  344. 

Danvers,  Sir  John,  5  n. 

Davies,  Sir  John,  248  n. 

Davies,  John,  of  Kidwelly,  History  of 
the  Caribby  Islands,  320  n. 

Davis,  Capt.  David,  votes  for,  271  n. 

Davis,  William,  letters  to,  55-56. 

Dawhoo  River,  92  n. 

Dearsley,  Lieut.-Col.  George,  242,  243, 
271  n.,  345. 

Defoe,  Daniel,  223;  text  of  his  pamphlet, 
Party-Tyrany  in  South  Carolina, 
224-264;  duty  of  the  English  House 
of  Commons,  224;  remarks  on  the 
constitution  of  Carolina,  225-233; 
criticism  of  the  Proprietors  and 
government  of  South  Carolina,  233- 
236,  247-248;  address  to  Lord  Gran- 
ville,  236-247;  complaint  relative 
to  violations  of  laws,  237;  charges 
against  Governor  Moore,  237-238; 
election  abuses,  238-239,  245;  reg 
ulations  of  the  Indian  trade,  240; 
commissions  granted  to  destroy 
Indians,  240;  complaints  regarding 
expeditions  against  St.  Augustine, 
240-242;  charges  relative  to  as 
saults  and  riots,  242-245;  French 
imposed  upon,  246;  petition  brought 
to  Proprietors  by  Joseph  Boone, 
247-250;  letter  from  Lady  Blake  to 


the  Proprietors,  250-252;  Act  of 
Exclusion  against  the  Dissenters, 
253-256;  comments  on  the  Act  by, 
256-257;  comments  on  reception  of 
petitions  presented  by  John  Ash  and 
Joseph  Boone,  258-260;  conclusions 
relative  to  elections,  260-264. 

De  Gourgues,  Capt.  Dominic,  expedi 
tion  to  Carolina,  320;  no  settlement 
made,  320. 

Dictionary  of  American  Authors,  36. 

Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  78  n. 

Dissenters,  Exclusion  Act  passed 
against,  253-256,  256  n.,  303,  303  n., 
304,  348;  Rev.  Edward  Marston  op 
poses  action  taken  against,  262, 
262  n.,  351;  test  of  strength  between 
Churchmen  and  Dissenters,  268; 
troubles  with  the  Churchmen,  305; 
Archdale's  efforts  to  pacify,  305,  353; 
held  by  the  pleasantness  of  the  coun 
try,  307;  persecution  in  England 
against,  329-330;  reasons  for  leav 
ing  England,  330;  increase  settle 
ments,  in  Carolina,  333;  Dissenters 
in  Carolina,  The  Case  of  the,  349,  353. 

Dodsworth,  Anthony,  commission  from 
Governor  Moore  to  destroy  Indians, 
342. 

Dorchester,  Carolina,  191,  192,  195- 
197;  description  of,  366. 

Dorchester,  Mass.,  church  sent  to  South 
Carolina,  191,  192,  193. 

Dorchester,  New  England,  Records  of 
the  First  Church  at,  191  n.,  192,  192  n. 

Edisto,  39,  40. 

Edisto  Island,  87  n. 

Edisto  River,  44;  formation  of,  39  n; 
description  of  the  land  around,  44- 
45;  discovered  by  Sandford,  87. 

Eleuthera,  111. 

Eve,  Capt.  Abraham,  votes  for,  271  n. 

Exclusion  Act,  253-256,  256  n.;  com 
ments  by  Daniel  Defoe,  256-258; 
comments  by  Governor  Archdale, 
283;  danger  of  the,  306-307;  see 
also  Church  Act,  of  1704. 

Exeter  College,  180. 

Fabian,  Peter,  53;  sent  to  explore  the 
Carolina  coast,  33;  reward  for  dis 
coveries,  57. 

Farmer,  Robert,  8. 


INDEX 


381 


Farmer's  Chase,  8. 

Farrar,  John,  29,  29  n. 

Farrar,  Virginia,  29. 

Fast  Days,  200. 

Federal  and  State  Constitutions,  by 
Thorpe,  230  n. 

Fitz,  Jonathan,  appointed  on  the  com 
mission  to  decide  differences  be 
tween  the  English  and  the  Indians, 
329. 

Florida,  discovery  of  coast,  37;  ex 
pedition  from  South  Carolina  sent 
to  invade,  222;  plans  for  a  second 
invasion  of,  222;  visited  by  Sebas 
tian  Cabot,  287,  288;  expedition  of 
Hernando  de  Soto  to,  318;  Pdnfilo 
de  Narvaez  sent  to,  318;  Spaniards 
claim  to,  318;  Vasquez  de  Ayllon 
sent  to,  318;  discoveries  by  Jean 
Ribaut,  319. 

Fort  Charles,  140  n. ;  settlements  made 
at,  141,  141  n. 

Fort  Henry,  Eland's  arrival  at,  19. 

Fowler,  Christopher,  354. 

France,  civil  wars  in,  319;  peace  be 
tween  Papists  and  Protestants,  319. 

French,  defeated  by  South  Carolina 
troops,  291  n.;  in  Florida,  140,  141, 
318-321. 

French  Protestants,  in  South  Carolina, 
209  n.,  238  n. 

Friendship,  brigantine,  leaves  Boston 
for  South  Carolina,  194. 

Fuller,  William,  appointed  on  commis 
sion  to  decide  differences  between 
the  English  and  the  Indians,  329. 

Fundamental  Constitutions,  230-232, 
328,  338;  opposition  to,  342. 

Gibbes,  Col.  Robert,  256,  350. 

Gilbertson,  James,  197  n. 

Giles,  Thomas,  85,  90;  testimonial 
relative  to  Sandford's  explorations, 
108. 

Godfrey,  Capt.  John,  58,  350;  votes 
for,  271  n. 

Grandy  River,  see  Edisto  River. 

Granville,  Lord,  (John  Carteret),  232, 
259,  338;  address  from  Assembly  of 
Colleton  County,  236-248;  petition 
relative  to  complaints  from  certain 
freeholders  in  Carolina,  248-250; 
Proprietor  of  Carolina,  307;  as 
Palatine  countenances  divisions  in 


Carolina,  339;  favors  Governor 
Moore,  340;  interests  with  prevail 
ing  party  in  Carolina,  349;  refusal 
to  call  Board  of  Proprietors,  353. 

Green's  River,  49. 

Grimball,  Mr.,  house  robbed  by  Span 
iards,  205. 

Guerard,  Peter  Jacob,  69  n.,  143  n., 
208,  208  n. 

Guppell,  Capt.  John,  votes  for,  271  n. 

Halsted,  Capt.,  sent  with  provisions 
to  Carolina,  327;  ordered  to  make 
discoveries  on  the  Ashley  River,  328. 

Hancock,  John,  reward  for  discoveries 
on  the  Carolina  coast,  57. 

Harvey,  Lieut.  Samuel,  85,  90;  testi 
monial  relative  to  Sandford's  ex 
plorations,  108. 

Harvey  Haven,  87,  101. 

Haynokes,  resisted  Spanish  invasions, 
28. 

Heath,  Sir  Robert,  grant  from  Charles 
I.,  3,  319  n. 

Henry  VII.,  138;  furnished  Sebastian 
Cabot  with  ships,  287;  lost  oppor 
tunity  of  possessing  Mexican  mines, 
287. 

Henry  VIII.,  furnished  Sebastian 
Cabot  with  ships,  317. 

Hext,  Hugh,  350. 

Heylin,  Peter,  Cosmographie,  151  n. 

Hickauhaugan,  see  Westo  town. 

High  Commission  Court,  350. 

Hilton,  Capt.  William,  expedition  under, 
to  explore  Carolina  coast,  33-35; 
party  reaches  Carolina,  34;  sails 
up  Combahee  River,  34;  explores 
country  about  the  Cape  Fear  River, 
34;  sights  coast  of  Florida,  37;  en 
ters  harbor  to  Jordan  River,  38, 38  n. ; 
treatment  by  the  Indians,  39;  sends 
boat  to  St.  Ellens,  39,  40;  Indians 
deliver  up  some  English  prisoners, 
40;  treachery  of  Indians,  40-41; 
sends  letter  to  English  prisoners,  41; 
prisoners  demanded  from  Indians, 
42;  dealings  with  the  Spaniards,  42; 
sails  for  Port  Royal,  43;  description 
of  course,  43-44;  description  of  the 
Edisto  River  and  the  country 
around  it,  44-45;  exploration  of  the 
Cape  Fear  River,  45-49;  dealings 
with  Indians  around  the  Cape  Fear 


382 


INDEX 


River,  49-51;  arrives  at  Hilton's 
River,  51;  purchases  Cape  Fear 
River  and  land,  52;  sails  for  Bar 
bados,  53;  letters  from,  54-56. 

Hilton  Head  Island,  36;  location  rela 
tive  to  Gary  Island,  98. 

Hilton's  expedition,  reward  to  mem 
bers  for  discoveries  on  the  Carolina 
coast,  57. 

Hilton's  River,  exploration  of,  49-51. 

Historical  Collections,  by  B.  R.  Car 
roll,  316. 

Hocomawanack  River,  see  Roanoke 
River. 

Home,  Robert,  Brief  Description  of 
the  Province  of  Carolina,  65-74. 

Hotten,  J.  C.,  Original  Lists  of  Persons 
.  .  .  who  went  from  Great  Britain  to 
the  American  Plantations,  1600-1700, 
23  n. 

Howes,  Capt.  Job,  votes  for,  271  n., 
350,  357;  elected  speaker,  348,  358- 
359. 

Hubbard,  Thomas,  350. 

Huguenots,  209  n.,  246  n.;  see  also 
French  Protestants. 

Humble  Address,  etc.,  Relating  to  the 
Province  of  Carolina,  264  n. 

Hunting  Islands,  see  Gary  Island. 

Hyde,  Edward,  see  Clarendon,  Earl  of. 

Indians,  meet  Eland's  party,  8-9; 
visit  Hilton's  party,  39;  deliver  up 
some  English  prisoners,  40;  treach 
ery  toward  Hilton,  40-41;  more 
prisoners  demanded  from,  42;  Hil 
ton's  dealings  with  Indians  around 
Cape  Fear  River,  49-51;  present 
gifts  to  Sandford,  100;  kind  reception 
to  Nicholas  Carteret  and  party,  117; 
trade,  117;  food  prepared  by  the 
women,  117;  dress  of  the  women, 
117,  118;  reception  of  Dr.  Wood 
ward's  party,  132;  treatment  by 
the  English  in  Carolina,  172-173; 
Blair's  intercourse  with,  218;  popu 
lation,  218,  218  n.;  bill  relative  to, 
270,  271,  271  n.;  cruelty  of  the  Eng 
lish,  285;  reduction  of  numbers, 
285,  286,  337,  371-372;  trouble  be 
tween  Indians  under  the  English  and 
Spanish  rule,  300-301,  335-336; 
Colonel  Bull's  tale  relative  to,  301- 
302;  treatment  of  the  Cape  Fear  Ind 


ians,  302;  kind  reception  of  Rene* 
Laudonniere,  319;  conversion  to 
Christianity,  320,  321;  massacre  of 
the  English  in  Virginia  and  New  Eng 
land,  321;  trade  with,  310,  310  n., 
332;  commission  appointed  to  de 
cide  differences  with  the  English, 
329;  commission  dissolved,  331; 
friendliness  to  the  English,  336; 
justice  for  murder  committed,  336- 
337;  war  prevented,  337;  commis 
sions  given  by  Governor  Moore  for 
the  destruction  of,  342;  Samuel 
Thomas  sent  as  missionary  to, 
372;  description  of,  372;  see  also 
Apalachicoloes;  Apalachites;  Arra- 
tommakaw;  Blandina  River  Ind 
ians;  Cacores;  Caouitas;  Cape  Fear 
Indians;  Cassique  Indians;  Cha- 
wan  Indians;  Cherokee  Indians; 
Chounterounte;  Coranines;  Cusitaw 
Indians;  Haynokes;  Mallicans;  Me- 
herrin  Indians;  Nessoneicks;  Notta- 
way  kings;  Occonacheans;  Occonos- 
quay;  Opechancanough;  Oyeocker; 
Pemlico  Indians;  Pyancha;  Roan 
oke  Indians;  Savannah  Indians; 
Sewee  Indians;  Stono  Indians; 
Wattcoosa  Indians;  Westo  Indians; 
Woodford  Indians;  Yemassee  Ind- 
dians. 

Iroquois  Indians,  see  Meherrin  Indians. 

Izard,  Ralph,  270  n.,  350. 

Jamaica,  Island  of,  Description  of  the, 
by  Richard  Blome,  139,  139  n. 

James  Island,  122  n.,  198. 

Johnson,  Sir  Nathaniel,  256;  efforts 
to  raise  silk,  143  n.;  those  injured 
in  riots  apply  to  governor  for  jus 
tice,  274;  responsibility  for  religi 
ous  troubles,  303,  303  n.,  350;  be 
havior  of,  304. 

Jordan  River,  see  Combahee  River. 

Journal  of  the  Grand  Council  of  South 
Carolina,  184  n. 

Journals  of  the  Commons  House  of 
Assembly,  209  n. 

Keowee  River,  133  n. 
Kiawah,  see  Ashley  River  settlement. 
Kyrle,  Sir  Richard,  appointed  govern 
or,  332. 


INDEX 


383 


Ladinwah  Creek,  exploration  of,  and 
description  of  the  country,  89,  89  n. 

Laudonniere,  Rene",  arrival  in  Carolina, 
319;  kind  reception  by  the  Indians, 
319;  search  for  gold  and  silver 
mines,  319;  returns  to  France,  320. 

LeSerurier,  James,  jr.,  see  Smith, 
James. 

LeSerurier,  James,  sr.,  251  n. 

Letters  of  Early  Colonists,  1670,  109, 
114. 

Locke,  John,  232;  appointed  a  land 
grave,  327. 

Logan,  Col.  George,  350;  votes  for, 
271  n. 

Long,  Capt.  Anthony,  53;  sent  to  ex 
plore  coast  of  Carolina,  33;  reward 
for  discoveries,  57. 

Lord,  Rev.  Joseph,  191;  ordained 
minister  of  emigrating  church  from 
Dorchester,  Mass.,  196  n. 

Ludwell,  Col.  Philip,  succeeds  Gov. 
Sothell,  280. 

Mackoone,  Robert,  commission  from 
Gov.  Moore  to  destroy  Indians,  342. 

Maharineck,  see  Meherrin. 

Mallicans,  321. 

Marrow  of  History,  by  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh,  7. 

Marston,  Rev.  Edward,  opposes  action 
against  the  Dissenters,  262,  262  n.; 
censure  of,  351;  persecution,  352. 

Martin,  John,  extortions  from,  275. 

Mathews,  Maurice,  narrative  of  the 
Three  Brothers,  112;  biographical 
sketch,  114  n.;  anchors  at  St. 
Katherina,  114;  treatment  by  the 
Indians,  114-116;  appointed  on 
commission  to  decide  differences 
between  the  English  and  the  Ind 
ians,  329;  complaints  against,  331. 

May  River,  see  Savannah  River. 

Meherrin,  Eland's  journey  to,  10-11; 
Indians  entertain  explorers,  11; 
explorers  return  to,  18. 

Meherrin  Indians,  10,  10  n.,  11,  12. 

Meherrin  River,  description  of,  12. 

Mene"ndez,  Pedro,  320  n. 

Methodus  Plantarum  Nova,  by  John 
Ray,  184  n. 

Midway  Congregational  Church,  His 
tory  of  the.  by  Reverend  James 
Stacy,  193. 


Militia  Act,  295;   non-settlement,  334. 

Modyford,  Col.,  34;  presents  set  of  pro 
posals  for  encouragement  of  settlers 
in  Carolina,  35. 

Monck,  George,  see  Albemarle,  George, 
Duke  of. 

Mooney,  James,  The  Siouan  Tribes 
of  the  East,  218  n. 

Moore,  Gov.  (Col.)  James,  207,  207  n., 
256,  350;  succeeds  Gov.  Joseph  Blake 
and  defeats  Joseph  Morton,  221,  267, 

269,  280,  303,  339;  marriage,  267;  op 
position  of  enemies,  268;   introduces 
bill    regulating    Indian   trade,    270, 
270   n.,    340;     dissolves   Assembly, 

270,  270  n.,  341,  341  n.;    election 
abuses  under,  271,  271  n.,  272  n.; 
expedition    against    St.    Augustine, 
272-273,  341,  342-343;    riots  under 
governorship  of,  273-274,  345-347; 
complaints   against,    275-276,    345; 
opposes  Morton,  338-339;    new  As 
sembly    called,    340;     commissions 
given  for  destruction  of  the  Indians, 
342;      misrepresentation     of,     344, 
344  n. 

Morgan  River,  101  n. 

Morris  Island,  122  n. 

Morton,  Gov.  Joseph,  196,  196  n.,  349; 
loses  slaves,  205;  attacked  by  Span 
iards,  205;  appointed  governor,  329, 
329  n.;  opposition  to  as  governor, 
267,  269,  338-339;  acts  passed,  332; 
protests  against  validity  of  objec 
tions  to  his  election,  339,  339  n. 

Mount-Bonny,  Hilton's  treaty  of  peace 
with  the  Indians,  51. 

Narvaez,  Panfilo  de,  sent  by  Charles  V. 
to  Florida,  318. 

Nary,  Nicholas,  345. 

New  Brittaine,  discovery,  5-6;  journal 
relative  to  discovery,  8-19;  named, 
16. 

New  England,  colonists  from,  191-200, 
299;  Indian  massacres  in,  321. 

New  London,  196,  196  n.,  291  n.; 
description  of,  367. 

Newcomb's  Forest,  named,  11. 

Newe,  Thomas,  biographical  sketch, 
179-180;  letters  to  father  relative 
to  conditions  in  Carolina,  181-187; 
arrival  at  Charles  Town,  181;  con 
ditions  in  the  town,  181;  prospects 


384 


INDEX 


for  trade,  181-182,  184;  war  with 
the  Indians,  182;  furs  and  skins  ex 
changed  by  the  Indians  for  arms 
and  ammunition,  183;  exports  to 
Barbados,  184;  writes  home  for 
book  on  plants,  184;  wants  to  know 
the  price  of  sassafras  in  England, 
185;  capture  of  Spanish  by  the 
French  and  English,  185;  an  Indian 
reports  the  plan  of  an  attack  by  the 
Spanish,  185-186. 

Newxes,  27. 

Noble,  Henry,  256. 

Norman,  William,  grant  of  land,  192. 

North  Carolina,  8-19,  25-29,  360; 
condition  of  the  church  in,  215,  216; 
Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina, 
77  n.,  140  n.,  213,  230  n.;  see  also 
Carolina,  Province  of. 

Norton,  John,  179. 

Norvill,  Thomas,  58. 

Nottaway  Creek,  8. 

Nottaway  Kings,  9. 

Nottaway  town,  8. 

Occasional  bills,  225,  225  n.;  see  also 
Church  Act. 

Occonacheans,  16. 

Occonnosquay,  17. 

Oconee  River,  134  n. 

Ogilby,  John,  America,  139,  139  n. 

Old  South  Leaflets,  203  n. 

Oldmixon,  John,  The  History  of  the 
British  Empire  in  America,  315; 
criticism  on  work  of,  315-316;  ex 
tracts  from,  317-373. 

Oniseecau,  see  Bull's  Island. 

Opechancanough,  11;  makes  war  on 
the  Tuscaroras,  13;  treachery  tow 
ard  Blandina  River  Indians,  16. 

Original  Lists  of  Persons  .  .  .  who 
went  from  Great  Britain  to  the  Ameri 
can  Plantations,  1600-1700,  by  J.  C. 
Hotten,  23  n. 

Oyeocker,  invites  Eland's  party  to 
his  home,  9;  acts  as  guide,  9,  13, 
14,  15,  16,  19. 

Paice,  Joseph,  354. 

Parris  Island,  named,  41  n.;  location, 

41  n.,  101. 

Pawhatan,  see  Powhatan. 
Pemlico  Indians,  286. 
William.  305. 


Penna  Mount  River,  description  of 
land  around,  9. 

Pennant,  Capt.  Elias,  3,  5,  8,  19. 

Pennant's  Bay,  naming  of,  15. 

Periaguas,  342,  342  n. 

Perry,  Micaiah,  354. 

Petersburg,  Virginia,  8  n. 

Pierpont,  Rev.  Benjamin,  death  in 
Charles  Town,  199,  199  n. 

Pilot's  Creek,  101  n. 

Pinckney,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  (Lucas), 
143  n. 

Ponce  de  Leon,  Juan,  165  n.;  dis 
coveries,  317;  names  Florida,  317. 

Port  Royal,  named,  37  n.,  319;  de 
scription  of,  43,  44-45,  292,  368; 
Sandford's  search  for,  94-98;  arrival 
at  the  mouth  of,  98;  explorations, 
98-101;  location,  98-100;  Sandford 
proposes  to  leave,  104;  expedition 
sent  to  make  settlement  about,  111; 
attacked  by  Spaniards,  205;  see 
also  St.  Ellen's. 

Port  Royal,  ship,  111. 

Porto  Rico,  Island  of,  Ponce  de  Leon 
sails  from,  317. 

Powhatan,  King  of,  strangles  King  of 
Chawan,  14. 

Pratt,  Elder  William,  sent  to  South 
Carolina  from  church  in  Dorchester, 

191,  192;    journal  of  voyages,  191- 

192,  194-200;    biographical  sketch, 
192-193;     sails   from   Boston,    194, 
198;   coast  of  Carolina  sighted,  195; 
reception  by  the  people  of  Carolina, 
195;    interviews  people  in  regard  to 
founding  church,  195-196;    goes  to 
Charles  Town,  196;   criticism  of  the 
people    from    New    England,    197; 
elections    at    Charles    Town,     197; 
drawing  of  lots,  199,  199  n.;   deaths 
from  small-pox,  199-200;   fast  days, 
200. 

Proprietors  of  Carolina,  and  Hilton 
Adventurers,  33,  34,  287,  288;  pub 
lish  Home's  Description,  65;  send 
out  Yeaman's  expedition,  77-78; 
send  settlers  to  Port  Royal,  111; 
letters  to,  109-124;  publish  Ashe's 
pamphlet,  137;  Wilson's,  163;  legal 
position  of,  227-230;  frame  Funda 
mental  Constitutions,  230-232;  con 
duct  of  government  by,  233-236, 
294-296,  322-328;  Representation 


INDEX 


385 


of  Colleton  County  to,  236-247; 
petition  to,  248-249;  letter  of  Mrs. 
Blake  to,  250-252;  sustain  Church 
Act,  257-260,  353-354;  Ashe's  re 
monstrance  to,  269-276;  elections 
by,  279,  280,  326,  328;  conduct  of, 
294-296;  letter  of  Commons  to, 
298-299;  list  of,  307. 

Public  Records,  Deputy-Keeper  of  the, 
Thirty-third  Report  of  the,  230  n. 

Pyancha,  19;  an  Appamattuck  guide 
of  Eland's  party,  8,  9;  makes  a 
sign  in  the  path,  13,  14;  tells  of 
treachery,  16;  advice  of,  18. 

Pyancha 's  Park,  named,  14;  Eland's 
party  quartered  at,  15. 

Quakers,  214,  216,  283. 

Quary,  Robert,  chosen  governor,  333, 

333  n. 
Quit-rents,  296  n. 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  observation  on 
35  degrees  latitude,  7-8;  Marrow  of 
History,  7. 

Randolph,  Edward,  arrival  at  Charles 
Town,  203,  204;  letter  to  the  Board 
of  Trade,  204-210;  administers 
oath  to  Joseph  Blake,  204,  303  n.; 
population  statistics,  204,  204  n., 
205  n.;  attack  on  Gov.  Morton's 
house  by  the  Spaniards,  205;  de 
struction  of  property  by  the  Span 
iards,  205;  English  plan  to  take  St. 
Augustine,  206;  fear  of  French  settle 
ment  on  the  Mississippi,  206; 
Moore's  quest  of  the  Mississippi,  207, 
207  n.;  great  improvements  made 
in  Carolina,  207;  commodities,  207, 
208;  draft  of  town  and  castle  of  St. 
Augustine,  209;  need  of  vessel  for 
transportation  of,  209-210;  suffers 
from  cold,  210. 

Ray,  John,  Methodus  Plantarum  Nova, 
184  n. 

Reese,  Bartholomew,  58. 

Renew,  Peter,  354. 

Rhett,  Col.  William,  291  n.,  345,  350; 
succeeds  Job  Howes  as  Speaker,  359. 

Ribaut,  Jean,  placed  in  command  of 
ships  sent  to  America,  140,  318; 
names  rivers,  318-319;  mutiny  of 
soldiers,  319;  discoveries  in  north 
east  part  of  Florida,  319;  returns 


to  France,  319;  returns  to  Carolina, 

319;  reception  by  the  Indians,  319- 

320;   death,  320. 

Rice,  cultivation  of,  introduced,  69. 
Richmond,  ship,  expedition  to  South 

Carolina,  137. 
Risbee,  Col.    James,  350;    votes    for, 

271  n. 
Rivers,  Professor  William  J.,  A  Sketch 

of   the   History   of   South   Carolina, 

198  n.,  203,  264  n. 
Roanoke    Indians,    13,    14;     present 

child  for  baptism,  28. 
Roanoke  River,  11,  12,  13,  13  n. 
Remain,  Cape,  111,  113,  116. 

Sabin,  Joseph,  4. 

Sainsbury,  W.  Noel,  113. 

St.  Augustine,  209;  rescue  party  sent 
from,  34;  expedition  of  Governor 
Moore  against,  272-273,  303;  letter 
to  Spanish  governor  from  Governor 
Archdale,  300-301;  kindness  of 
governor  to  English  castaways,  301 ; 
Colonel  Daniel  commands  land  divi 
sion  in  the  expedition  against,  342- 
343;  the  English  take  possession, 
343;  result  of  expedition,  344. 

St.  Catherine,  island  of,  112, 114, 114  n. 

St.  Ellen's,  38;  Hilton's  expedition  in 
vited  by  Indians  to  visit,  39,  40; 
Hilton's  dealings  with  the  Indians 
at,  40-42;  see  also  Port  Royal. 

St.  George's  Bay,  206. 

St.  Giles,  128  n.,  130. 

St.  Helen's,  see  St.  Ellen's. 

St.  Helena  Island,  38;  description  of 
the  land,  119. 

St.  Helena  Sound,  38,  38  n.,  39;  loca 
tion,  96. 

St.  Katherina,  relation  of,  by  M.  Math- 
ews,  114-116. 

Salisbury,  Bishop  of,  283. 

Salwege  River,  133  n.,  134  n. 

Samuel,  ship,  181,  182. 

Sandford,  Robert,  promoter  of  the  set 
tlement  at  Charles  Town,  77;  secre 
tary  and  register  of  Clarendon 
County,  77;  starts  out  to  explore 
lower  Carolina  coast,  79;  biograph 
ical  sketch,  80-81;  letter  from,  82-83; 
sails  from  Charles  River,  85;  names 
Berkeley  Bay,  85;  companions  and 
provisions,  85-86;  arrival  at  the 


386 


INDEX 


Edisto  River,  87;  takes  possession 
of  land,  88;  explores  river  and  sur 
rounding  country,  88-89;  enter 
tained  by  Shadoo,  90;  description 
of  Indians  and  their  town,  90-92; 
explores  the  Combahee  River,  92, 
92  n.,  93;  search  for  Port  Royal, 
94-98,  127;  arrival  at  the  mouth  of 
Port  Royal,  98;  explores  Port  Royal 
and  vicinity,  98-101;  Indians  pre 
sent  gifts,  100;  meets  Ens.  Brayne, 
101;  further  explorations,  101-103; 
prepares  to  leave  Port  Royal,  104; 
leaves  Henry  Woodward  among  the 
Indians,  105,  105  n.;  arrival  at 
Charles  Town,  107;  testimonial  from 
companions  relative  to  explorations, 
107-108;  Relation  of  a  Voyage  on  the 
Coast  of  the  Province  of  Carolina, 
75-108. 

Savannah  Indians,  133,  133  n.,  134; 
good  friends  to  the  English,  285. 

Savannah  River,  132,  132  n.;  explora 
tion  of  102,  102  n.,  103;  description 
of  the  country  around,  367. 

Sayle,  William,  appointed  governor  in 
Carolina,  113,  326,  326  n.;  letter  rel 
ative  to  the  expedition  of  the  Car 
olina,  122-124;  purchases  supplies 
from  the  Indians,  122;  ill-will  of 
the  Spaniards,  122;  Capt.  Brayne 
fired  upon,  122;  Indians  sent  out 
to  discover  camp  of  the  Spanish 
Indians,  122;  safe  arrival  of  the  Car 
olina  with  supplies,  123;  the  Caro 
lina  sent  to  Barbados  for  more 
people,  123;  cattle  received  from  Vir 
ginia,  123;  need  of  a  minister,  124. 

Scull  Creek,  102  n. 

Seabrook,  Robert,  350;  chosen  Speak 
er,  358. 

Searle,  Capt.  Robert,  releases  prisoners 
at  St.  Augustine,  127. 

Seewee  Indians,  117  n. 

Seneca  River,  133  n. 

Serurier  Smith,  see  Smith,  James. 

Sewee,  French  landed  at,  299  n. 

Shadoo,  116  n.;  entertains  Sandford's 
party,  90,  93-94. 

Shaftesbury,  first  Earl  of  (Anthony 
Ashley  Cooper),  259  n.,  338;  letters 
patent  granted,  33;  biographical 
sketch,  128  n.;  plantation,  128, 
128  n. 


Shaftesbury,  third  Earl  of  (Anthony 
Ashley  Cooper),  declines  governor 
ship,  296,  296  n.;  Proprietor,  307. 

Short  Discoverie  of  the  Coasts  and  Con 
tinent  of  America,  by  W.  Castell, 
317  n. 

Signiory,  definition  of,  128  n. 

Silver  Bluff,  South  Carolina,  133, 133  n. 

Siouan  Tribes  of  the  East,  by  James 
Mooney,  218  n. 

Slaves,  207,  207  n. 

Smith,frJames,  alias  LeSerurier,  James, 
251,  251  n.,  350;  votes  for,  271  n.; 
character,  351. 

Smith,  John,  attack  on  the  house  of, 
346. 

Smith,  Paul,  169  n. 

Smith,  Gov.  Thomas,  268,  345,  345  n.; 
successor  to  Governor  Colleton,  296, 
296  n.;  letter  of,  335;  resigns  gov 
ernorship,  335. 

Smith,  Landgrave  Thomas,  273,  345, 
345  n.;  votes  for,  271  n. 

Smith,  Maj.  William,  350;  votes  for, 
271  n. 

Society  for  Promoting  Christian 
Knowledge,  215  n. 

Sothell,  Seth,  259  n.;  appointed  gov 
ernor,  279-280;  bought  share  of 
the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  307  n. 

Soto,  Hernando  de,  expedition  to  New 
Spain,  318. 

South  Carolina,  360;  Hilton's  account 
induces  settlers  to  go  to,  35;  explo 
ration  party  under  Hilton,  35-36; 
"Shaftesbury  Papers"  relative  to, 
79;  founding  of  a  church,  195;  ac 
count  of  William  Pratt 's  journey 
from  New  England,  198-199;  mi 
litia,  204,  204  n.;  population,  204, 
204  n.,  205  n.;  commodities,  207- 
208;  aliens,  239  n.;  jealousy  of 
Florida  Spaniards,  221;  plot  of 
Spaniards  to  invade,  222;  plans  for 
a  second  invasion  of  Florida,  222; 
constitution,  225,  227-233;  Defoe's 
criticism  of  the  Proprietors  and 
government,  233-236;  letter  rel 
ative  to  purpose  of  New  Englanders 
to  go  to,  299-300;  Archdale  sent  on 
mission  to,  296,  297;  Birds  of  South 
Carolina,  151  n.;  Collections  of  the 
South  Carolina  Historical  Society, 
35,  77  n.,  80,  81  n.,  Ill  n.,  112  n.. 


INDEX 


387 


113,  114  n.,  116  n.,  120  n.,  124  n., 
127  n.,  128  n.,  129,  134  n.,  137, 
203;  The  Genesis  of  South  Carolina, 
by  Wm.  A.  Courtenay,  35-36,  80; 
Historical  Collections  of  South  Car 
olina,  by  B.  R.  Carroll,  87  n.,  163, 
281,  316;  History  of  South  Carolina 
under  the  Proprietary  Government, 
by  McCrady,  111  n.,  200  n.,  221  n., 

262  n.,  291  n.;  Journal  of  the  Grand 
Council  of  South  Carolina,  184  n.; 
A   Sketch   of  the  History  of  South 
Carolina,  by  Rivers,  38  n.,  203,  207 
n.,  264  n.;  South  Carolina  Historical 
and  Genealogical  Magazine,   78  n., 
116  n.,  128  n.,  192  n.,  193,  196  n., 
199  n.,  200  n.,  291  n.,  367  n.;  War 
rants  for  Lands  in  South  Carolina, 
116  n.;  see  also  Carolina,  Province  of. 

Sowee,  118,  119. 

Spaniards,  plot  to  invade  South  Caro 
lina,  222;  see  also  St.  Augustine. 

Spanish  rusk,  42. 

Spanish  settlement  in  America,  origin 
of,  287. 

Spanish  war,  303;  see  also  St.  Augus 
tine. 

Speights  Bay,  expedition  sails  from,(33. 

Spikes  Bay,  see  Speights  Bay. 

Stacy,  Rev.  James,  History  of  the  Mid 
way  Congregational  Church,  Liberty 
County,  Georgia,  193. 

Stanard,  W.  G.,  Virginia  Colonial 
Register,  23  n. 

Stanhope,  George,  dean  of  Canterbury, 

263  n. 

Stannaries,  Court  of,  339,  339  n. 

Stanyarne,  Capt.  Edward,  84,  84  n.; 
death  of,  79,  85;  Sandford  assumes 
charge  of  vessel  of,  79,  85. 

Stephens,  Robert,  270,  270  n.,  340. 

Stono  Indians,  40,  40  n. 

Stono  River,  40  n.,  122,  122  n. 

Stroude,  John,  350. 

Sugar  cane,  15. 

Sullivan's  Island,  198,  198  n. 

Sumner,  Increase,  191. 

Tavernier,  J.  B.,  145  n. 

Thomas,  Rev.  Samuel,  sent  as  minis 
ter  to  the  Yemassee  Indians,  311  n.; 
sent  as  a  missionary  to  Charles 
Town,  365,  366. 

Thompson,  George.  58. 


Thornburgh,  William,  338. 

Thorpe,  F.  N.,  Federal  and  State  Con- 
stitutions,  230  n. 

Three  Brothers,  ship,  111;  reaches  Car 
olina,  112. 

Thurloe,  John,  State  Papers  of,  24. 

Trott,  Nicholas,  member  of  the  As 
sembly,  256,  270,  271,  n.,  308  n.,  340, 
342,  350. 

Trott,  Nicholas,  of  London,  Proprietor, 
307,  308  n.;  governor  of  New  Prov 
idence,  342  n. 

Tugaloo  River,  133  n. 

Tuscarora  Indians,  9  n.;  meet  Eland's 
party,  11-12;  desire  to  trade  with 
Bland,  12;  Appachancano  makes  war 
on,  13;  courtesy  to  Yeardley's  com 
pany,  27-28;  visit  at  Yeardley's 
house,  28. 

Valentyn,  Simon,  275,  275  n. 

Vasquez  de  Ayllon,  Lucas,  sent  to 
Florida,  318;  imprisonment  of  na 
tives,  318. 

Virginia,  benefits  to  be  obtained  from 
settlement  in,  6;  massacre  of  the 
English  by  the  Indians,  321;  Vir 
ginia  Colonial  Register,  by  W.  G. 
Stanard,  23  n. 

Walker,  Gov.  Henderson,  216  n. 

Wardell,  Edward,  301,  336. 

Waring,  Maj.  Benjamin,  votes  for, 
271  n. 

Wattcoosa  Indians,  52. 

Wayne,  A.  T.,  Birds  of  South  Carolina, 
151  n. 

Webb,  Col.  Nicholas,  governor  of  the 
Bahama  Islands,  209  n. 

Werowance,  11,  12,  16,  17,  18. 

West,  Joseph,  commander  of  expedi 
tion  to  settle  around  Port  Royal, 
111;  fleet  wrecked  on  the  Bahama 
Islands,  111;  narrative  of  events  at 
Albemarle  Point,  112;  commission 
for  a  governor  in  Carolina,  113;  bi 
ographical  sketch  of,  120  n.;  letter 
of,  120-121;  letters  sent  demanding 
men  detained  by  the  Spaniards,  120; 
treachery  of  the  Spanish,  121;  boat 
sent  to  the  Bermudas  for  provisions, 
121;  appointed  governor,  328,  328 
n.,  332;  character,  328;  holds  a 
Parliament  in  Charles  Town,  329. 


388 


INDEX 


Westo  Indians,  128,  130,  285,  367; 
troublesome  to  the  colony,  329. 

Westo  town,  description  of,  by  Dr.  H. 
Woodward,  132,  132  n.,  133. 

Weymouth,  Viscount,  bounty,  214, 
214  n. 

Wigginton,  Henry,  358;  votes  for, 
271  n. 

Wilkinson,  Matthew,  73. 

Willtown,  see  New  London. 

Wilson,  Samuel,  Account  of  the  Prov 
ince  of  Carolina,  139  n.,  164-176; 
location  of  Carolina,  165;  patents 
granted,  165-166;  powers  of  the  Pro 
prietors,  166;  settlement  at  Albe- 
marle,  166;  Ashley  River  settlement, 
166-167;  description  of  Charles 
Town,  167,  167  n.;  climate,  168- 
169;  description  of  soil,  trees,  cattle, 
etc.,  in  Carolina,  170-172;  considera 
tion  for  the  Indians,  172-173;  grants 
of  land  allowed  to  each  settler,  173- 
174;  list  of  productions,  174-176. 

Wilton,  see  New  London. 

Wood,  Capt.  Abraham,  3,  5,  8,  19. 

Woodford  Indians,  18. 

Woodford  River,  see  Meherrin  River. 

Wood's  Journey,  naming  of,  15. 

Woodward,  Dr.  Henry,  90;  left  with 
the  Indians  by  Sandford,  105, 105  n.; 
A  Faithful  Relation  of  My  Westoe 
Voiage,  1674,  125-129;  work  among 
the  Indians,  125-129,  183;  travels 
toward  the  Ashley  River,  130; 
crosses  the  Edisto,  131;  description 
of  the  land,  131;  passes  the  head 
of  the  Port  Royal  River,  131;  re 
ception  by  the  Indians  at  Westo, 
132;  curiosity  of  the  Indians,  132; 
gifts  received,  132;  style  of  Indian 
houses,  132-133;  description  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Westo  and  the  sur 


rounding  country,  132-133;  arrival 
of  the  Savannah  Indians,  133-134; 
plantation  at  the  head  of  Ashley 
River  reached,  134. 

Woory,  Joseph,  85;  testimonial  rela 
tive  to  Sandford's  explorations,  108. 

Woory  Bay,  formation  of,  98-99. 

Yeamans,  Sir  John,  biographical  sketch, 
77,  78  n.;  appointed  governor  of 
Carolina,  77,  328;  promoter  of  the 
Charles  Town  settlement,  77;  knight 
ed  for  activities  in  Carolina,  78, 78  n. ; 
organizes  an  expedition  to  ex 
plore  coast,  78,  83;  wrecking  of  ex 
ploring  party,  78;  settlers  at  Charles 
River  in  needy  condition,  78;  au 
thority  to  plant  colonies,  83;  depart- 
ture  from  Barbados,  83;  wreck  of 
vessel  at  entrance  to  Charles  River, 
83;  lends  vessel  to  aid  colonists  on 
the  Charles  River,  84;  appointed 
landgrave,  327. 

Yeamans,  Margaret  Foster,  marriage 
to  Gov.  James  Moore,  267. 

Yeamans  Harbor,  situation,  96,  97; 
entrance,  97-98. 

Yeardley,  Francis,  biographical  sketch, 
23;  letter  narrating  excursions  into 
Carolina,  25-29;  description  of  the 
country,  25;  Indian  desires  to  have 
his  child  educated,  26;  wife  protects 
Indian,  26;  sends  material  to  build 
house  for  Roanoke  chief,  26-27; 
courteously  received  by  Tuscaroras, 
27-28;  meeting  of  Indians  at  house 
of,  28;  Indian  child  baptized,  28; 
turf  with  arrow  presented  to,  28,  29. 

Yemassee  Indians,  300,  372;  Rev. 
Samuel  Thomas  sent  as  minister  to 
the,  311  n.;  seize  other  Indians  as 
prisoners,  335. 


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